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SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS

Number 146 February, 2005

The -yu Ending in , , and Gaoju Onomastica

by Hoong Teik Toh

Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS FOUNDED 1986

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The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica Hoong Teik Toh

A lack of consensus in Altaic studies is nothing new. This is particularly the case with respect to the arduous task of restoring old Altaic names. which are garbed in Chinese transcriptions. In this paper, I intend to pose one question: what is the transcription value of the character yu T which occurs as the ending of some

. Xiongnu ~~;Z, Xianbei f!lF!f! I and Gaoju ~.!fi names found in Chinese histories? Before getting to our question, however, it may be useful to review very briefly the endings of some such proper names given in Chinese transcription. For instance,

the Xianbei tribal name Yidoujuan ~4~ *it (cf. Korean if) to kuan, roughly = *il­

tu-kan / *il-tu- (a foreign -r / -/ was usually transcribed by Chinese -I, -k, or -n),

was later changed to Ch. Ming lljj "clear, distinct; bright, brilliant" (W8: 3011: q~&

41Y:1 ~) and this may be compared to Manchu iletuken "quite clear" (Manchu iletu "'clear", Jurchen ila-, Mongolian iledle "clear"; a Pre-Turkic [pre-lure] *yi'lturqan has been suggested in Bazin: 291). Also derived from the Tungusic stem ..Jjf is the

Eastern Xianbei (the Xianbei) personal name Yidougui ~JZ.~ *iat (cf.

Korean il) to kui (J8: 2815, WS: 2065) / Qidougui 1§ta~ 2 (SS: 1463) = *il-tu-yui.

, For,this name, see Appendix 1.

2 Ch. / si f~ (cf.yi *, ai t.*) had been used to transcribe a foreign *ir (Pelliot 1929: 226ft) although it is difficult to ascertain how it was real1y pronounced in Chinese. The name ofYuchi Jiong's *1~®

(whose original name was Bojuluo MJiSm; Yuchi was a Xianbei tribal name) father was {~~d = *il­ th (ZS: 349). There was, in the early 6 century, a Yuchi military man bearing the Buddhist name

Pusa ""Bodhisattva" (WS: 264. ) 674, 1782: If-1~::g:~). Some Yuchi's moved to . mixed

with the and their offspring, and became the Vis~'s of the royal family in Hvatana (Khotan). It is most interesting to note that the Chinese found the Khotanese "not so Iranian-looking but quite

Chineselike" ~1'lt~ , ~~¥~ (WS: 2263). It should also be noted that, later in the Tang period,

Yazdekirt (Sasanid king) was transcribed by Yisiqi f¥Mijf~ (XTS: 6258), i.e. ~ = kir / gir, Taking this into consideration. we may have to compare {~n. and f~9l3 to Manchu gilta "glowing", giltahlin

1 Hoong Teik Toh. "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu. Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Sharing the same ending as ft -4- -tf is the personal name Rilujuan 1----1 ~¥{=¥ (*,jil liukllok kuan) (WS: 2305) / Jilujuan ~~:W (*cit liukllok kuan) (JS: J710) '"

Jiuliujuan 8;Jt:;l\;ff (*ciu liukllok kuan) (WS: 2305, 2317) = *fi/[uJyan / *jir[uJyan ..... • 3 *jul[u]yan / *jur[ulyan • Some other examples are given in Table 1 and Appendix 2.

Table 1: Possible Ancient Altaic Endings in Personal Names

T tit / ~jt iffl ff ~ :E.l / lIt PfI llj I ~/~ .. -r:; £t ~J. ? *-jlat *_~an4 *-gin / *-)(an *-xan *-xui *-)(on *-)(un *-lu *- / "'-kin *-tin

PI;l-L- ~/\ JiJ#f ~ l'jWjlt / (WS: (BQS: 170) I) fim: 1. (NQS: 996)

.\WrMJ !iMJf5J.i.~ ?1l! (WS:

"shining", giltukan "handsome", Written Mongolian gilJe H)uster", giltuyan-a "shine, brilliance", giltagir Hshining" etc.

J For thejir- - jur- variation, compare "two" in Manchu-Tungus: JurchenJirhon .R5l1tA: "twelve" (cf.

Middle Mongolian flrin "'two"). Manchu jargon "twelfth month", juru "pair", juruken "in pairs".

HezhenjUru "'two" etc. For the transcription value ofjiu gt, compare the Ku~aQa king Qiujiuque liit £rl = Kujul[a] Kad[phises] (cf. Robert Gobi. "The Rabatak Inscription and the Date of Kanishka," Plate I, in Michael Alram and Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter eds .• Coins, Art and Chronology: essays on the pre-Islamic history of the Indo-Iranian borderlands, Wien: Verlag der Akademie der osterreichischen Wissenschaften, 1999).

4 Cf. the Brahman Huanwei ffiii in the Fo bannihuan (Skt. parinirviilJa) jing 1~r.itre1g*~ (ZH

703.33: 519a~ the ~2:~1g*~~. ZH 704.33: 550a reads Wenwei mlii) which transcribes Van[a]vay[sa] (Konow 1932: 192; cf. Sanskrit vaneviisin "forest-dweller. Brahman").

2 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

(J8: 2291) 239) ~m ~m ~~ T ~5 IJ (NQS: (8: (JS: 1977) 2369) 2803) ~rJ]1*·f- rmIfx IffiHI ~iIJ{*~ (WS: IT -T (NX: 76) 3008) (S: (JS: 2325) 266) l~fiJ t\fP. 1WlJ1g Im]~ M»rS I}iiji\ (ZS: m J.l Wi fiJi 441) (WS: (NQS: (BQS: (WS: .. 3008) 990) 690) 156)

rmJ»B IMIIW- 6 II ~ (WS: (WS: 231) 2054)

~~"i1W: 7 ~~

(W8: .u.TI 2803) (NX: 76) :mJi~·:F ~1?}fjt fgj1\ ~~ ~Jm • (WS: (BS: JT .:r 8 (8:

. 5 In S: 2369 and WS: 2233, we read that Yiluohan ~i'~(tl (from the Xianbei in Liaodong 1I1*) had two sons, the eldest was called Tuguhun n±:e-¥!J while the younger Ruoluohui :.57llJi: (cf. the

hydronym ~~£J in WS: 2220, a river in the country of Wuji 0/1"5, north of Koguryo ~ii]Jm). We are informed by ancient Chinese scholars that in Chinese transcription of Xi ongnu names, gu.f:t *kuk should be read either as yu w: *iuk (SJ: 2657-8) or lu 1m *luk (8J: 2890-). PelJiot adopted the first reading (), discarding Tibetan Thu-lu-hun as a possible textual corruption-to be sure, 'u in Tibetan may be easily misread as lu-and proposed *Tu'u),-),un (Tuyuy-yun) / *Tu'uyun (Tuyu)'un)

(1921: 323) for Tuyuhun n±1:t11fI - Tuihun ~1lt However, if we take Tuluhun as the correct reading

and also take into account the transcription variant Tuihun, the foreign sound represented by I!±:e: *1'0

luk ~ ~ *I'oi would seem to be *101-. As for the second son's name, it might represent *]ar[a]xui I

*jalfalzui or *narfaj;rui / *na/[ajxui but this, again, cannot be confirmed without further clues.

6 Cf. Pelliotl948: 213: la fonne A-na-kouei (ou plus probablement A-na-houei) parait confirmee par

Ie nom turc du chef Outigour 1\ VUYUlOC; quton connait par Menandre Protector.

., Prof. Jao Tsung-i opines that Mohuba was a Zoroastrian name which represents magu-van (Jao: 469. 482).

3 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu. Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers., I 46 (February, 2005)

3011) 589) (WS: (WS: 2353) 361 I) 1676) t':H/\O-r LH/\flt ili7\ (NX: 81) (NX: 80) JT (WS: 747) tr;]1:lff / ~J/\~};: 7:i1fFF (WS: (WS: 2297) 3007, zs: 821)

The ~~ *b[uJat (frequently used to transcribe var- or bhad- in Sanskrit names) in the second column of Table 1 is also found in the tribal name of the Taba ftl~jt Xianbei (Western Xianbei)9. If Paul Pelliot's suggestion that this name might be the same as what was represented by Tabyac in the Orkhon inscription (Pelliot 1912: 732) is

8 The name of the Jihu m~ military chiefLiu Shouluoqian i1J~if{t=f should probably be emended to

Shouluogan ~JiFF- (ZS: 117, 126).

9 The character IUD ffi (*t'ak) is pronounced la (*I'ap) when it is used as a variant for la fNi. as in taben ffi* -fNl¥ "stone rubbings". Since we now know that this name was frequently written as Taba iRJi (orthographic variant for~) m, thanks to the epigraphic evidence from Guanzhong (Ma: 57f, 61), it can be decided that the ,name was pronounced *t'ap bual rather than *t'ak buat. Therefore it is unnecessary to explain tabyac by metathesis (as in Bazin: 294) because *taybac simply did not exist. , We also find in Chinese records that Taba-to be distinguished from another Xianbei Tufa

:re~ (who established the Southern Liang mt regime in and whose descendants came to mix with the Qiang It people), of which name the Tufan I Tubo D± was allegedly a later distortion (JTS:

52 I 9)-was also represented by t£;~, allegedly derived from the name of the Xiongnu wife of the general *~ (NQS: 993). The Taba Xianbei, however, disliked the idea that they were mixed blood of the Han and Xiongnu. Instead, they traced their ancestry to the Chinese legendary Yellow (Huangdi ~1ff, the symbol of Hearth" of the Five Elements) in order to legitimize their founding a new in China. See also Yinke 1987: 95. One of their earliest semi-legendary leaders bore the name/title Tuiyin ffEJii which, according to WS: 2, was a Xianbei word meaning zuanyan mUff "drill; probe" (cr. Manchu tuyembi ··drill, bore" < *tuyen?).

4 Hoong Teik Toh! "The -yu Ending in Xfongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

lO correct, we will have to assume that the -yac was a later fonn developed from *-pat • But what seems more puzzling to me is the yu T ending in the first column, which is what prompted me to write the present paper.

This=]:' is none other than the phonetic element of the character yu ~ which occurs in the tribal name Yuwen fX *u bun. As is well known, the Yuwen ~::3t Xianbei (Eastern Xianbei) was of Xi ongnu origin (Chen Yinke 1987: 301-303, Yao:

166). It was said that this name was related to the Xianbei word 1*Y.7} *[?] pun = *il­ pun / *er-pun I1 which means cao 1fII "grass, herb" (XTS: 2403). The tribal name f~

7r *[?] pun of the Gaoju (WS: 2310; cf. 1~:X *[?] bun in NX: 81) was obviously ~loser to the Xianbei form (1~¥J}) than to the Xiongnu C¥X).12 It seems very likely

10 Cf. Ligeti: 278: "Je tiens '8. faire remarquer que la finale -I, dans la transcription chinoise, ne peut nullement rendre un -c indigene. *Taybat (ou *taybar, *Iaybal) est-il un pluriel sien-pi?"

II Or, not unlikely, *il-pun - *er-pun, such as in the case of, e.g., Old Uyyur 'rt- and 'ylt- (cf. S. Tekin, p. I I, line 43: ertgeli, line 47: iltgeli).

12 q'he falseetymology that connects -¥X with tianjun ::R;ft "celestial lord" ($ Harch [of the sky]", )[ "civil [rulership]") should not be taken too seriously (See Vao: 168-169). The suggestion in Boodberg: 286, followed by Pulleyblank (Roemer: 83), to see in "Yuwen" an earlier fonn of Mongolian emun-e "south" in order to associate it with the Chinese concept of "lordship" (nanmian ItiHti "facing south") seems out of place. The * -f~ variance can also be observed in the case of the tribal name Wanyu il~; T (WS: 1645,2240) - Moqi h'f~ (BQS: 375). h' II~; *b{uJan - PJ 1& *but

(cf. Yao: 54,361-362) could transcribe bal/ bol and {~ -T could stand for if / ir (or er) - ul/ ur (or vur; cf. the instance of yulan .iMi = u//am-, where ul- is represented by yu .;t). In this connection; I should point out that the Xianbei word for "interpreter, translator" qiwanzhen Z:~~ (NQS: 985) seems to have nothing to do with Written Mongolian kelemurci{nJ "interpreter" (see Ligeti: 292, who apparently followed his French master Paul Pelliot), which might have then yet to attain such a meaning, bilt rather reflects *hul'ba/jin I *korbiiljin-this may be rendered by both Iradultore and Iradilore, and must be linked to Mongolian ulbari- "to change", ulbaril "change, transformation'" urha- "to betray", urbayci "traitor", urbal "turning", urbayul- '~to turn over" (an obsolete word for

"translate". displaced by orci)'ul- "tum, translate"). Middle Mongolian ~.J.J4.JJA hurba'iilba -

~.J.J~JJI I urba 'Ulba (nonne:, ] 87, 366), korbe- korbu- / korbi- "tum over, topple", korbel "turning",

5 Hoong Te~k Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005) that to this name Manchu orho "grass; hay", Tatar (Kazan, Tobolsk) yp- (ur-) ~'to

mow"., Chuvash Bblp- (vir-) "to mow" etc.13 are related (Starostin-Dybo-Mudrak:

1063, Q>e,llOToB: 137). If so, we may give the original word transcribea by ~FX *u

I4 bun roughly as * [v}ur-pun , assuming that a foreign word then conventionally transcribed by ¥ had an -r final. This may be supported by the following observations. In the earliest Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures, T seems to

represent a foreign vr. The name for [the realm of] the gods of "great fruition / abundant fruits" (Sanskrit brhatphala, Pali vehapphala) was given by the I

korbegiil- "turn over, translate", kolberi- "tum over, capsize", kOlberigiil- "overthrow", as well as Manchu ubaliya- ''tum over; revolt", ubaliyambu- ''translate'' (the "Mong. qobil- - Man. ubaliya-" parallel given in Qasbayatur: 25, though phonetically plausible, does not show convincing semantic linkage)-where hur- / kor- is represented by Z *k'jJ (Korean go!). Cf. *Z:-f* - z:-f* (ZS: 335, 345),

Huihe lm*.z *huai hut (> Khotanese hvaihu:ra) = UY'Yur, and *Z:»f5 - ~m (Tian: 123; note that dun

~ must have been a scribal error for guo ~). It therefore seems to me that Wanyu might stand for

*Ba'ul (cf. also the Q'itan ~f} personal name in WS: 2223: Jio/.Jr). If we assume that the Xianbei

personal name Piti Il1IiWi *p'ill bok le{i] (JS: 3115), Pidi Il!!~ * p'it / bok tei (JS: 1710; cf. Ridi l:i.Jilii

*.rillei [SJ: 1059, HS: 2959], the Xiongnu man who became a loyalist of the Han emperor Wudi ~ftt

1J7; the phonetic value for MP is given as T~'& in HS: 2959), Piyudi Il!! TJI: * p'il! bok u teli] (NX: 78) were transcription variants of one and the same name, they most probably stood for *bnrtei, *b;'rlai, *billei, or the like. The name of a X ion gnu is preserved in Chinese sources in two different forms, Riti B IMfi and Boti B!Kfi (S: 2421), and I cannot decide which one is correct.

13 Droch oklO, Orok oroqto, Evenki orokto, Solon orokto < *orxoqto (cf. Ulcha orxoqla). probably from *orxo + *oqta (> Manchu oklo hpoison; medicine"). BH'ranH" 11. CepreeB has also connected oroklo with Chuvash kypaK «TpaBa» in his recent Chuvash-Tungus-Manchu parallel lexica (pp. 25, 132). The Common Manchu-Tungus okto has been related to Turkic 01 "grass" (Starostin-Dybo­ Mudrak: 1069), the latter was probably also borrowed into Tocharian (HoaHOB: 100). The word for

"" in Chuvash, BHp (vir) (AwMapHH: 236). is unlikely to be related to the name ofYuwen.

14 I am not sure if the second syllable is related to the archaic *-piin in Manchu-Tungus (Manchu fun, Evenki -wiin) which corresponds to *-piir > -yur in the Mongolian languages (Poppe 1969).

6 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Rouzhi FJ 5i. translator Zhi Loujiachen RJI:~~ (2nd century A.D.) as weiyupan Itt

-:~Fr& (Fo shuo doushajing 1~~~1j)*~, ZH 100.13: 654a-b) and biyipanluo ltfftlil

*1¥. (Daoheng bore jing i§1T~;g:*~, ZH 6.7: 919a), and by Wuluocha ~f.mJZ. (3 rd century A.D.) as weiyupoluo 1tT~f.i (Fangguang borejing :t&J't~:{5*~, ZH 2.7:

82b). 71 stands for phal-, ¥III and ~*i for phala. That Loujiachen transcribed the name inconsistently is noteworthy. Perhaps the second text he translated was not in the Yuezhi language and the first part of his second transcription, tt fjT *pi i, represents a dialectal variant (*bi[h]ya-?):s On the other hand, Wuluocha, though a Buddhist master from Khotan, seems to have based his transcription on the Yuezhi form. WiT probably stands for *vr-. In the Fo shuo Amituo Sanyesal1fo Saloufotan16 guodu rendao jing 1~~jmJ~~~.:::.Im=1~Mitlf?ttll~JJtA.~*~ (translated by the Yuezhi Buddhist layman Zhi Qian in the A.D.), the name of the sixth

Buddha is given in transcription as Naweiyucai WIIiE -=t. ~ (ZH 27.9: 582c).

Elsewhere, in the Fo shuo Wuliangshou jing 1~~~•• *~, a translation done by the Sogdian monk Kang Sengkai JlffJ~ (3 rd century A.D.), the name is given in translation as Shengli rm jJ "victorious strength" (ZH 28.9: 61Ic). Despite our lamentable ignorance of the Yuezhi language, it is. tempting to see the name as containing a word that may be compared to A vestan vara Bra "strength of victory":

l7 18 fft:=f *ui u = *v[aJr[aJ-, ~ *ts'{uJa = _.91"a • There is also a Buddha named

15 Cf. bihiya-. bihila- "Ubermapig, grop" (Konow 1941: 120) in the language of Khotan.

16 We may, by assuming that salou reflects the Yuezhi form (*saru? *sarau?) for Skt. sarva, take sa/ouIotan as meaning "all Buddhas".

17 Cf. yusuohe -=f~~ *u sa ha (Zhong ahanjing !:f:l1ftiJ13*~, translated in 397-398 A.D. by Gautama

Saf!1ghadeva Wlil:ftHjJlIm~. Taish6, No. 26, p. 646b) which probably transcribes *vusatha (cf. viisataa in Konow 1932: 196) rather than Skt. upavasatha. Also, cf. weida; 'liE~ *ui te (Daoheng borejing illrf~~B*~, ZH 6.7: 905b). the paramita of virility (Skt. virya; cf. Olsen) or f~§7&:m~. which may be compared with Khotanese vrta (Takubo: 143. 154). The original form for Fuyudai ?tf

~ (ZH 100.13: 654a; Skt. piirvavideha, Pali pubbavideha) is still not clear.

7 Hoong Teik Toh'."The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Xuyeweiyusha 3J.il":lEfff.-j-Y~ (ZH 27.9: 553a) which, again, seems to reflect the

I9 Yuezhi form for Skt. surya-varcas • The village of Weiyuling 1t T ~ where

Buddha Kasyapa 3ru!~ was present (Fo shuo qinii jing {~~-tft::*~, Zhi Qian's translation, ZH 846.34: 618c) should be compared to Verudinga in the Mahavastu.

Interestingly, we also have, in the Chang ahanjing -IfdmJ?i*~ (translated around 413

A.D. by Buddhayasas {~~BIf~~ and Zhu Fonian kk{9ft~), the name ofa dragon-king

Aboluo r~uJ?Bl*'l (Taisho, No.1, p. 128a) which, however, is given as Ayulou ~frJT~ in the Da loulan jing *flWt*~ (translation of Fali rt"iL and Faju Y!i§, late 3rd century A.D., ZH 712.33: 834b). Ayulou must reflect a form close to Skt. avfra or avfrya "weak" rather than to Skt. / Pali abala "weak", the latter being transcribed by

Aboluo. A probably parallel case is that of bansheyuse ~MTrt (Da zhidu lun *~

J1t~ifH, translated by KumarajIva [d. 409/413], ZH 597.25: 132c)--Skt. paiicavar$ika-, Tocharian B paiicwar#k (Adams: 354), Uyyur p 'ncvrsyk-in which T alone might very well represent *-vr-. For yuse, Pelliot"s suggestion-based on Karlgren's reconstruction of ~ which has -I final (cf. sat) and on the observation that

-1 was often used to transcribe foreign -r-of a form *usar (1929: 258-259) seems unnecessary (cf. u sek T~ in Minnan ), even though Bailey had found it convenient to account for Khotanese pa1J2jsi-va$iiri (Bailey 1949-51: 931).

18 Cf. the name of the fourth Buddha, Amicailuosa IfuJm~a~ (ZH 27.9: 582c), which seems to reflect *Amitra-rasa (Skt. Amrm-rasa "nectar") since ZH 28.9: 611 c gives the name in translation as ganlu ttB"* "nectar taste".

19 Xuyeweiyusha is listed immediately after Zhantuohusi 1m~'EJl!WT. This allows us to recognize "the moon" in Zhanluo (*Canda) and "the sun" in Xuye, and to compare them with Yueming .f-j aJ.j U moon- brilliant" and Riguang 8 J\: "sunlighf' given in ZH 28.9: 591a. Xuye might stand for *suya - *susa

( lff5 - xie !f~) while weiyusha for *vlr~a (Skt. varcas ··vigor; luster. splendor"), cf. the Khotanese form vl:\'ya in Takubo: 171. 292.

8 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Khotan was known in Chinese as Yutian -=fa' *u tian (SJ: 3160, 3169)20 / Yutian ·:frm *u I'ian (HS: 3871, 3881) / Yutian fliJ *u I'ian (Yao: 56). Pelliot opined that Yutian transcribed *'Odan in the Han period (1959, I: 412). However, by considering what have been proposed above in connection with T and f, the for Khotan might very well reflect *'{vJurdan (the Yuezhi form again?), and this should be compared to the qurdan found in the Tofiuquq 1f¥JlW-:i}- inscription (Clauson: 127il. We are therefore. compelled to reconsider the original form for the famous Shanyu ~T *sian u (8J: 2887, HS: 3751), the title affixed to the name or royal epithet of a X iongnu ruler, of which a variety of proposals had been offered by modem scholars. Together with this are other Xiongnu names I titles such as Huyu

~T *hok u (HS: 3827), Dangyu ~.::f *tal) u I tOI) u (HS: 3808), Sheyu jfd:-:F' *sia u

(WS: 78), as well as the T~ name Xianyu !¥-=f 22 (WS: 39, 74) / Xuanyu

~T *sian u (J8: 2654). HS: 2457 also re~ords a Xiongnu toponym Yu fr. I have no solution to all this but would like to suggest that any attempt to crack the puzzle of the Xiongnu language should take into account the high probability of the presence of a final-r in the ending of such names.

20 According to Sl: 2936, zhi ~ *ti was here pronounced tian m.

21 Talat Tekin, disagreeing with Clauson, prefers reading qur{ljdmta "from the west" on the ground that "the East Turkic state could not have reached as far as Khotan" during the historical.period in question (Tekin: 214). For our present purpose, we may disregard this problem and simply cite the

Fanyu zaming 1t~~~ (compiled in the Tang period by the Kuchean monk Liyan ~§i) in which the name for Khotan is given as iifj i31 1:1 ~ ~ .:~: 0 fi (Taisho, No. 2135, p. 1236a), indicating unambiguously a medial -r- in the toponym.

22 This was said to have been related to the ancient Xianyu f!¥.Ja *sian gu (also known as Lunu JhI~Jl.. see SS: 856). Cf. Yao: 312-315. The T ending is also found in Jie mpersonal names, e.g., Xieyiyu

~~~ :r:., grandfather of the lie warlord E¥JJ (WS: 2047).

9 Hoong Teik Toh, ~'The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica." Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Appendix 1: The ethnicon Xianbei

A few remarks on the Chinese transcription xianbei are in order.

Among the transcription variants for Xianbei ~* *sian pi are Xibei 'IZ§.~ *se

/ *sa; pi( I) and Shibi Bffitt *se / sai pi. Paul Pelliot proposed *Sorbi / *Serb; (1921: 331, 1928-29: 142) based on the observation that the Chinese used gm(2l to transcribe Persian ser '''lion'' (cf. Laufer: 4) and on the assumption that the tribal name Shiwei 3 ¥:1f! *sek ui -- ~:&t *sit ui = *sirvi ) might have been a later form of Xianbei. Pritsak (1976, 1989) seems confident in seeing Xianbei as *Siibi-r, where -r being a plural suffix, and connecting it with Sibir « l:ciPtp- *Siibir). It had long been alleged that the name xianbei was related to the Xianbei cult of an auspicious creature whose image was embossed on belt clasps, the so-called Xianbei guoluo d.ai flt¥J1f.$I3¥&Wf (SJ: 2898), where guoluo (* kuak lak / * kuok lak /

* kok lak) has such variants as fnJ~ *kau lak ...., f.il~ *kau 10k (SGZ: 1441: ~]~ 1! ' & ~ 1f[ m ' tit ~JW ~ frY Mf 1rf¥), and they should probably be compared to Kalmuck g. ofg' "schnalle" (Ramstedt: 151), Written Mongolian yorki « *yoroki <

*g.oraqf / *g. oraq) '~buckle / hook of a belt" > Udehe guagi "buckle", Manchu gorgi "clasp on the girth of a horse" etc. (Rozycki: 91). By assuming that the xianbei

(I) Erya zhushu f«fii.ttni. juan 10. Cf. Hong Liangji I: 15 for the fact that. was at one point pronounced ban f1£ (*pan, *pai).

(2) Also found in the country name J ushi 1f!eifi I Gushi MBw (SJ: 3161), the vassal state of the Xiongnu in I SI-century Central Asia.

(3) cr., e.g., in Mongolian languages. serbe, serbeger, serbei-/ sirbei-. servin. selWi- etc. derived from the stem ""ser / ""sir "crest; bristle; sticking out, projecting etc." (See Starostin: 1260, CepreeB: 156). cr.. again, Written Mongolian siber / sibir udense shrubbery on a marsh; overgrowth on a river bank; hazel grove; dense forest. thicket", siyui "thicket. grove. forest", sirengi "grove, coppice of small trees, densely growing bushes" (F. Lessing, Mongolian-English Dictionary, pp. 695, 70 I. 716). Note also that wei ~ (cr. Cantonese uai) could stand for ·vai too, see footnote 4 supra.

10 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, )46 (February, 2005) was an S-shaped hook fastened to the guo/uo, Manchen-Helfen believed that they are IE loan words, and he connected *serbi with Greek harpe, Lettic sirpe etc. and guoluo with Greek kyklos, Sanskrit cakra etc.(4) According to ancient Chinese historians, the Xianbei people branched off from the so-called "Eastern " and came to settle around Mt. Xianbei after which name they were designated (HHS: 2985: *i!tij;L51ili, 7JU~«~~rlf, t&)Zg~1t~). That is to say, the oronym came first, the later. In connection with the transcription value of ff.t¥, compare the palmyra tree touxian 1~~ (Da loutanjing *flWt*~, ZH 712.33: 815a) / zunxian m~ (Fo shuo loutan jing f~~mER*~, ZH 713.33: 877c) for druma-sre${ha, where xian most likely reflects an Iranian siir- / sir- rather than Sanskrit sre-. ff is also found in the transcription of a Xion gnu personal name, viz., Xiantangqing f!¢1it$<~ (HS: 2952). However, given our extremely meager knowledge of the language of the Xiongnu, this cannot serve as a useful clue.

The second character in question, ~, occurs also in Chubei f~lq=! * tu pi, a subordinate of the Xiongnu (HHS: 2951), and of this much less is known. The name of Sakyamuni' s aunt Mahaprajapati Gautami was transcribed by the Kuchean translator Bo Fazu B (I=f,) r*fftfi as Mohebeiyeheti Jutanmi .~-IlJ~IfT5fo~f~.53\

(Fo shuo da aidao bannihuan jing f~~*~~~tJBt.j§*~, ZH 794.34: passim). For

~lf~fD~, a "Prakritic *piyavadi" has been suggested in Brough: 582. We also have

Beixiani ~$fGm (See Zhi Qian's 3Z:~ translation of Fo shuo bo jing chao 1~~~*~ f1J, ZH 401.20: 739b) representing a Yuezhi form for Prasenajit(5). It seems that -W

(4) While preparing this appendix, I was not aware of Maenchen-Helfen's article which was later kindly brought to my attention by Prof. Victor Mair. Let me not have these different ideas reconciled and synthesized now but wait for a future solution by more competent scholars.

(5) A foreign -sena could be transcribed by a Ch. xian disregarding the final vowel, e.g.• Pimuzhixian

IBH: [j W fLlJ *hi mok Ii sian = Vimuktisena. an Indian scholar who translated Nagarjuna's

VigrahavyiivarlQ~T illiI~fi~~, Vasubandhu's KarmQsiddhiprQkara~a ~ffl<:m:~ and three upadesQ ffi8i m~ in 540-541 A.D. in lW, under the "Xianbei-ized" Chinese warlords from the iWJj

11 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005) transcribes a foreign syllable with p- initial as in Qubei M·~ = Gopi (Sanskrit

"cowherdess'''; see :ttliilfoJ-a-*~, ZH 699.32: 18c). Chinese historians recorded that, in Persia, one who was in charge of secretarial and various administrative matters 6 (zhang wenshu ji zhongwu ijt3ttl.&JS

(ZS: 919; WS: 2285 has ttH~, cf. Pahlavi diplr "secretary, scribe", New Persian dablr "secretary., minister"), which may be recognized as Pahlavi diplvar.

Based on the above data, we can only say that Chinese "~ + J2;!'" might represent a foreign "'sar + pi". Any restoration of the original form for ff~ must be seen as tentative. Furthermore, it is always difficult to etymologize an ancient ethnonym or toponym, especially when its original form is still debatable. However I think it is useful to review the scanty data we possess from time to time to remind us of how little we know and how far we need to proceed, humbly and open-mindedly. More evidences are to be explored so that we may be able to propose new reconstructions or/and etymologies as w~1l as to reduce the number of acceptable proposals.

clan. The fonns *Vimok~asena given in Bagchi; 267 and *Vimok~a-prajfta-r~i that crops up again and again in modern Buddhoiogical writings published in Japan are entirely unacceptable).

(6) Pahlavi spah-pa{ "army leader" was transcribed by sabobo ~jgl~ (ZS; 919) I xuebobo Ei¥?1Jl~ (WS: 2271) and glossed as "commander-in-chief of the troops of the four directions [of the ]"

(zhang sirang bingma 1jt [g 15 ~ ,Ilt). In the Bundahisnt Mercury is Chieftain of the East, Mars Chieftain of the West, Venus Chieftain of the South, Jupiter Chieftain of the North, and Saturn spah­ palan spah-pa( ··Chieftain of Chieftains" (cf. Chinese astrology in which Saturn [Zhenxing mm], from among the Five Planets 11.£, was made central). See 8ehramgore T. Anklesaria, Zand-akasih: Iranian or Greater Bundahisn (Bombay: Rahniimae Mazdayasnan Sabha, 1956), pp. 60-61.

12 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Appendix 2: Other Possible Ancient Altaic Endings in Proper Names t-g rri fN -f-/tf ~ ~ W/1lIl1 ~/JN ~R t!

*-kanl *_jU(i) *-yun *-xan *-yan *-xai I *-xu I *-jin I *-tu *-yan "'-kei I *yu *_cin(iii) *_ki{li)

(i) Cf. Toh, "Introduction". The last syllable of the personal name Duluozhou *±y~mJ *10 10k ciu (WS:

241) is probably this ending too. If so, Duluozhou might represent *Tol[oUu, as compared to Duluogu

N#imi *to 10k ko = *Tol[oJxu (WS: 77; cf. the name of Tanshihuai's MEm father in HHS: 2989: ~

Jmf~) and the Rouran *?& personal name Tunukui n±~)lfflt *t'o 10 k'ui = *Tol[o]xui (W S: 2289; cf.

WS: 83: ~Jm1m). Perhaps we should also include the Qrtan tribal name Tuliuyu 11±/\T */'0 liok u

(WS: 2223) or Tuliugan O±:R-f- * 1'0 liok kan (BS: 3127), one of them being a fa/sa /eclio. The ethnonym Rouran *.;iu .;ian was also transcribed as Ruru fIjflj *,jU,jU , Ruirui ~~ *3l ii 3Ui, and

Ruanruan ~~ *,3Uan ,jUan. Bailey was tempted to see in 3Uan ,3Uan a reduplicated Iranian var­

(1979: 209). Nevertheless, since ruan !I is also pronounced ru, it seems more likely that ~!I!t1a was pronounced *3U 3U (compared with fIjflj and i*j~) or '" 3U 3Uan (compared with ~?&) rather than

(ii) Cf. Jihu flm-abbreviated from Buluoji ~m:it (probably related to the Xiongnu name Fuluzhi

{~]~~, HS: 240), a Xiongnu 'subgroup who had descended fro~ the five Xiongnu under

Yua,n iUmM (Liu Yuanhai IUJf;t4i) (ZS: 896). Liu was a member of the Dugu ~fill. (= *do"lo? Cf. the

Xianbei clan name in WS: 3013: 1Ii1lIl~ = *doyoXUn?) - Tuge Nltr (= *toxay?)-reflecting respectively the Xianbei and Xiongnu forms-tribesmen who had adopted the Chinese clan name Liu

(the royal clan name of the Han t~ dynasty) in order to justify their political pursuits, see Chen Yinke

1987: 100-)02 and Yao Weiyuan: 38-52. Unaware of this trick, Bailey had gone so far as to see in Liu

Yao ~Jllfl, the Chinese name of Liu 's son, a "clearly Iranian" word which he unhesitantly gave as Ruyduka- (Bailey 1985: 41). Buluoji was also the name of the Wucheng .iitfflG emperor of the dynasty. A contemporary pun associated him with rooster (BQS: 183: ~~ • ~m~ , :;gt~i\frj(/J\ftJ7g~~) because If and mare homophonous. Cf. the name of a X ion gnu military chief 8utilim (BS: 3250) I Bt1i.:tI1it (TJ: 3761) and the Xiongnu toponym Jiluo ~~ (Qiu: 24; cf. the Xiongnu personal names mil mand mWiJtJT in HS: 3810, HHS: 2950) to which the name of the

13 Hoong Teik Toh, "'The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica." Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Qnan chief Kailuo mm (XTS: 6172) may be compared. The final syllable of the tribal name J4t~~

(also known as ~, a Qi'tan-speaking people that branched off from the Yuwen confederation) stands for the same foreign sound as m (note the phonetic element ~ in jf£) and m, which is further supported by the fact that the clan name ~~ (WS: 2312) was changed to (WS: 804, 3013). We are informed that the tribal name Poliuhan UI1l1\$ft (BQS: 378) / Poluohan ii!RtEif (WS: 235.

250; also, the Poluohan mountain in XTS: 1148) = *Pal[a]xan was a distorted form (a Xianbei variation?) of the Xiongnu name Panliuxi 111\~ (BQS: 378) = *Pal[a]xai / *PAI[a]kei (cf. ~~~ and ~ti~ for the -n - -i variation). There is little doubt that Xiongnu elements had infiltrated the

Xianbei and I~m / Wuwan I~/t peoples as well as their language (wu I~ *0 was sometimes replaced by wu ~ *bok; for such a variation, see, e.g., Mongolian bobegel.Jin - obel.Jin - ogel.Jin

"cresf\ cf. gubegen - giibugen "hillock", giibeger "protruding, sticking out", orbeger "sticking out"; like Xianbei. Wuhuan was an oronym as well as an ethnonym). We read in WS: 2054 that one who had a Hu (Le., in this case, Xiongnu) father and a Xianbei mother was called tiefu ~~ (*tipur? /

*tifJut? I *Iipal? cf. the name of Lake Difu tt!!~ in W8: 2295). The Tang scholar Van 8higu Mflifjr!l stated that the Lan IfII clan of the Xianbei went back to Zhelan fJfjlj of·the Xiongnu (8J: 2930) while the !P¥~ clan of the Xianbei was related to Huyan "'W of the Xiongnu (8J: 2890-2891), and that the Xiongnu word qilian ffil)i!l! "firmament" was then still current in the Xianbei language (HS:

203). Words (toponym, anthroponym, titles) ending with qu ~ (= *ka I *ga; cf. lUt~ = varga in

Api/an bajiandu fun jmJm.J\mJ.t~ifU, ZH 1028.43: passim; .~ / U$fi~ in Buddhist scriptures for

"'conch, 1(61)('1, KOyX0C;"), such as 1t~ I Bl@ (cf. the transcription JiSfIJ~ for the 8asanid king Kavat in WS: 2272), 13.~ 11£l~ (8J: 2891, 2892, 2903), .~ (8J: 2936, HS: 2486), ffj~ (H8: 3787), 1[1*

(HS: 3779), m~ (H8: 3781) etc.~ are notably related to the Xiongnu, and yet the name rt~ (HHS:

2983) / rt~ (BQS: 266) was also found among the Wuhuan and Gaoju peoples.

The Chinese recorded that the customs and official titles of the .~ Xianbei were mostly similar to the Xiongnu (J8: 2803: Jil3{:t , 'B~df!AH~i1~~IB!IQ]) and that the language of the Gaoju and Dingling -r~ (var.: T~, Til) was more or less similar to the Xiongnu with minor variations

(WS: 2307: ;tt~fi~W~J~X~ffff~'FJ/J"W). Murong *bo io'1 (transcribed from Chinese into Khotanese as byOyii'!1, for which see Bailey: 13) and Moyun Ji:ft *bok un (WS: 2310; the name of one of the Gaoju tribes) might very well be transcription variants of one and the same Xiongnu word (For yun - rong [or io'1] in Chinese, cf. Toh, "Introduction"', footnote 44). The final syllable of this name is also found in the name of the pastureland of the militant Jie m / Jiehu mi!iJ1 / Qihu ~i~ people (m *kial- ~ *k'ial) viz. the river valley Xiurong ~~ *s[i}au iOI) near the Qilian Chi iilr5Jtl!7tl! I Tian Chi j(w!' "Heavenly Lake" (W8: 1644; qilian was the Xiongnu word for lian). There is

14 Hoong Teik Toh, "'The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, J46 (February, 2005) preserved in Chinese transcription a couplet in the Jie language (Jieyu mmn, viz., xiuzhi Jiligang. pugu qUludang ~1[fb~~ , 1~~f!IJJ3'B'M'. wherein xiuzhi is a noun meaning "'army" Uun 1fI) while

Jiligang and qUJudang are two verbs-both ending with -I) in Chinese transcription-meaning "to set out" ( tf1) and "to capture" (zhuo tfE) respectively (JS: 2486). Several attempts 'had been made to recover these Jie vocables (see, e.g.~ Bailey 1981. 1985, and Vovin) and, although they remain heretofore unriddled, such efforts should not be slighted. Some preliminary observations are in order:

(I) The 1§ in ~?g and ~5( might very well be the same simplex in the Jie language; (2) 'fj. *iol) seems to transcribe a toponymic suffix (added to a stem morpheme such as ~ *sau and ~ *bo); (3)

5l *ki / *ke seems- to be a nominal suffix that turns *sau- into a noun meaning "army"; (4) the nasal -I] frequently occurs in Jihu personal names such as Bai Yujiutong Bm~~, Qiao Sanwutong 1't.:::.o/]

~J and Qiao Suwutong ~*WIR.I (ZS: 898; note that Qiao 1Ii as a "clan name" was of Xiongnu origin). and in Xiongnu personal names such as Xubudang ~Ji ~M' (HS: 3826), Wuyidang ,~~/ffi'

(HS: 3809), Boxutang ~~¥: (HS: 3790), Tuqitang .If!~1it (HS: 240, 3789; according to HS: 3751, tuqi means m~~good~ virtuous"), Tichuqutang Jm~~1it (HS: 3789), Zhulouqutang ~.~m: (HS:

3797), etc. For the time being, it cannot be determined whether this -I] may be regarded as common consonantal final (probably postfixal) and the most salient phonological trait of the Xiongnu language. In the case of Murong lI~ I Moyun ~ft (cf. TJ: 4042: Moyun ~~, younger brother of the Wei R general Moti ~m), it is not improbable that the Xiongnu name ends rather with -I (a liquid final again) since Rahula (Sakyamuni's son) is found to have been transcribed as Luoyun rf~ (~ for ra-,

~ for hul-) in early Chinese Buddhist texts. (5) The Jie were Caucasoid-looking. Chinese historians inform us that, when some 200,000 Jie people were massacred in the political and military strife that took place in Ye ~ (in present-day province) around 350 A.D., about half of those having a prominent nose and large beard were mistakenly killed (JS: 2792: iWi"~~~1=I1ti1E~=t-~). Prof.

Victor Mair has drawn my attention to a big-eyed (with the pupils appearing to be bluish in color)~ huge-nostrilled, and yellow bearded soldier statue dating to the Northern Qi period (see Virginia L.

Bower, From Court 10 Caravan: Chinese Tomb Sculptures from the Collection of Anthony M. Solomon, Cambridge: Harvard University Art Museums; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002, p.

13, Plate 26). Could this soldier be one of Erzhu Rong's ~*~ Jie warriors which were later incorporated into the Xianbei army of (founder of the Northern Qi)? If so, we may quote

Su Dongpo's ~*J&: chiran biyan lao Xianbei $~~na~~~ "the red-bearded and bluish-eyed old Xianbei" from his poem Han Gan er ma @~~*=.~ to refer to this interesting figure?

15 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Oaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

,f~'§' ~)FF ~)Z,;w.: / (WS: 5) (ZS: m~ 499) (Tian: 83-88) ,ij!&:~(I') JIt!m~ g , riff (TJ: ~D' 4042) (WS: 2305, 3014)

Jflij\l~f (OX) fifi,tlD ~Jmf~ {xmrf W-~~ ~~ Y;-1\5fL\ ~'JmJi f~I\~n (zs: (WS: (N: 76) (WS: (ZS: (NX: 75, (WS: (WS: 317) 3012) 1645) 896, 76,80) 2292) 2238) ~A1iil BQS: ~Al1Il (BS: 183) (WS: 397) 3007) ~lWruJ (ws: {xlmJJJl 3007) (NQS: 996)

~4 W"J!rfi l~' (NX: (HHS: 80) 2994, SGZ: 99)

zt~& z~~ (JS: 2815. (JS: WS: 2767) 2304; cf. JS: 3082: Z ~MiV)

(iii) Cf. the hydronyms n±~~7J< (JTS: 2671), n±JffiA:JII (NQS: 1025), ~*Z:g~>J< (8S: 3128) and the personal names P±~Jl (JS: 2542), n±ft~ (WS: 2241), I!±HJ1.:. (WS: 2294), which may be compared to Mongolian layo/- Ila"lo/- "to pass, to ford", Manchu doo- "to cross [a river. a desert]" etc.

(Iv) Kuru J$~ (*k'o liok) / Sheru JiP.&J (*sia liok) = *Xor[oy]-I *Xol[oy]- or Sar[oy]-I 8al[oy]-, either one of them being a scribal error in Chinese or both coexisted in the indigenous language. It is also possible that this name shares the same stem with the personal name transcribed as Juluhui 1tilt\! ~ (WS: 2289),

(v) z:t~a! = *Hurtayu. z!f1fli = *Hurtayu[i].

16 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica," Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

l~ilJ -=j=(vi) rrn.r~ r~~Ji (JS: (HHS: (XTS: 2537, 2983) 2404) WS: 375)

..

Ivi) Cf. Pelliot 1921, p. 329; Liu Pansui: 651-655; Toh. Ulntroduction".

17 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and G~oju Onomastica." Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

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Addenda

p. 3 (footnote 5):

It should be further remarked that another transcription variant for n±~7!I! was n±7!tI (e. g., ZS: 468, JT5: 5245). Considering the transcription of the Xianbei name Heliuhun Ji1\7!fl -

Gaohuan ~I'K = *falxun and even Chinese transcriptions of later times such as the Ming

transcriptions Tulufan ±fltl ..... Tufan ±tI = Turfan• , sulutan im~tI ,..... sulan ~fj = sultan, etc., it is clear that foreign -r- / -1- was not always represented by Chinese 1- if the preceding

Chinese syllable in the transcription ends with -0 or -u. The suggestion to take n±~ as representing tol- would therefore seem quite plausible. Bazin and Hamilton associated "Tuyuhun" with what appear to be tuyyun and tuyyut in the Kol Tegin inscription, suggesting a "turco-mongol" prototype *Tuy[u]yun "autour blanc (oiseau symbole d'heroisme dans Ie monde turc)" < turc tuy- "percevoir" (cf. Written Mongolian toyiyun ,....

toyiqun 1/ gyrfalcon") and comparing it to the Tang transcription for Uyyur viz. Ruihu IB1Di •• (which had been interpreted as 1/ a falcon in circling flight"). One may equally want to

. intepret the names of the two Xianbei brothers (given in w~at seems to be the epic song of

the 11±~7!1! people which had been partially recorded in Chinese dynastic histories) in an

entirely different way. We may compare the younger brother's name ~#iJi: (= *Jl1axui?) to

Written Mongolian jllayu II young" and the elder brother's n±~$ (= *tOl[u1kiin?) to Written Mongolian tiiriigiin ...... terigiin "head; first", toloyai "head", tulyur "beginning", Middle

Mongolain turun II initially" (Secret History of the ), Manchu turula- lito be first, to head" (turu- + denominaI suffix -la). We have to admit that it is always difficult to etymologize - or should I say: it is always easy to assign a meaning to - an ancient proper name. We do not have to quote, say, Saka (whether this has anything to do with "dog") or (whether this has anything to do with "fish") as an example. Just consider a relatively much recent ethnonym like Manchu (whether this has anything to do with-

* This might have been the source for later confusions. See also Victor Mair, "Tufan and Tulufan: the q Origins of the Names for and Turfan," Central and Inner Asian Studies 4 (1990): 14-70.

** