548 MARDJ AL-SUFFAR — MARDJAC-I TAKLID

October 1389, and went on to lay siege to . topography. G. Le Strange, Palestine, 482, 503, The amirs of the main towns of the north of 504; H. Sauvaire, Description de Damas, inJA (1894- banded together and came to the help of the city, but 6), ii, 402, iii, 469 n. 139, n. 140, viii, 285, 307 n. on the way, some of them decided to go over to 83, xi, 249, 251, 283 n. 59 bis, C, 477 n. 8, O.T. Barkuk. When, at the beginning of Muharram 409 n. 20; R. Dussaud, Topographic historique de la 792/end of December 1389 a warning was given of the Syrie, Paris 1927, 218, 306, 317-22, 334, 340, map approach of Timurbugha Mintash, Barkuk left II; A. Musil, Palmyrena, New York 1928, 71 n. 17, Damascus after a violent battle at Bab al-Djabiya, 100; R. Thoumin, La geographic humaine de la Syrie within the eastern area of the city. He fell back centrale, Tours 1936, 56, 232; N. Elisseeff, Descrip- towards the Mardj al-Suffar, passed through Kiswa, tion de Damas d'Ibn cAsdkir, Damascus 1959, 97 n. 5; and went on to camp at Shakhab. According to Ibn E. Wirth, Syrian, Darmstadt, 1971, 403-5; G. Sasra, the two armies confronted one another on 17 Cornu, Atlas du monde arabo-islamique, Leiden 1983, Muharram/5 January 1390. In this critical situation, 12, map I.—History. Ibn Sasra, ed. W.M. Brin- Barkuk was looking for cover when he suddenly came ner, A chronicle of Damascus 1389-1397, Los Angeles face to face with the sultan al-Mansur HadjdjT, the 1963, 25 (37) b. 26 (38) a, 49 (15) b, 51 a, 51 b, 55 caliph of Cairo al-Mutawakkil I, and the great kadis b, 95 a; N. Elisseeff, Nur ad-Din, Damascus 1967, who, since they had only a feeble escort, quickly 264, 308, map: 5 - c; R. Grousset, Hist, des surrendered. Hence at that point, the situation was Croisades, Paris 1934-6, i, 275, 637-44, 663, iii, 203; reversed. Mintash tried three times to release HadjdjT R. S. Humphreys, From to the Mongols, New and his companions but without success, since a York 1977, 111-13, 157, 159, 160, 176, 243; H. violent storm of hail and rain forced the adversaries to Lammens, L'avenement des Marwanides et le calif at de abandon their conflict. Though the number of dead Marwdn, in MFOB, xii/1 (1927), 39-40, 42, 61-3; on both sides was less than 50, it was nevertheless a R. Le Tourneau, Damas de 1075 a 1154, Damascus battle important for history. While Mintash sought 1952, 10 and n. 3, 35, 123-5, 165-7, 184-7, 213; refuge in Damascus, Barkuk went back to Cairo with Ch. Oman, A history of the art of war in the Middle the caliph and the amirs who had joined his cause, and Ages, London 1924, i, 302-4; J. Prawer, Royaume was restored to the office of sultan in Safar Latin de Jerusalem, Paris 1969, i, 293, 309; J. 792/February 1390, whilst al-Mansur (al-Muzaffar) Sauvaget, Caravanserails syriens du Moyen Age, in Ars HadjdjI disappeared without any more trouble. Islamica, vii (1940), 1-19; K. M. Setton, History of One may note that during the 8th/14th century, the Crusades, Philadelphia 1955-62, i, 401-3, 426, khans [q.v.] were built in the Mardj al-Suffar, a sign of 430, ii, 390, 398, 775; C. Thubron, Mirror to a certain prosperity in the district. One khan was built Damascus, London 1967, 201. (N. ELISSEEFF) to the north-west of the Ladja0 at Shakhab in MARDJAC-I TAKLID (pi. marddji^-i taklid, Pers. 716/1316-17 by the amir Tankiz b. cAbd Allah al- for Ar. mardiac/marddiic al-taklid), title and function of NasirT, the viceroy of Damascus. In 725/1325 another a hierarchal nature denoting a Twelver was built between Kiswa and Ghabaghib in the nahiya ShTcT jurisconsult (mudjtahid, fakih) who is to be of al-Katf al-Busri (?) in the Mardj al-Suffar, at the considered during his lifetime, by virtue of his expense of al-Amir al-Kabir clzz al-Dm Khattab b. qualities and his wisdom, a model for reference, Mahmud b. Murtacish (?) al-clrakl al-Ghazakl, and it for "imitation" or "emulation"—a term employed to attracted many travellers. The Khan Danun, a very an increasing extent by English-speaking authors—by large khan, built 5 km. south of Kiswa on the road to every observant Imam! ShIcT (with the exception of Adhricat, was completed in 778/1376 during the reign mua^tahids) on all aspects of religious practice and law. of sultan al-Ashraf Shacban. One should also mention As in the case of other institutions, the history of this a khan at Ghbaghib, north of Sanamayn, on the function (called mardja^iyyat-i taklid or simply mardja- Pilgrimage route, and another, the Khan al-Zayyat, Hyyat, the term maraja ci- taklid often being abbreviated to the south-west of Kiswa and north-east of Shakhab. as mardja*-, pi. maradji^} is to be understood in the In 1941, during the course of hostilities between the context of the protracted doctrinal development of Free French forces (supported by the British and Imamism. Although the Arab element played and Commonwealth troops) and the Vichy troops, there continues to play an important part in this develop- was a battle on the Mardj al-Suffar, which took place ment, historical circumstances prevalent in Iran since on the very spot where the Byzantines had been forced the establishment of Imami ShIcTsm as the state to yield ground to the Arabs 1300 years before, and religion under the Safawids (907-1135/1501-1722 this later battle allowed the Allies to enter the Syrian [q.v. ]) were ultimately responsible for giving to the capital. ImamT muditahids a dominant spiritual and temporal Bibliography: Arabic texts. Mascudi, Tan- influence. Under the Kadjars (1794-1925 [q.v.]), the bih, 261, 286; Ibn Hawkal, tr. Kramers-Wiet, 210- Imam! ^ulamo? developed or re-interpreted various 11; Ibn al-KalanisT, Dhayl (Ibn al-Azrak al-Fariki), concepts or points of doctrine (niydbat, aHamiyyat, Beirut 1908, 115/10, 132/35, 213/65; Harawi,'K. mardja^iyyat, wildyat) which contributed to the increase al-Ziydrdt, ed. and tr. J. Sourdel-Thomine, of their power. Having undergone an eclipse since the Damascus 1953, 12/28; Yakut, Buldan, Beirut 1920s—a period corresponding with the renaissance 1957, iii, 413; v, 101; Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, Cairo of Kum [q.v.] as a theological centre—the influence of 1930, ii, 276-78; viii, 132, ix, 216; Ibn al-cAdim, the Imam! mudjtahids and the role of the mardja^-i taklid Zubdat, ed. S. Dahhan, Damascus 1968, iii, 146; were seriously reexamined in the early 1960s as a Ibn Shaddad, al-A^ldk al-khatira (Dimashk), ed. result of doubts concerning the succession to Dahhan, Damascus 1956, 182; Ibn Kathir, Biddya, Ayatullah al-cUzma Burudjirdi (d. 1961 [q.v.in vii, 4; xiii, 76, 78; xiv, 21, 24; Ibn al-Furat, Suppl.]), sole mardja^-i taklid since 1367/1947. Discus- Ta^rikh, ed. K. Zurayk, Beirut 1936-9, viii, 205; ix, sions and debates were held by members, religious 152-3, 185-6; Makrlzi, Khitdt, iii, 58, 92; Ibn Kadi and lay, of the Islamic societies (andjumanhd-yi isldmi) Shuhba, Ta\ikh, ed. A. Darwish, Damascus 1977, concerning the method of selection and the functions index, s.v.; Ibn Taghnbirdl, Cairo, vi, 121, 122, of the mardja^-i taklid and the institution of mar^a^iyyat 149, 222, 223, 304, vii, 267, viii, 159, 204-6, in general, the position of Imamism with regard to xi, 260, 355, 367, 371.—Geography and idjtihdd, taklid and the various problems posed by the MARDJAC-I TAKLID 549 relations between religious and political authorities, munity therefore lived in a state of messianic expecta- the forms and the degrees of power which could be tion which compelled it to seek out solutions for its exercised by the mudjtahids, etc. It was especially spiritual and temporal organisation. Unlike the after the publication of these discussions (Bahthi, Sunnfs, the Imam! fukahd^ generally denied the 1341/1962^ cf. Lambton (1964), 120), of which the legitimacy of powers established de facto during the authors, Ayatullah Talikanl (d. 1979) and Mihdl ghayba (the basis and the logic of this attitude have Bazargan, were arrested and imprisoned following the been questioned by Arjomand (1979) who criticises demonstrations of spring 1963 against the "white the interpretations of N.R. Keddie, A.K.S. Lamb- revolution" of the Shah (in which Ayatullah Khu- ton, H. Algar etc.; cf. Calmard (1982), 255, Calder maynl played a prominent role) that abroad there (1982 A), 3, n. 2). ensued a wide-ranging debate concerning these ques- In the acknowledged absence of an infallible guide tions, of which the salient points are summarised or of a just sovereign, or of transmitters of traditions below in their historical context. (muhaddithun), the Imam! fukahd^ became scholastic 1. Discussions of idj_tihdd and taklid. The theologians (mutakallimun) before extending their evolution of Imami attitudes towards idjtihad and taklid prerogatives in the capacity of mudjtahidun (J. may be analysed in the context of what has been Hussain, 150). Their influence increased under the called, sometimes retrospectively and anachronis- Buyids (who professed Shf-ism), with whom they felt tically, the conflict between the Akhbaris/Akhbariyya able to collaborate without sacrificing their loyalty to [q. v. in Suppl.j and the Usulfs/Usuliyya [0.0.]. The their Imam (Kohlberg (1976 A), 532 f). Numerous eminent scholars of the period of the Buyids [see ImamTs, including some ^ulamd^, collaborated with BUWAYHIDS] who formulated the Imami usul al-fikh (al- Sunn! authorities and occupied senior posts in the MufTd, d. 413/1022; al-Murtada, d. 436/1044; service of the cAbbasids and the Saldjuks (Calmard Shaykh TusI, d. 460/1067) reject both kiyds and (1971), 55 f). The theologian Nasir al-Dm TUSI (d. idjtihad (although al-Murtada acknowledges a subor- 672/1274) and the Sh^I vizier Ibn al-cAlkami dinate role for idjtihdd: Brunschvig, 210; Arjomand promoted, in varying degrees, the accession to power (1984), 53). Even while employing its techniques, the of the Mongol Ilkhans (Calmard (1975), 145 ff). The Imam! ^ulama? continue to reject idjtihdd. At the same Ilkhan Oljeytu/Uldjaytu (1304-17) showed favour to time, Shaykh TusI describes the traditionists as eminent Imam! ^ulamd^ such as Ibn al-Mutahhar al- literalists (ashdb al-djumal, cf. Kazemi Moussavi Hilll and his son Fakhr al-Muhakkikin (d. 771/1369- (1985), 36). Akhbaris and Usulis appear as opposing 70): ibid., 150 ff; Arjomand (1984), 57 f). factions in the Kitdb al-Nakd, an anti-Sunni polemical Whether accepting or contesting the powers estab- work written by the fervent Usull cAbd al-Djalil al- lished de facto, the Imami ^ulamd^ continued to seek, Kazwlni al-Razi (d. 565/1170; on this source, see within the structural limits of the shari^a, a means of Calmard (1971), Scarcia Amoretti (1981)). In the coming to terms with their existence. According to a Ilkhanid period, al-Muhakkik al-Hilli (d. 726/1325) theory elaborated under the Buyids, during the ghayba admits that—although rejecting kiyds—the Imam! certain parts of the shari^a (such as djihdd or hudud, (iulamd'> have practised idjtihdd. His pupil Ibn legal penalties) are inapplicable (this is the doctrine of al-Mutahhar al-cAllama al-Hilli (d. 726/1325) the sukut: cf. Calder (1982 A), 4, quoting the same formulated the methods of Imami i^tihdd. According (1979 A), ch. 3). Points of doctrine concerning to Mutahharl (Bahthi, 42), he was the first Imami especially djihdd and the duties incumbent (such as amr jurist to use the term mudjtahid to describe one who bi 'l-ma^ruf wa-nahy can al-munkar, ordering the good derives religious precepts (hukm-i sharct) on the basis of and forbidding the bad) are thoroughly discussed authentic articles of the shari^at. According to other (Arjomand (1984), 61 ff, see also Kohlberg (1976 opinions, al-Mufi~d is said to have been the first Imam! B)). But the Imami political ethic expounded fakih to practise idjtihdd, al-TusT having given him a especially by al-Murtada (and adopted by his definitive formulation (J. M. Hussain, 150, quoting successors) recommends in judicial and M. Ramyar, 88, 92). administrative matters "a positive and ethically Like idjtihdd, taklid is rejected by the first Imami responsible involvement in the existing political theologians, notably al-Kulaynf (cf. Arjomand order" (Arjomand (1984), 65; see also Madelung (1984), 139) and al-MufTd (cf. McDermott, 257 ff.). (1980)). For al-Murtada, the disciple of al-MufTd, the taklid of With the rise of in the post-Ilkhanid period an cdlim is permitted (with reservations). He is (14th-16th centuries), Shlcl themes began to permeate followed three centuries later by Ibn al-Mutahhar al- the tankdt and the thought of various messianic or Hilli who—while no longer basing the competence of millenarian politico-religious movements inspired by the mudjtahid on the entirety of the shari^at—draws a charismatic chieftains or miracle-workers who seized distinction between idjtihdd al-mukallafin and idjtihdd al- power (the Sarbadars, the Mushacshacis, the mudjtahidin or indeed between the mufti and the Safawids, etc.). Various Sufi movements threatened mustafti, i.e. between the jurisconsult and the simple the existence of the existing established powers or believer (Arjomand (1984), 139 f.; Kazemi Moussavi compromised with them (Kubrawiyya, Dhahabiyya. (1985), 37). Nurbakhshiyya, Nicmatullahiyya, Hurufiyya, etc.). 2. Basis and extent oftheinfluenceofthe The case of the Shici order of the Marcashl Sayyids Imami muditahids. According to Imam! tradition, [q. v.} constitutes a separate example of politicisation the world cannot exist for a single moment without a of Sufism from which Mahdism is absent (for a socio- hudjdja ("proof" or "guarantee" of God), this func- historical study of these movements, see Calmard tion being supplied, after the Prophet, by the . (1975), 154 ff; Arjomand (1984), 66 ff). Although During the Minor Occultation (ghaybat al-sughrd, 260- these socio-political changes were unconnected with 329/874-941), the fukahd* were able to consult the the efforts of the ^ulamd^ to formulate and practise the Twelfth Imam through the intermediacy of his four Imam! doctrine, their advice was sometimes solicited safirs or wakih. On the instructions of the Imam, the by politico-religious chiefs, as in the case of the "ShFci fourth wakil did not appoint a successor (Madelung, republic" of the Sarbadars which created a precedent (1982), 163 ff). During the Major Occultation regarding the functions which could henceforward be (ghaybat al-kubrd, after 329/941), the Imami com- exercised by Imami ^ulama* in a Shlcl state. 550 MARDJAC-I TAKLID

It was in this context of Sufism and extremism that idem, (1981), (1982 B); Sachedina (1980)). The there came about the rise of the Safawiyya and its authority of the mudjtahids also derives formally from transformation in the course of the 15th century into various , including a declaration by the Twelfth a militant order exercising an increasingly extra- Imam which describes the ^ulamd^ as the proof vagant messianic hold over the Turkoman - (hudjdjd) of the proof of God (i.e. of the Hidden Imam) ghazis, the kizilbash [q.v.]. The imposition of Imaml for all the faithful. The ^ulama^ are also said to be the ShiSsm as the state religion by Shah IsmacTl (1501-24 heirs of the Prophet (Hairi (1977), 59). [Muhammad Bakir Arjomand (1984, 133). The decisive initiative for the Madjlisi [q.v.], d. 1111/1699; cf. ibid'., 184). But in establishment of an Imaml hierocracy was taken by spite of its efforts and the support of Shah Tahmasp, Shah Tahmasp (1524-76). A devout Imaml, profess- the hierocracy did not succeed in taking over the ing no messianic pretensions, he favoured the installa- important religious and administrative function of the tion of Imaml ^ulama*, " imported"_ from the Arab sadr (siddrat), which was increasingly. The mystique of countries (Syria, mainly the Djabal cAmil, Arab clrak the nd^ib cdmm did not fuse with that attached to the and Bahrayn). With their Persian students or most learned mudjtahid to constitute a hierocratic colleagues recruited from the hostile camp of the institution. These setbacks were due in part to the fact Persian religious dignitaries, they ultimately con- that in addition to its rivalries with the religious stituted a "brotherhood" of religious specialists._The dignitaries, the new Imaml hierocracy experienced farmdn through which Shaykh CA1I al-Karaki al-cAmilT internal dissensions due to the diversity of its (d. 940/1534), the "Propagator of Religion" was geographical origins and the diverse attitudes of its awarded the titles of Nd^ib (deputy) of the Imam and ^ulamd^, some of whom directed their attention to of Khdtam al-mudjtahidin ("seal of the muajtahids") worldy matters, while others sought refuge in philoso- could be considered both as the ratification of the phy (ibid., 132 f.). Despite the considerable influence establishment of the Imam! hierocracy in Iran and as enjoyed by al-Karaki in the 16th century, it was only the definitive transition from extremism to Imamism at the end of the 17th century, with Muhammad Bakir (Arjomand (1984), 129 ff., 133 f). Madjlisi, that there were established the bases of the The principles on which the authority of the Imaml future influence of the Imaml* ^uldmd^, with solid ^ulamd^ rests were redefined under the Safawids. The popular roots rendering them independent of the combination of the concepts of taklid and idjtihdd is State (ibid., 159 and below). expressed in various works (Zubdat al-baydn, by Mulla 3. AkhbarT resurgence and Usulf reaction. Muhammad Ardabfll al-Mukaddas, d. 983/1585; After being dormant since the Saldjuk period, the Zubdat al-usul, by BahaD al-DTn cAmilI "Shaykh-i opposition of the Akhbaris towards the UsulT school BahaDI", d. 1030/1621; Ma^dlim al-usul, by Hasan b. was renewed at the beginning of the 17th century, Zayn al-Dm, d. 1011/1602). Although the "Mu- when Mulla Muhammad Amm b. Muhammad Sharif djtahid al-zamam" al-Karaki fulminates against the Astarabadl (d. 1036/1626-7), encouraged by his prospect of imitating a dead mudjtahid (taklid al-mayyit), teacher Mlrza Muhammad b. CA1I Astarabadl (d. the general competence of the mudjtahids in all areas of 1028/1619), formulated the Akhban doctrine in his the shari^a (idjtihdd mutlak) is confirmed, sometimes K-al-Fawd^id al-madaniyya, the basis of the neo- with the intention of restricting its performance to one Akhbarism which flourished in Iran and in clrak in or a few jurists, as recommended by Mir Damad [see the 17th and 18th centuries (on Akhbarism, notably AL-DAMAD], d. 1041/1631-2 (ibid., 138 ff). in this period, see E. Kohlberg, AKBARIYA, in The authority of the mua^tahids during the ghayba is Encyclopaedia Iranica, i, 716-18). Both teacher and also redefined around the concept of niydba cdmma, pupil belonged to the clique of Persian religious Pers. niydbat-i cdmma ("deputed authority") of the dignitaries. Neo-Akhbarism was embraced by two Hidden Imam exercised, in principle, collectively eminent representatives of gnostic ShiSsm, the elder (Madelung (1982), 166). The prerogatives attached to Madjlisi, Muhammad TakI (d. 1070/1660), and this concept vary according to the mudjtahid's,. While Mulla Muhsin Fayd Kashanl (d. ca. 1091/1680). The al-Karaki limits their applications, CAH b. Zayn al- shaykh al-Isldm of Mashhad, al-Hurr al-cAmili (d. Dm al-cAmilI, called al-Shahid al-thdm (d. 765/1557), 1120/1708-9) was a fervent propagandist on its behalf. introduces a terminological innovation in describing Rejecting the idjtihdd and the taklid of anyone who is the fakih as the Nd^ib cdmm or Hdkim-i sharct of the not infallible (i.e. other than the Imam), Akhbarism Hidden Imam. Among the important implications of reflects the thought of religious dignitaries who prefer the niydba cdmma is the right given to the muajtahids to philosophy, hermeneutism and mysticism. By extoll- collect and administer legal taxes (zakdt, khums] which, ing reverence for the Imams, it constituted, for the with the management of mortmain property, enjoyed simple believers, an attractive element of ShiSsm with other religious dignitaries, gives them financial which gained in popularity. But with the anti-clerical autonomy (ibid., 141 f; Calder (1982 A), 4 f; on the policies of Shah SafT (1629-42) and of Shah cAbbas II development of the doctrine of niydba cdmma, see (1642-66) and the resurgence of Sufism in the mid- Galder (1979 A), chs. 4-6; on zakdt and khums, see nth century, this tendency was to in part restored MARDJAC-I TAKLID 551

before being rejected by the Imami hierocracy (ibid., and aspects or concepts of their doctrinal positions 146 ff. and below). remained, especially in Shaykhism (generally In fact, despite the advance of Akhbarism at the considered as being founded by Shaykh Ahmad al- time of the decline and collapse of the Safawids and Ahsa3T[?.y.], d. 1241/1826; see also McEoin, art. AL- throughout periods of disorder and instability (Afghan AHSA?! in Encyclopaedia Iranica, i, 674-9). According to conquest and domination, 1722-9; reign of Nadir Shaykhism, each believer has, in principle, a vocation Shah, 1736-47; Afshari-Zand interregnum, until to idjtihdd, the only authority to be followed or 1763), an Usull reaction emerged in the very bosom imitated (taklid) being that of the Hidden Imam of the MadjlisT family, under Shah Sultan Husayn (Corbin, iv, 252 f). (1694-1722). In an effort to destroy popular devotion 4. The institution of mard^a^iyyat-i taklid. to AkhbarT-inspired Imams, thus regaining it for Under the Kadjars, relationships of power with the himself, and to isolate the Sufi and mystical trend of Imami hierocracy were ambiguous. Since Nadir the elite, as a prelude to attacking it, Muhammad Shah, the state had lost the "imperio-papal" charac- Bakir Madjlisi adopted Usulism. This reversal and ter on which Safawid power had been based. Despite this strategy (adopted by other

ShlS ''being unable to understand the code" must functions in the manual of ritual practice entitled Sirat entrust himself to the instructions of a jurist (Scarcia al-nadjat ("The Way of Salvation"). All the Imam! (1958 A), 237). The need for recourse to authorised Sh!c! communities (Iran, clrak, India, the Caucasus interpreters of the shari^a, in the name of the niydbat-i and the Ottoman Empire) sent contributions to him ^dmma, is energetically reformulated by Mulla Ahmad representing considerable sums of money, yet he led NarakI (d. 1245/1829-30) in ^Awd^id al-ayydm, where a pious, simple and ascetic life. His political attitudes he employs the terms wildyat-i cdmma and wildyat-i were moderate and he adopted a conciliatory policy khdssa to describe the delegation of devolved authority towards the Babls, who treated him with respect. to the mudjtahids in the name of the Hidden Imam Some of his works became manuals (Fard^id al-usul', al- (Kazemi Moussavi (1984); idem (1985), 40 if.). Makdsib), and many of his pupils became mudjtahid?, Although making of the government of the juriscon- and even mardja^-i taklid (see Algar (1969), 162 ff; sult (which he calls saltanat al-shar^iyyd) an independent Hairi, art. ANSARI, in Suppl.; idem (1977), 63; Cole subject of Imam! fikh, he does not seem to have (1983), 40 ff; Murtada al-Ansarl, list of his works, considered the latter obliged to supplant the existing 131-4). Besides the piety and the wisdom of al-Ansarl, power or to function in parallel with it (ibid., 43 ff.). the emergence of a single mudjtahid to occupy the A new and decisive step was taken, however, with supreme function of mardja^iyyat owes much to the the doctrinal formulation of the concept of a^lamiyyat disappearance of major ImamI potentates as well as to according to which the Imam! community must follow the decline of Isfahan and the rise of Nadjaf as an or imitate the precepts of the most learned juriscon- ImamI religious centre (art. ANSARI, in Suppl.; sult. Its premisses may be traced back to the Ilkhanid Kazemi Moussavi (1985), 45 f). period (it was then applied to the Imams, but one Henceforward, it was in the ^atabdt, especially at celebrated mudjtahid then bore the title of "cAllama" Nadjaf, but also at Samarra (site of the "catacomb" al-Hilll). Under the Safawids, the term aclam is clearly of the Hidden Imam), places of residence and instruc- applied_to the Imam! muditahids (Hasan b. Zayn al- tions of the major marddji^-i taklid, that resistance was Din cAmili, Ma^dlim al-usul, quoted by Kazemi organised to Kadjar autocracy and foreign domina- Moussavi, ibid.). When, after many cautious and tion. Although not political at the outset, the institu- hesitant attempts, the politico-religious context forced tion of mardja^iyyat became so, as a consequence of the ImamI hierocracy to adopt a hierarchy, the historical circumstances and the respective attitudes of rehabilitation of the concept of a^lamiyyat took on its each of the muditahids. Unlike his predecessor, Ansarl full importance, since the title of maraja^-i taklid was issued no directives concerning his succession. But his given to the most learned mudjtahid. In view of the definition of the institutional and ideological role of obscurity surrounding the birth of the concept of mardja^-i taklid acld ("supreme model") offered oppor- mardja^iyyat—the initial signs of which may be traced tunities for the exercise of political prerogatives of back to the Safawid period—the greatest muditahids of which his followers took advance, beginning with his the past have recently been reinstated, a posteriori, as immediate successor, Mlrza Muhammad Hasan prototype mardja^-i taklids (on the lists, beginning with ShlrazI (d. 1312/1894), who assumed the respon- al-Kulaynl, d. 328/939, generally including sixty- sibility of issuing the fatwd to revoke a concession on three names and ending with BurudjirdI, see Bagley Iranian tobacco awarded to a British company (the (1970), 31; Hairi, 62 f.; Fischer, Appx. 2, 252 ff.). Excise Affair, fatwd of December 1891; cf Bibl. in This tendency to reassess, in regard to a concept or a Hairi (1977), 111, n. 8). doctrine, the great figures of the past is also found in The essential characteristic of the institution of the tradition according to which the beginning of each maraja^iyyat in the 19th century is that the office was century of the Hidjra should be marked by a renewer occupied successively by a single maraja^-i taklid. After of the religion (cf. a provisional list of Shi*! mudjaddids the death of Mlrza ShlrazI, a number of muditahids, in Momen, 206, Table 7). equally qualified and unable to choose among Having been in a process of gestation since the themselves, were recognised as single mardja^ only rebirth of Usulism with Wahid BihbahanI, the after the demise of their colleagues. This tendency concept of mardja^iyyat took on precise form under his towards selection by longevity—working to the disad- successors. But neither BihbahanI nor Ahmad NarakI vantage of numerous highly-qualified mudjtahids—was bore the title of mardja^-i taklid (although BihbahanI continued until the death of BurudjirdI. Since the and his immediate successor Sayyid Muhammad beginning of the institution, the list of maradji^-i taklid Mahdl Tabataba3! "Bahr al-culum", d. 1212/1797, who exercised the function in a sole capacity for a are currently called mardja^-i taklid in Shi*! bio- greater of shorter period of time until their death is graphical works: cf. McChesney, 168). For numerous summarised as follows: muajtahids and ordinary worshippers in Iran and 1. HadjdjI Shaykh Muhammad Hasan Isfahan! clrak, the first to have secured this title and this func- NadjafT, "Sahib al-Djawahir" (d. at Nadjaf 1266/ tion was HadjdjI Shaykh Muhammad Hasan NadjafT, 1850). d. 1266/1849-50, known by the name of Sahib al- 2. Shaykh Murtada Ansarl (d. at Nadjaf 1281/1864). Djawahir (i.e. the author of Dj_awdhir al-kaldm, "The 3. Mlrza Hasan ShlrazI, mudjaddid of the 14th century jewels of scholarship", the most remarkable post- of the Hidjra (d. at Samarra 1312/1895). Safawid work of fikh (Cole (1983), 40 f.; McEoin 4. Mulla Muhammad Kazim Khurasan!, "Akhund (1983), 157). When the ImamI community was riven Khurasan!" (d. at Nadjaf,' 1329/1911). by the rise of Babism, Muhammad Hasan Sahib al- 5. Hudjdjat al- Sayyid Muhammad Kazim 0 Djawahir appointed Shaykh Murtada Ansarl (d. Tabataba ! Yazdl (d. at Huwaysh, near Nadjaf, 1281/1864) as his successor. Having initially offered it 1337/1919). to Sacld al-cUlamaD MazandaranI who refused it, 6. Mlrza Muhammad TakI Ha°irl ShlrazI (d. at Ansarl occupied this function for fourteen years and Karbala, 1338/1920). became the single mardja^-i taklid (mardja^ al-taklid al- 7. Shaykh Fadl Allah IsfahanI "Shaykh al-Shar^a" mutlak) for the entire Shi*! world. He encouraged (died 1338/1920, surviving his predecessor by only Usull studies to a considerable extent and arranged four months). direct payment of contributions (sahm-i Imam) to local 8. HadjdjI Sayyid Abu '1-Hasan Musawl IsfahanI (d. centres of education. With him, the institution of at Kazimayn, 1365/1946). maraja^iyyat attained its zenith. He defined its 9. Sayyid Aka Husayn b. Muhammad Tabataba5! MARDJAC-I TAKLID 553

"Ayatullah Kum!" (d. at Karbala, 1366/1947, Bahthi, 201-13; M. DjazaDir!, ibid., 215-30. It was also surviving his predecessor by only three months). proposed (by M. Mutahhar!) that, in accordance with 10. Ayatullah al-cUzma Hadjdj! Aka Husayn the wishes of cAbd al-Kar!m Yazd! Hariri, each Burudjird! (d. at Kum, 1380/1961). mudjtahid should be "imitated" in the field of his After the death of Mlrza Shirazf, religious leader- speciality (cf. Lambton (1964), 127; Akhavi, 122 ff.). ship was shared between eminent mudjtahids of Nadjaf: But the application of the ideas of this movement, Mulla Muhammad Kazim Fadil Sharabyan! (d. revived in part in the 1970s by various reformist 1322/1904); Shaykh Muhammad Hasan b. cAbd trends, did not open the way to a harmonious restruc- Allah Mamakanl(d. 1323/1905); and MTrza Muham- turing of the religious leadership, which henceforward mad Kazim Akhund Khurasan!, who became sole became progressively more influenced by politics. mard^a^ after the death of Tihrani. A disciple of Mlrza On the death of Burudjird!, the disintegration of the ShirazT, Khurasan! was a fervent supporter of the institution of mardja^iyyat led to a dispersal of mardja^S'. constitutional revolution of 1905/11. With the at Kum, the Ayatullahs Shar!catmaclar!, Gulpaygan! mudjtahids TihranT and MazandaranI, he issued and Marcash!-NadjafT; a_t Mashhad, Ayatullah Milan! fatwds, manifestos and telegrams and took part in the (d. 1975); at Tehran, Ayatullah Ahmad Khwansar! deposition of Muhammad CA1I Shah (July 1909). He (d. 1985); at Nadjaf, the Ayatullahs Khu0!, cAbd al- also campaigned against foreign influences and Had! Shiraz! (d. 1961), Kashif al-GhitaD and Muhsin supported the Young Turk revolution (cf. Hairi, art. al-Hakim. Other less important muditahids were also KHURASAN! idem (1976) and (1977), 98 ff. and index; considered as mardja*- (Momen, 248, n. 2). Momen, 246 f.). His successor, Sayyid Kazim Yazd!, While Mashhad [q.v.] for some rivalled_Kum in abstained from political activity, refused to cooperate importance, the events of 1963 catapulted Ayatullah with the constitutionalist culamd:> and cultivated Khumayn! into pre-eminence in the capacity of amicable relations with the British after their occupa- mard^a^ (at Nadjaf, from 1965 onwards). With M!lan! tion of clrak (Hairi (1977), 96 ff., 117 ff. and index; and Shar!catmadan, he was regarded as heir to Momen, 247). M!rza Muhammad Tak! Hariri, resi- Burudjird! (Algar (1972), 245), at least in Iran, since dent at Karbala, declared that he had no part in the some consensus on the mardjcf-iyyat-i kull of Muhsin al- constitutional revolution. He was a determined oppo- Hak!m seems to have been reached in about 1966 nent of the British in clrak, against whom he decreed (Bagley (1970), 78, n. 7). In 1975 there were six a djihdd in collaboration with other ^ulamd^ (Hairi mard^a^ of senior rank: Khu°! and Khumayn! at (1977), 122 ff. and index). Nadjaf; Gulpaygan!, Shar!catmadar! and Marcashi- With the revival of the centre of theological studies Nadjafi at Kum; Khwansar! in Tehran (M!lan! died (hawda-yi Hlmiyyd) of Kum, at the initiative of Shaykh at Mashhad in August 1975). But there are also cAbdal-Kar!m Yazd! Ha'iri (d. 1937 [q.v. in Suppl.]), numerous lines of mardja^-i taklids linked by there was during the 1920s a period in which several matrimonial alliances to the most important branches high-ranking mudjtahids were considered as mardja^-i (see Fischer (1980), 88 ff., Fig. 3. 1. ff.). taklid. For Iran, the role was entrusted, at Kum, to After the death of Burudjird!, the Imam! ^ulamd^, Ha°ir!; for Nadjaf, to Shaykh cAbd Allah Mamakan! together with the laity, were divided into various (d. 1933), Shaykh Muhammad Husayn Na°in! (d. groups: radicals wishing to establish Islamic justice; 1936) and Shaykh Abu '1-Hasan Isfahan! (d. 1946), social reformers; conservative heirs to the line of who became sole mard^a^ after the death of the others. Burudjird!; collaborators with the Pahlav! regime On the death of Ayatullah Kum! (1947), Ayatullah (Akhavi, 199 ff.). The three first tendencies are to be Burudjird! [q.v. in Suppl.] was recognised as sole found in the Islamic Republic of Iran (since February mardia^-i taklid (cf. below). Kum thus became the 1979), where rivalries have rent the religious leader- leading centre of Sh!c! studies, although many ship. The concept of wilayat-i fakih reformulated by students, especially those from Arab countries and the Ayatullah Khumayn! could be considered as the Indian subcontinent, continued to frequent Nadjaf. logical conclusion to the development of Imam! Following the example of Yazd! Ha^ir! and other religious institutions since the Safawids, absolute mudjtahids, Burudjird! pursued a passive role in political power being regained and reverting defacto to political matters. He occasionally collaborated with the mardjac-i taklid, supporters of the idea of collective temporal authorities, especially from 1953 to 1958, mardja^iyyat (including Ayatullah Talikan!, d. 1979) and supported the anti-Baha0! campaign of 1955. It thus being defeated (Fragner, 98; see also the analysis was not until shortly before the end of his life (1960) of Calder (1982) regarding Khumaym's position that he declared his opposition to the agrarian reforms regarding Sh!c! jurisprudence; F. Rajaee (1983) on proposed by the Shah (see Algar (1972) 242 ff.; Khumaym's attitude towards man, the state and Akhavi (1980), 24, 77 ff., 102). Despite his title of international politics etc.; see also Rose (1983)). But Ayatullah al-cUzma (see below), and although his this new situation has in fact led to another schism in name has been mentioned as a mudjaddid, Burudjird! the institution of mardla^iyyat; the most influential of seems to have been acknowledged as the supreme the marddii^ before the Islamic revolution, Ayatullah mard^a^ in an organic rather than a charismatic sense Shar!catmadan, a man of moderate tendency who (Binder, 132, MacEoin (1983), 161 f.). He succeeded retained numerous supporters, especially among the no more than other mu^tahids in structuring the people of Adharbaydjan, his native region, was religious leadership to resist the initiatives of the progressively isolated and then, accused of subver- Pahlavl regime which favoured as his successor sion, deposed from his position as Ayatullah al-cUzma Ayatullah Shaykh Muhsin al-Hak!m (d. 1970), an in April 1982 (Momen, 296, 320). Some pious Arab muaj_tahid resident at Nadjaf (Algar (1972), 244). Irnarms follow the leader of the revolution in political In the reformist religious movements of the matters and that of one or other of the marddji^ in "Islamic societies" (cf. above), besides discussion of religious practice (the one with the largest following doctrinal issues (idjtihad, taklid, religious taxes, etc.), now, in 1986, apparently being Ayatullah Khu3! who the idea was expressed that the function of rnard^a^iyyat also enjoys a large following in the Arab world, India had become too heavy to be entrusted to a single and Pakistan). It seems, however, that for the new mudjtahid and should be exercised by a "council for generation of Imam! Wamo0, the doctrine of wilayat-i religious decrees" (shurd-yi fatwd}: M. Talikan!, in fakih has ultimately prevailed (Momen, 296 ff.). It is 554 MARDJAC-I TAKLID in this context that there is taking rjlace the muted distribution of zakdt and khums, the administration of struggle over succession to Ayatullah/Imam wakflawkdf (taken under state control by the Pahlavls), KhumaynT, the Assembly of Experts (madjlis-i the mudjtahids have economic and family ties with the khibrigdn, created at the end of 1982, a group of merchant-artisan class of the bazar. Imam! ^ulama* seventy-two experts chosen to appoint the future have also sometimes taken advantage of threats posed supreme mardja*-} having recently (October 1986) to political authority by movements such as the Sufis, criticized the "heir-apparent", Ayatullah Muntazirl; ShaykhTs, Babfs, etc. In fact, they have taken the Hudjdjat al-Islam Rafsandjani, President of Parlia- initiative in countering or representing the doctrines ment, now appears to be a possible successor. and activities of groups seeking to find alternative 5. Qualifications, selection, functions, solutions to the prolonged absence of the Hidden consultative role and titles of the mardj_ac-i Imam (wildyat-i sufi, shi^a-yi kdmil, rukn-i rdbi** ("fourth taklid. Among the conditions necessary for assuming pillar" of Shaylchism), bdb, etc.). Despite periods of the position of mardja^-i taklid, six are judged indispen- tension or confrontation, mudjtahids and mardd^i^ sable: maturity (bulugh), intelligence (C0£/), faith claiming the niydbat-i cdmma have in varying degrees (imdri), justice (caddlat), being of legitimate birth given a certain amount of support to the existing (tahdrat-i ) and of the male sex (dhufcurat; some temporal power and have formulated a "variable women may, under exceptional circumstances, attain approach" towards accommodation with an illegal the level oiid^tihdd, but they cannot be mard^-i taklid). regime established de facto (cf. Calder (1982), 6). Other conditions are sometimes required: literacy, However, remaining generally mistrustful of both possession of hearing and sight, and being free, i.e. spiritual and temporal powers, the mardaji*- claimed not a slave (Algar (1969), 8 f., following Burudjirdf, for themselves an important role in the political life of Sangladji). In addition to these preliminary condi- Kadjar Iran (see especially Algar (1969)). Although tions, the future mardja^ must be qualified to practice abstaining from political activity, AnsarT formulated idjtihdd, receive the idjaza from ^ulama* of repute and the notion of mardja^-i taklid-i acld which offers the demonstrate his knowledge through his teaching, his potential for political utilisation (cf. Cole (1983), 46 sermons, his discussions, his writings, etc. The mardjcf- and below). Some of his successors have strongly must be generally acknowledged as the most learned resisted foreign economic, cultural and political influ- (a^lam) person of his time. However, this title cannot ences favoured by the international context and by the be awarded to him through appointment, selection or political choices of the Kadjars. They nevertheless election. His authority can only be confirmed by the held extremely diverse opinions regarding the events universal recognition of the Imami community (Hairi of the constitutional revolution of 1905-11 (cf. Lamb- (1977), 62; it seems however that there was at Kum ton (1970 B); Hairi (1976-7), (1977), 55 ff.; Arjo- a kind of "college of cardinals" deciding on the choice mand (1981)). In fact, neither the supporters nor the of the supreme mardja*', the Ayatullah al-cUzma; see opponents of the constitution have ever preached the Binder, 134). establishment of a government directly controlled by The essential function of the mard^a^-i taklid—also the mudjtahids. It is quite clear that recent events in the called mukallad—is to guide the community of those Middle East (in particular the seizure of power by the who "imitate" his teaching and follow his precepts, in religious in Iran (1979), the Iran-clrak war (since particular concerning the following: application of the 1980) and the situation in Lebanon) have added to the rules of the shari^a (furuc-i dm); judicial solutions or difficulties of ShTci believers, increasingly preoccupied legal qualifications (ahkdrri) in regard to the problems with political choices and economic problems. of contemporary life. Imitation or emulation of the Since the Kadjar period, the number of titles and mardia** has no connection, in principle, with the usul-i functions, civil as well as religious, has increased din which are derived from faith (imari) and from inner considerably in Iran. This has given rise to abuses, conviction (yakin). The mud^tahid established as mardja*' especially as regards the title of Ayatullah [q.v. in must pronounce judicial decisions (fatwds) and write Suppl.], often used to denote a mardja^-i taklid. one or more books to guide his mukallids (risdla-yi Although the distinctions remain somewhat fluid, ^amaliyya, a kind of practical treatise; tawdih al-masd^il, current usage seems to describe a mard^a^-i taklid by "explanation of problems" etc.). the epithet Ayatullah al-^Uzmd, the term Ayatullah alone For his part, the mukallid has particular duties, being used to describe a mudjtahid and Hudjdjat al-Isldm especially as regards consultation of the mardf-i taklid an aspiring mudjtahid (Momen, 205 f). According to to whom access is sometimes difficult. The rules of a recent decree of Khumayni (September_ 1984), conduct in this respect are explained at length by certain ^ulamo? who used to call themselves Ayatullah AnsarT who forbids taklid of a dead mudjtahid and are henceforward to bear the title of Hudjdjat al-lsldm stresses the role of the most learned (aclam) mudjtahid (Momen, 298 f.; the two titles having been used inter- in sanctioning worship and ritual. Every mukallid is changeably until the creation of the hawda-yi Hlmiyya obliged to consult him, to follow or to "imitate" him, of Kum in the 1920s: Dalai Matlnl, 583 ff). The either directly, or in a case of obvious impossibility, question may be asked whether the replacement of the through the intermediacy of an honest man who has title of Ayatullah by that of Imam to designate himself witnessed to conduct of the mardja^, or through Khumayni implies a change in the religious hierarchy consultation of a book of rules of behaviour written by (i.e. the creation of a title superior to that of Ayatullah the latter. In cases of doubt or contradiction, al-cUzmd) or is simply an indication of political func- prudence (ihtiydf) is recommended (on these tion (Momen, ibid.; on these problems of ShicT titles complicated rules for consultation of the mard^a^, see and their historical precedents, see Djalal Matlnl; on the analysis in the Sirat al-nadjdt of Ansan, in Cole the epithet Imam for Khumayni, 603 f). (1983), 42 ff.). These criteria represent only general Bibliography and abbreviations: Concer- principles, no specific process having been established ning the abundant literature on the Imami usul, for the choice of a mardjct (cf. Algar (1969), 10). see H. Loschner, Die dogmatischen Grundlagen des With the development of the concept ot mardjaHyyat, si^itischen Rechts, Cologne, Berlin, etc. 1971; the economic power enjoyed by the mudjlahids has Brunschvig [1970]; Abu '1-Kasim GurdjT, Nigdhibi been concentrated in the hands of one man or of a tahawwul-i cilm-i usul, in Makdldt wa barrasiha, xiii- small group of men. Besides the collection and xvi, 1352; H. MudarrisI Tabataba3!, An introduction MARDJAC-I TAKLID 555

to Shi^i law. A bibliographical study, London 1984 1979 unpubl.; idem, 1979B = Judicial authority in (presentation of the great, classical treatises plus a Imami jurisprudence, in Bull. British Society for Middle list of the modern ones and their various divisions; Eastern Studies, vi (1979), 104-8; idem, Zakdt in takes TihranT, al-Dhari^a, into account); among the Imami Shi^i jurisprudence from the tenth to the sixteenth numerous Imami biographical works, see CAH century A.D., in BSOAS, xliv/3 (1981), 468-80; Shah, Tard^ik al-hakd^ik (on the Sufis and culamd^), idem, 1982A = Accommodation and revolution in 3 vols., Tehran n.d.; Muhsin al-Amin, A^ydn al- Imami Shici jurisprudence: Khumayni and the classical Shi^a, Beirut, from 1960; Muhammad CA1I tradition, in MES, xviii (1982), 3-20; idem, 1982B Mucallim Habibabadi, Makdrim al-dthdr..., 5 djilds = Khums in Imami Shici jurisprudence from the tenth to in 4 vols., Isfahan n.d.; Muhammad Bakir the sixteenth century A.D., in BSOAS, xlv/1 (1982), 39- Khwansari, Rawdat al-djanndt fi ahwdl al-ulamd^ wa 47; J. Calmard, Le chiisme imamite en Iran a I'epoque }l-sdddt, Tehran 1367/1947 (new ed., 8 vols. 1970); seldjoukide d'apres le Kitdb al-naqd, in Le monde iranien c Shaykh Abbas al-Kumi, Fawd^id al-riddwiyya fi et VIslam,f i (1971), 43-67; idem, Le culte de I'Imam ahwdl culamd3al-madhhab al-djacfariyya, Tehran n.d.; Husayn. Etude sur la commemoration du drame de Karbald Nur al-Dln CA1T Muncal-i Kumi, Tadhkira-yi dans I'lran pre-safavide, diss. Paris 1975; idem, Les mashdyikh-i Kum, Kum 1353; Muhammad CA1T olamd, le pouvoir et la societe en Iran: le discours ambigu Mudarris Tabriz!, Rayhdnat al-adab, 8 vols., Tabriz de la hierocratie, in Le cuisinier et le philosophe. Hommage 1967; Aka Buzurg Tihranf, al-Dhari^a ild tasdnif al- a Maxime Rodinson, ed. J. P. Digard, Paris 1982, Shi^a, 25 vols., Tehran and Nadjaf 1355-98/1936- 253-61; J. R. Cole, Imami jurisprudence and the role of 78; idem, Tabakdt a^ldm al-Shi^a, Nadjaf and Beirut, the Ulama: Morteza Ansari on emulating the supreme from 1373/1953-4; Muhammad Tunakabunl, Kisas exemplar, in Religion and Politics (1983), 33-46; idem, al-^ulamd^, Tehran n.d.; see also detailed bibls. in Imami Shicism from Iran to North India 1722-1856: the works cited below, esp.: Algar [1969], Arjo- state, society and clerical ideology in Awadh, UCLA mand [1984], Calder [1979], Cole [1984] and Ph.D. thesis 1984, unpubl.; idem, Shi^i clerics in Iraq [1985], Fischer, McChesney, MacEoin [1979], and Iran: The Akhbari-Usuli conflict reconsidered, in Momen, etc.). Iranian Studies, xviii/1 (1985), 3-34; H. Corbin, En Sh. Akhavi, Religion and politics in contemporary Islam iranien. Aspects spirituels et philosophiques, 4 Iran, New York 1980; H. Algar, Religion and state in vols., Paris 1971-2; M. DjazaDirT, TaklTd-i aHamya Iran 1795-1906, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1969; shurd-yifatwd, in Bahthi, 215-30; J. Eliash, The Ithna idem, The oppositional role of the Ulama in twentieth- CA shari-Shi^i juristic theory of political and legal authority, century Iran, in Scholars, 1972, 231-55; idem, Shftsm in Stud. Isl., xxix (1969), 17-30; idem, Misconcep- and Iran in the eighteenth century, in Studies in eighteenth tions regarding the judicial status of the Iranian ^Ulamd^, century Islamic history, ed. Th. Naff and R. Owen, in IJMES, x/1 (1979), 9-25; M. M. J. Fischer, Iran. London and Amsterdam 1977, 288-302; Murtada From religious dispute to revolution, Cambridge, Mass, al-Ansan, Zindagdm wa shakhsiyyat-i Shaykh Ansdn, and London 1980; B. Fragner, Von den (Ahwaz?) 1380/1960-1; S. A. Arjomand, Religion, Staatstheologen zum Theologenstaat. Religiose Fiihrung political action and legitimate domination in Shi^ite Iran: und historischer Wandel im schicitischen Persien, in fourteenth to eighteenth centuries A.D., in Archives Euro- WZKM, Ixxv (1983), 73-98; C. Frank, Uber den peennes de Sociologie, xx (1979), 59-109; idem, The schiitischen Mudschtahid, in Islamica, ii (1926), 176- Ulama's traditionalist opposition to Parliamentarism 92; E. Classen, Schah Esmd^il und die Theologen seiner 1907-1909, in MES, xvii/2 (1981), 174-90; idem, Zeit, in Isl., xlviii (1972), 254-68; K. H. Gobel, The office ofMulla-bashi in Shi^ite Iran, in Stud. Isl., vii Moderne Schiitische Politik und Staatsidee..., Opladen (1983), 135-46; idem, The Shadow of God and the 1984; Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Why did the

MacEoin, From Shaykhism to Babism: a study in Kazwim, Cosmography, i, 212,7), as well as the subsoil charismatic renewal in Shi**i Islam, Cambridge Univ. to which it is stuck. Ph.D. thesis 1979, unpubl.; idem, Changes in With the pearl (lu^lu^ [q.v.]) and amber (kahrubd charismatic authority in Qajar Shi^ism, in Qajar Iran [q. v. ]), the coral belongs to the organic products which 1800-1925. Studies presented to Professor L. P. Elwell- were however, as in our time, mostly associated with Sutton, ed. E. Bosworth and C. Hillenbrand, Edin- the precious stones (djawdhir), i.e. the minerals burgh 1983; W. Madelung, A treatise of the Sharif al- (ma^ddin). The most detailed information on the coral Murtadd on the legality ofworking for the government, in is given by al-Tlfashl (see Bibl.), according to which BSOAS, xliii (1980), 18-31; idem, Shi^ite discussions the coral belongs to the mineral kingdom on the one on the legality of the Kharaj, in Procs. of the Ninth hand because of its petrification (tahadjdjur\ and to the Congress of the Union Europeenne des Arabisants et vegetable one on the other because it grows on the Islamisants, Leiden 1981; idem, Authority in Twelver bottom of the sea like a tree with branches and twigs. Shi^ism in the absence of the Imam, in La notion d'autorite For the rest, descriptions are taken over from Anti- au Moyen Age. Islam, Byzance, Occident, ed. G. quity. According to Theophrastus, the coral, which Makdisi, Paris 1982, 163-73; Djalal Matlnl, Bahthi grows in the sea, is like a stone, red and round like a dar bdra-yi sabika-i tankhi-yi alkdb wa ^andwin-i ^ulamd^ carrot (De lapidibus, 38). Pliny (Historia naturalis, xxxii, dar madhhab-i shfa, in Iran Nameh, i/4 (1983), 560- 11) repeats a number of older tales on the way coral 608; H. Modarresi TabatabaDi, Kharaj in Shi^i law, is won. He describes it as a shrub which, on green Oxford Univ. Ph.D. thesis 1982, unpubl.; M. stalks, sprouts green, soft berries which petrify, turn Momen, An introduction to Shi^i Islam, New Haven red the moment they come out of the water and look and London 1985; R. Mottahedeh, Loyalty and like cornelians. According to Aristotle, the coral is "a leadership in an early Islamic society, Princeton 1980; red-coloured stone which grows in the sea. If put in M. Mutahhari, Idjtihdd dar Islam, in Bahthi, 35-68; dung and putrescent material, it is often used idem, Mushkil-i asdsi dar sdzmdn-i ruhdniyyat, in ibid., [chemically]" (al-Kazwini, Cosmography, i, 238, 5-6). 165-98; idem, Mazdyd wa khidmdt-i marhum Ayatullah According to the so-called "Stone-book of Aristotle", Burudiirdi, in ibid., 223-49; J. R. Perry, Karim Khan the coral grows in the way branches do, and puts forth Zand. A history of Iran 1747-1779, Chicago 1979; F. thin or thick twigs (Kitab al-Ahdj_dr, see Bibl.}. Rajaee, Islamic values and world view. Khomeym on As opposed to these relatively sober statements, Man, the State and International Politics, Lanham, New Ps.-Apollonius of Tyana [see BALINUS] enlarges and York and London 1983; M. Ramyar, Shaykh Tusi, speculates upon the double vegetable-mineral nature Edinburgh Univ. Ph.D. thesis, 1977, unpubl.; of the coral: "It resembles the waterplants; it Religion and politics in Iran, ed. N. R. Keddie, New originates from fire and earth through the inter- Haven and London 1983; G. Rose, Velayat-e Faqih mediary of water... its body is mineral-like because and the recovery of Islamic identity in the thought of hot fire and dry earth combine in it with the help of Ayatollah Khomeini, in Religion and politics (1983), water, but its spirit is vegetable-like because water 166-88; A. Sachedina, al-Khums. The fifth in the acts as a mediator... when water, warmed by the sun, Imami ShiH legal system, in JNES, xxxix/4 (1980), absorbs the dryness of the earth, it becomes able, in 275-89; idem, Islamic messianism: the idea oftheMahdi its turn, to attract the warmth and dryness of the sun, in Twelver Shi^ism, Albany 1981; G. Scarcia, A and so the coral grows gradually like a plant; in cold proposito del problema della sovranitd presso gh Imamiti, air however it petrifies... its vegetable character is in AIUON, N.S. vii (1957), 95-126; idem, Stato e shown by the fact that it grows and branches in dottrine attuali della setta sciita imamita degli Shaikhi in proportion to the warmth which the water, mixed with Persia, in Studie e Materials di Storia della Religioni, dryness, causes to mount in it as nourishment", see xxix/2 (1958), 215-41; idem, (1958A) = Intorno die Sin al-khalika wa-san '-at al-tabi^a. Buch iiber das Geheimnis controversie tra Ahbdn e UsulT presso gli Imamiti di der Schopfung und die Darstellung der Natur, ed. Ursula Persia, in RSO, xxxiii (1958), 211-50; idem, Kermdn Weisser, 1979, 348, 7-351,8; cf. also the 1905: La "guerra tra seihi e bdlddsari", in AIUON, shortened translation by the same author in Das ' 'Buch N.S. xiii (1963), 195-238; B. Scarcia Amoretti, uber das Geheimnis der Schopfung" von Pseudo-Apollonius L 'imamismo in Iran nell 'epoca Seldgiuchide: a proposito von Tyana, Berlin-New York 1980, 120 f. (Ars medica, del problema della "communita", in La Bisaccia dello iii, 2). In al-Tifashi, who in general quotes Apollonius . Omaggio ad Alessandro Bausani, Venice 1981, extensively, the same passage is found on p. 178 f. 127-40; Scholars = Scholars, saints and Sufis, ed. N. Coral is repeatedly said to be won at Marsa '1- R. Keddie, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1972; Kharaz (= La Calle in Algeria); from a boat, a ShiHsme imdmite = LeShi^isme imdmite, ed. T. Fahd, wooden cross, weighted with a stone, is sunk on a rope Paris 1970; A. Tabari, The role of the clergy in modern to the bottom of the sea; the boat sails up and down Iranian politics, in Religion and Politics (1983), 47-72; so that the corals get caught at the extremities of the M. H. Tabataba3!, Idjtihdd wa taklid dar Islam wa cross, which then is weighed with a jerk. Then Shi^a. in Bahthi, 13-22; idem, Wildyat wa zicdmat, in emerges a body with a brown crust, branched like a ibid., 71-99; M. Talikanf, Tamarkuz wa cadam-i tree. On the markets, these corals are abraded until tamarkuz dar mardja^iyyat wa fatwd, in ibid., 201-11; they shine and show the desired red colour, then are idem, Mdlikiyyat dar Islam, n.p., n.d.; idem, Djihdd sold in great quantities at a low price. Spain, Sicily wa shihddat, Tehran 1385/1965; W. M. Watt, The and "the Prankish" i.e. probably the European, coast significance of the early stages of Imami Shi^ism, in are given as other finding places. From the western Religion and Politics (1983), 21-32; Abu '1-Fadl Mediterranean, still nowadays the main deposit area MusawT Zandjani, Shard^it wa wazd^if-i mard^a^, of coral, it is shipped to the Orient, the Yemen, India dans BahtJiT, 25-31. (J. CALMARD) and East Asia. At the finding places, coral is put on MARDJAN (A.), coral. As a rule, red coral the market in quantities of 10.5 Egyptian rath, (Corallium rubrum) is used as a piece of jewelry; the costing, in Egypt and clrak, 1,020 dirhams if polished, black and white coral are also mentioned. The Persian 1,100 dirhams if unpolished. Otherwise, prices fluc- term bussadh, often employed as a synonym, strictly tuate greatly according to the market situation (al- speaking is the root of the coral "which grows as a Dimashkl, Kitab al-Ishdra ild mahdsin al-ticJidra, in stone in the sea in the same way as a tree on land" (al- Wiedemann, Aufsdtze, i, 858).