Diana Mitchell Papers
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Gender Equality in Media Content and Operations Articulating
Studies in Higher Education 41:5, 927-931 DOI: 10.1080/03075079.2016.1147726 Gender equality in media content and operations: articulating academic studies and policy – a presentation Mirta Edith Lourenço Chief, Media Development and Society, Communication and Information Sector, UNESCO, Paris In this article, Mirta Lourenço explains the prospects when higher education studies interface with UNESCO for policy change. The baseline is that education institutions’ articulation with media organizations, media professionals, policymakers, and civil society groups is essential to achieve gender equality in and through media. Keywords: research – gender equality; media; gender-sensitive; indicators; GAMAG; alliance; training institutions Introduction ‘Grace and Frankie’, created by M. Kauffman and H. Morris, and ‘Borgen’, created by A. Price, are TV series that challenge gender stereotypes. Though these two series are by no means representative of the status of women in media, they are emblematic of growing attention to issues of gender. On TV, some realistic representations of women and men are beginning to appear. The percentage of stories highlighting issues of gender equality or inequality has also increased a bit in the news (Global Media Monitoring Project 2015) – in relation to 20 years ago. There has likewise been a very slight improvement in the quantity of women in governance and top management of news media industries (International Women’s Media Foundation 2011), which ‘reflects the limited understanding of pluralism that has prevailed so far’ (UNESCO 1945). Sadly, the advancement may be far too slight to spin off a change of gender values, attitudes and behaviour in society. Any progress made can even be considered relative since it varies according to the region of the world. -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Central African Examiner, 1957-19651
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Zambezia (1996), XXIII (ii). THE CENTRAL AFRICAN EXAMINER, 1957-19651 ANTHONY KING2 St Antony's College, Oxford, UK Abstract The Central African Examiner is a well known source for the study of Zimbabwean history in the seminal period 1957-1965, although the story of its foundation and the backroom manoeuvrings which dogged its short life are relatively unknown. Its inception was the result of industry attempting to push the Federal Government into implementing partnership in a practical way. Up to 1960, the Examiner's internal politics mirrored this conflict, and it was during this time that the Examiner's position as a critical supporter of Government policy was at its most ambiguous. After 1960, the Examiner became a more forthright Government critic — indeed by 1964, it was the only medium left for the expression of nationalist opinion. INTRODUCTION IN THE WAKE of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in Rhodesia on 11 November 1965, censorship was imposed on the press. Most newspapers and magazines appeared with a number of blank spaces which would have been filled with articles had they not fallen foul of the censors. One magazine had so much of its content for the December 1965 issue banned that it resorted to making it a 'Do-It-Yourself edition, urging readers to fill in the blanks themselves. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
DOCUMENT RESUME the Development of Technical And
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 411 471 CE 074 838 TITLE The Development of Technical and Vocational Education in Africa. INSTITUTION United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, Dakar (Senegal). Regional Office for Education in Africa. ISBN ISBN-92-9091-054-2 PUB DATE 1996-00-00 NOTE 411p.; Product of the International Project on Technical and Vocational Education (UNEVOC). PUB TYPE Reports Research (143) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC17 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Case Studies; *Developing Nations; Economic Development; Education Work Relationship; Educational Cooperation; *Educational Development; Educational Legislation; *Educational Policy; Foreign Countries; Industry; *Role of Education; *School Business Relationship; *Vocational Education IDENTIFIERS *Africa ABSTRACT The 13 chapters in this book depict the challenges facing African nations in their efforts to develop their technical and vocational education (TVE) systems. Chapter 1,"TVE in Africa: A Synthesis of Case Studies" (B. Wanjala Kerre), presents a synthesis of the case studies in which the following major trends taking place within the existing socioeconomic context are discussed: TVE within existing educational structures; cooperation between TVE institutions and enterprises; major challenges facing the nations in their efforts to develop TVE; and the innovative measures undertaken in response to the problems and constraints experienced. The remaining 12 chapters are individual case studies giving a more detailed picture of natural efforts and challenges encountered in the development of TVE. Chapters 2-8 focus on the role of TVE in educational systems: "TVE in Cameroon" (Lucy Mbangwana); "TVE in Congo" (Gilbert Ndimina); "TVE in Ghana"(F. A. Baiden); "TVE in Kenya"(P. 0. Okaka); "TVE in Madagascar" (Victor Monantsoa); "TVE in Nigeria" (Egbe T. -
The Central African Liberals M
THE CENTRAL AFRICAN LIBERALS M. D. McWILLIAM Graduate of Oriel and Nuffield Colleges, Oxford; formerly resident in Rhodesia. The peculiar problem facing liberals in Central Africa is to devise a procedure whereby the European minorities can pro gressively share power with the African majorities in a way that maintains the standards of government and the confidence of the racial groups in one another. In the past the favourite device has been communal electorates, the theory being that if minor ities were guaranteed representation in the legislature, and eventually the government, it should lead to a reconciliation of conflicting viewpoints. However, experience of the working of communal electorates has not supported this theory. So far from easing communal fears, separate representation seems to have had the effect of emphasizing the individuality of the •different communities and of hardening their attitudes. The selective franchise on a common roll is the new approach to this great problem. The mechanism of the common roll is a rigid sieve that, in the first instance, lets through Europeans and Africans (and Asians) in proportions corresponding roughly to the existing balance of power; but, at the same time, the franchise •qualifications provide a slow-working, but automatic, device by which the dominance of the European minority is progressively diminished. In theory, the Europeans will gradually reconcile themselves to their reduced position during this transition period. But the scheme poses a crucial question: will the European community really carry through a policy which reduces it to a political minority? Or, to consider it from an African viewpoint: will the process proceed far enough and fast enough to satisfy African aspirations? It is my view that, left to themselves, the Europeans will stop short of the final step which puts them in a minority, and might even refuse to concede any substantial powers to Africans; instead they will attempt to consolidate a liberal oligarchy. -
