(2006) in 2005, Poland's Outgoing Government Was Soundly Defeated

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

(2006) in 2005, Poland's Outgoing Government Was Soundly Defeated Page 1 of 4 Print Freedom in the World - Poland (2006) Overview Political Rights: 1 Civil Liberties: In 2005, Poland's outgoing government was soundly 1 defeated in elections, and the Law and Justice (PiS) party Status: won both the parliamentary and presidential elections. Free Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz became prime minister, and Lech Population: Kaczynski was elected president. 38,200,000 GNI/Capita: From the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries, Poland and $5,280 Lithuania maintained a powerful state that Prussia, Austria, and Life Expectancy: Russia destroyed in three successive partitions. Poland enjoyed a 75 window of independence from 1918 to 1939 but was invaded by Religious Groups: Roman Catholic Germany and the Soviet Union during World War II and forced (89.8 percent) into the Communist sphere at the end of the war. Polish citizens Eastern Orthodox (1.3 percent), endured decades of Soviet rule until 1989, the year Lech Walesa Protestant (0.3 and the Solidarity trade union movement forced the government percent), other (8.6 percent) to accept democratic reforms. Ethnic Groups: Polish (96.7 Fundamental democratic and free market-oriented reforms were percent), German introduced during the 1989-1991 period. Later changes were (0.4 percent), stimulated by a need to adjust the Polish legal system to Capital: Warsaw European Union (EU) requirements. Political parties with a background in the Solidarity movement were in power from 1989 to 1993 (several coalitions) and from 1997 to 2001 (Solidarity Election Action, or AWS). In 1995, former Communist Alexander Kwasniewski replaced Solidarity's Walesa, the previous president, and was subsequently reelected by a large margin of votes in 2000. In September 2001, voters handed the government of Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek a decisive defeat in parliamentary elections. Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) leader Leszek Miller became the new prime minister. In elections for the Sejm (lower house of parliament), a coalition of the center-left SLD and the Union of Labor (UP) took 216 seats out of 460 but failed to win a majority. The two parties formed a government with the leftist Polish Peasant Party (PSL), which had won 42 seats. Civic Platform (PO), a new centrist party, finished second with 65 seats. The following parties divided the remaining seats: the leftist-popular, agrarian Self- Defense Party (Samoobrona), 53 seats; the center-right PiS, 44; the right-wing League of Polish Families (LPR), 38; and the German minority, 2. The Solidarity movement, now a looser coalition known as the "Coalition Electoral Action Solidarity of the Right," and the Freedom Union (UW) failed to secure a single seat. On May 1, 2004, Poland joined the EU, along with nine other, mostly post-Com- munist countries. In subsequent negotiations over a new draft constitution for the EU, Poland fought unsuccessfully for the disproportionate voting clout it was given in the Treaty of Nice. Poland was therefore skeptical of the constitution and may have defeated it in a referendum, but France and the Netherlands did so first, in Page 2 of 4 May and June 2005, effectively killing the constitution. In March 2004, Miller announced that he would resign as prime minister, effective in May. His SLD-led government's popularity suffered from the effects of a weak economy, high unemployment, and high budget deficits, and was also dogged by allegations of corruption. The final blow was the defection of a group of SLD members of parliament, who announced their intention to form a new party, the Social Democratic Party of Poland. Miller was replaced by the SLD's Marek Belka, who served as a caretaker until elections in 2005. The SLD's weakness was confirmed by a particularly sound drubbing in the European Parliament elections in June 2004. In the September 2005 legislative elections, PiS won a stunning victory by increasing its seat total from 44 to 152, while the SLD fell from 216 seats to just 56. The second-best-performing party was the PO, winning 133 seats. PiS is led by twin brothers, Lech and Jaroslaw Kaczynski. Jaroslaw was originally expected to be the party's choice for prime minister, but when it appeared that Lech might win the presidency- and that Poles might be skeptical of having twin brothers in the country's two most powerful jobs-Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz became prime minister- designate instead. In October's presidential election, Lech Kaczynski won a surprise victory over the PO's Donald Tusk, with 54 percent of the vote. Shortly afterward, after failing to reach a coalition accord with the PO, PiS formed a minority government under Marcinkiewicz, with the support of some of the smaller right-wing parties. Over the past several years, Poland has sought to carve out a twenty-first century leadership position for itself in Europe. This attempt is most clearly demonstrated by the prominent role of Polish troops in the stabilization of Iraq following the ouster of Saddam Hussein's regime by U.S.-led forces. However, in November 2005, Poland was the subject of unwelcome attention when it was accused by Human Rights Watch of cooperating with the American CIA in running a secret prison for detainees in the war on terrorism. Human Rights Watch's accusations were based on the flight records of a plane believed to be used by the CIA to transport prisoners. Poland has denied hosting any such "black site." Political Rights and Civil Liberties Citizens of Poland can change their government democratically. Voters elect the president and members of the bicameral parliament, which consists of the Sejm and the Senate. The president's appointment of the prime minister is subject to confirmation by the Sejm, whose 460 members serve a four-year term. The prime minister is chiefly responsible for most government policy, but the president has an important role, especially in foreign policy. The 100-member Senate, also elected for a four-year term, can delay legislation but has few other powers. The political party system is fragmented. For years, the largest and most coherent groups were the AWS and SLD; however, the former has disappeared from parliament, and the latter was reduced to a fraction of its former power in the 2005 election. PiS and the PO have become the two most important parties, while parties such as Samoobrona and the LPR are small but vocal. In 2003, the SLD-led government faced allegations that party figures were linked Page 3 of 4 to organized crime and corruption. The "Rywin affair," which involves allegations that film producer Lew Rywin sought a bribe from a major newspaper publisher in return for using his political connections to influence the shape of the draft media law, helped bring down Prime Minister Leszek Miller in 2004. New allegations of corruption surfaced in 2004 involving an alleged bribe by a Russian oil company to a Polish government minister for the sale of a Polish refinery to the Russian company. Poland's membership in the EU required it to meet the EU's "Copenhagen criteria," including "stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities." In its final report on Poland's progress, issued in 2003, the EU Commission said, "Poland has reached a high level of alignment with the acquis [the body of EU laws] in most policy areas." The report did criticize slow progress on corruption, however. Poland was ranked 70 out of 159 countries surveyed in Transparency International's 2005 Corruption Perceptions Index. The 1997 constitution guarantees freedom of expression and forbids censorship. However, the country's libel law treats slander as a criminal offense, and journalists oppose the growing number of related lawsuits. Infringements on media freedom include gag orders and arbitrary judicial decisions concerning investigations of individuals affiliated with parties in power. The law requires the media to maintain "respect for Christian values." Internet access is unrestricted. The state respects freedom of religion and does not require religious groups to register. However, registered religious groups enjoy a reduced tax burden. In 2003, the Roman Catholic Church for the first time met with serious accusations of sexual impropriety by clerics. The Church responded with investigations and dismissals, including that of a bishop. Academic freedom is generally respected, though a law on the books threatens anyone who "publicly insults or humiliates a constitutional institution" with a fine or up to two years' imprisonment. Polish citizens can petition the government, assemble freely, organize professional and other associations, and engage in collective bargaining. Public demonstrations require permits from local authorities. Civil society in Poland was seen as hastening the downfall of the Communist regime and remains active. Since the 1980s, when shipyard workers in Gdansk launched a national strike and formed the Solidarity labor union, Poland has had a robust labor movement. Although Solidarity's political strength has waned in recent years, labor groups remain active and influential. Poland has an independent judiciary, but courts are notorious for delays in administering cases. In 1989, the country began a reform process that has sought to increase the efficiency and professionalism of the judiciary. In its 2002 accession report, the European Commission acknowledged "steady progress" and "improved efficiency" in this process, but it noted that Poland should continue efforts to increase public access to justice, address public perceptions of corruption within the judiciary, and improve the treatment of detainees by the police. State prosecutors have proceeded slowly on investigations into graft and corruption, contributing to concerns that they are subject to considerable political pressure. Page 4 of 4 Prison conditions are fairly poor by European standards. Ethnic minorities generally enjoy generous protections and rights provided under Polish law, including funding for bilingual education and publications and privileged representation in parliament; they are not subject to a minimum vote threshold of 5 percent to achieve representation.
Recommended publications
  • Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
    Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland | Freedom House
    Poland | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/poland About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Poland Poland Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 Parliamentary elections in October 2011 yielded an unprecedented SCORES second term for Prime Minister Donald Tusk of the center-right Civic Platform party. The Palikot Movement, an outspoken liberal party STATUS founded in 2010, won a surprising 10 percent of the popular vote, bringing homosexual and transgender candidates into the lower house of Free parliament for the first time. FREEDOM RATING After being dismantled by neighboring empires in a series of 18th-century 1.0 partitions, Poland enjoyed a window of independence from 1918 to 1939, only CIVIL LIBERTIES to be invaded by Germany and the Soviet Union at the opening of World War II. The country then endured decades of exploitation as a Soviet satellite state 1 until the Solidarity trade union movement forced the government to accept democratic elections in 1989. POLITICAL RIGHTS Fundamental democratic and free-market reforms were introduced between 1989 and 1991, and additional changes came as Poland prepared its bid for 1 European Union (EU) membership. In the 1990s, power shifted between political parties rooted in the Solidarity movement and those with communist origins. Former communist party member Alexander Kwaśniewski of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) replaced Solidarity’s Lech Wałęsa as president in 1995 and was reelected by a large margin in 2000. A government led by the SLD oversaw Poland’s final reforms ahead of EU accession, which took place in 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • Być Premierem
    Być premierem Materiał składa się z sekcji: "Premierzy III RP", "Tadeusz Mazowiecki", "Premierzy II Rzeczpospolitej". Materiał zawiera: - 19 ilustracji (fotografii, obrazów, rysunków), 3 ćwiczenia; - wirtualny spacer po kancelarii Prezesa Rady Ministrów wraz z opisem jej historii; - opis informacji i opinii o Tadeuszu Mazowieckim wraz ćwiczeniem do wykonania na ich podstawie; - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono premiera Tadeusza Mazowieckiego w 1989 r.; - galerię zdjęć premierów III RP (Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, Jan Olszewski, Waldemar Pawlak, Hanna Suchocka, Józef Oleksy, Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz, Jerzy Buzek, Leszek Miller, Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński, Donald Tusk, Ewa Kopacz, Beata Szydło); - opis działalności politycznej premierów II RP (Wincenty Witos, Walery Sławek, Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski); - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono Wincentego Witosa przemawiającego do tłumu; - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono Walerego Sławka; - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono Felicjana Sławoj Składkowskiego przemawiającego do urzędników Prezydium Rady Ministrów; - ćwiczenie, które polega na poszukaniu i przedstawieniu różnych ciekawostek o życiu znanych polityków z okresu II i III Rzeczypospolitej; - propozycje pytań do dyskusji na tematy polityczne; - ćwiczenie, które polega na opracowaniu galerii premierów II RP. Być premierem Kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów Laleczki, licencja: CC BY-SA 4.0 Zobacz, jak wygląda kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów, miejsce pracy premiera. Źródło: PANORAMIX, licencja: CC BY 3.0. Premierzy III RP Sprawowanie urzędu premiera to wielki zaszczyt, ale i ogromna odpowiedzialność. Prezes Rady Ministrów jest zgodnie z Konstytucją RP dopiero czwartą osobą w państwie (po prezydencie, marszałakch Sejmu i Senatu), ale w praktyce skupia w swoich rękach niemal całą władzę wykonawczą. Od decyzji, które podejmuje szef rządu, zależy jakość życia wielu milionów ludzi. Znane są dzieje narodów, które pod mądrym przewodnictwem rozkwitały, a pod złym popadały w biedę i chaos.
    [Show full text]
  • Studia Politica 32014
    www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
    — SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
    The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom­ ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec­ tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi­ larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec­ toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125).
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
    Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi­ tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par­ ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions.
    [Show full text]
  • Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi
    OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Equality, Freedom, and Democracy Europe After the Great Recession By LEONARDO MORLINO with DANIELA PIANA MARIO QUARANTA FRANCESCO RANIOLO CECILIA EMMA SOTTILOTTA CLAUDIUS WAGEMANN 1 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi 1 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Leonardo Morlino 2020. Some rights reserved. © Chapter 2 © Leonardo Morlino, Claudius Wagemann, and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 3 © Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 2020. Chapter 4 © Leonardo Morlino, Mario Quaranta, and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 5 © Leonardo Morlino and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 6 © Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 2020. Chapter 7 © Leonardo Morlino, Daniela Piana, and Cecilia Sottilotta 2020. The moral rights of the authors have been asserted First Edition published in 2020 Impression: 1 Some rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, for commercial purposes, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. This is an open access publication, available online and distributed under the terms of a Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial – No Derivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), a copy of which is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/.
    [Show full text]
  • Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej
    CENTRUM BADANIA OPINII SPOŁECZNEJ SEKRETARIAT 629 - 35 - 69, 628 - 37 - 04 UL. ŻURAWIA 4A, SKR. PT.24 OŚRODEK INFORMACJI 693 - 46 - 92, 625 - 76 - 23 00 - 503 W A R S Z A W A TELEFAX 629 - 40 - 89 INTERNET http://www.cbos.pl E-mail: [email protected] BS/48/2009 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W MARCU KOMUNIKAT Z BADAŃ WARSZAWA, MARZEC 2009 PRZEDRUK I ROZPOWSZECHNIANIE MATERIAŁÓW CBOS W CAŁOŚCI LUB W CZĘŚCI ORAZ WYKORZYSTANIE DANYCH EMPIRYCZNYCH JEST DOZWOLONE WYŁĄCZNIE Z PODANIEM ŹRÓDŁA W marcu1 politykiem cieszącym się wśród Polaków największym zaufaniem jest minister spraw zagranicznych Radosław Sikorski (61%), który minimalnie wyprzedza w tym rankingu premiera Donalda Tuska (59%) oraz Lecha Wałęsę (58%). Zaufaniem nieco ponad połowy Polaków cieszy się marszałek Sejmu Bronisław Komorowski (52%), niewiele mniej osób ufa wicepremierowi i ministrowi gospodarki Waldemarowi Pawlakowi (50%). Na zbliżonym poziomie kształtuje się też zaufanie do Włodzimierza Cimoszewicza (48%), którego nazwisko ponownie umieściliśmy na naszej liście w związku ze zgłoszeniem jego kandydatury na stanowisko sekretarza generalnego Rady Europy. Kolejne miejsca w rankingu zaufania do polityków, jednak już z wyraźnie słabszym wynikiem, zajmują liderzy ugrupowań lewicowych Marek Borowski (40%) oraz Wojciech Olejniczak (37%). Poza czołówką najpopularniejszych polityków znalazł się w tym miesiącu Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, do którego zaufanie deklaruje obecnie co trzeci ankietowany (33%). Niemal tyle samo sympatyków mają prezydent Lech Kaczyński (32% deklaracji zaufania), minister zdrowia Ewa Kopacz (32%) oraz szef MON Bogdan Klich (31%). Zaufaniem niespełna jednej trzeciej badanych cieszą się: przewodniczący klubu parlamentarnego PO Zbigniew Chlebowski (29%), Janusz Palikot (29%), a także wicepremier i szef MSWiA Grzegorz Schetyna (28%). Co czwarty respondent deklaruje zaufanie do marszałka Senatu Bogdana Borusewicza (26%) oraz do lidera głównej partii opozycyjnej Jarosława Kaczyńskiego (25%).
    [Show full text]
  • Young People, Precarious Employment and Nationalism in Poland: Exploring the (Missing) Links
    European Review, Vol. 29, No. 4, 470–483 © 2020 Academia Europaea. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S1062798720000514 Young People, Precarious Employment and Nationalism in Poland: Exploring the (Missing) Links ADAM MROZOWICKI & JUSTYNA KAJTA Institute of Sociology, University of Wrocław, ul. Koszarowa 3, 51-149 Wrocław, Poland. Email: [email protected] This article explores the relevance of economic and cultural (identity-based) factors in the emergence of nationalist sentiments among young people in Poland. It discusses the changing labour market situation of young workers, involving their precarisation and critically reviews existing accounts of new nationalism in Poland. In the body of the article, based on the analysis of biographical narrative interviews with young nationalist activists and right-wing supporters, the subjective justifications of their far-right views are analysed. It is concluded that the central motives for supporting the agenda of the nationalist movement by our informants are not directly connected with their economic situation, but related to their search for solid, clear and unambiguous foundations of social order and their biographical identities. Introduction Over the last few years, it has been observed that there is a growing presence and increasing activity of nationalist organisations and political parties in Poland. Even though it is hard to estimate the membership of radical nationalist organisations due to the lack of reliable statistics, the rapidly increasing number of participants in the Independence Day Marches – from around 10,000 people in 2010 to 60,000 in 2017 and 250,000 in 2018, when it was supported by the government, clearly indi- cates their potential for attracting new supporters.
    [Show full text]