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project DISCUSSION PAPER 59 THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION-STATE PROJECT A Historical Diagnosis of Identity and Power-Based Conflicts in a Postcolonial State SABELO J. NDLOVO-GATSHENI NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Zimbabwe Nationalism State Political conflicts Political development Political leadership Elite Ethnicity National identity Nation-building Post-colonialism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-696-1 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................4 List of Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................................5 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................9 2. Defining the African National Project ................................................................................................18 -
The Politics of Writing 'Democratic' Narratives in Zimbabwe
Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Walter Kudzai Barure & Irikidzayi Manase Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power. Keywords: history, narratives, oppositional and dominant imaginaries, political autobiographies, Zimbabwe. Introduction This article considers how oppositional narratives answer back to patriotic narratives’ denigration of opposition and civic discourses, and their exclusion of the citizenship of minorities such as white Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe- an letters have witnessed the rise of a body of writings, produced by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other political and human rights actors, termed ‘democratic’ narratives, which contest patri- otic narratives that were constructed using a singular version of history (see Ranger who defines patriotic history as a monolithic version of history that supports the performance of power by ZANU-PF political actors). -
The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository THE RHODESIAN CRISIS IN BRITISH AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 1964-1965 by CARL PETER WATTS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2006 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis uses evidence from British and international archives to examine the events leading up to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 from the perspectives of Britain, the Old Commonwealth (Canada, Australia, and New Zealand), and the United States. Two underlying themes run throughout the thesis. First, it argues that although the problem of Rhodesian independence was highly complex, a UDI was by no means inevitable. There were courses of action that were dismissed or remained under explored (especially in Britain, but also in the Old Commonwealth, and the United States), which could have been pursued further and may have prevented a UDI. -
The Role of the Educational Institutions in Africa in an Increasingly Changing Records Management Environment in the Africa
The role of the educational institutions in Africa in an increasingly changing records management environment in the Africa ICASAE conference University of Maryland, 12 July 2015 Shadrack Katuu International Atomic Energy Agency Vienna, Austria Brief biography Academic background • Bachelor of Information Science – School of Information Science, Moi University (Kenya) • Masters in Archival Studies and Masters in Library and Information Science – SLAIS, University of British Columbia • Certificate in Information Technology Law – University of Witwatersrand (South Africa) • Completed Doctoral programme – Department of Information Science, University of South Africa Selected full time jobs • 2001-2003 Lecturer, Department of Library and Information Studies, University of Botswana • 2003-2005 Information Analyst, South African History Archive (South Africa) • 2005-2009 Manager of Information Systems, Nelson Mandela Foundation (South Africa) • 2010-2012 Archives/Records Officer, International Monetary Fund (United States) • 2013-present Head of Records Unit, International Atomic Energy Agency (Austria) Other positions • 2000-2001 Court interpreter, British Columbia Provincial Court Service (part time) • 2003, 2005, 2007, 2009 Guest lecturer, University of West Indies, Barbados (1 week course) • 2009-2010 Consulting work for different institutions including: South African Broadcasting Corporation, Southern Africa Development Cooperation, Southern Africa Customs Union, Swaziland Ministry of ICT and the National Archives, University of Namibia -
2GECOU Does Democracy Matter?
TheOpen University UBRARY DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE1 FOk.SNDATK)N OF AnRICULTURALG1ANtsdNi ECONOMiCS 2GECOU FUNDED BY THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH COUNCIL'S GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE PROGRAMME Does Democracy Matter? Pointers from a comparison of NGOs' influence on environmental policies in Zimbabwe and Botswana Alan Thomas June 1995 ©MK c7- M am©CDL _7CD mnrkfia 17/, GECOU is a research project based at the Open University. It consists of six researchers from five different disciplines: four from the Faculty of Social Sciences, namely Professor David Potter (Political Science), Professor Andrew Blowers (Geography), Dr Bernard Eccleston (Social Sciences), and Dr David Humphreys (Political Science); and two from the Faculty of Technology, namely Dr Susan Carr (Systems) and Alan Thomas (Development Studies). The project examines the advocacy work of environmental NGOs (non- governmental organisations) and their role in the policy processes which directly affect global environmental problems. GECOU forms part of the UK Economic and Social Research Council's Global Environmental Change Programme. For more information contact: Dr David Humphreys, Research. Fellow, Faculty of Social Sciences, Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes MK7 6AA. Tel: 01908 654480 Fax: 01908 654488 E.Mail: [email protected] Previous GECOU Working Papers Annie Taylor, "Setting Environmental Agendas: NGOs, Democracy and Global Politics, A Framework and Methodology for the Research", GECOU Working Paper No. 1, October 1993. David Potter, "Democracy and the Environment in Asia", GECOU Working Paper No. 2, January 1994. David Potter, "NGOs and Forest Management in Karnataka", GECOU Working Paper No. 3, January 1995. DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE The Development Policy and Practice Research Group was set up in the Open University towards the end of 1984 to promote research on development issues. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself.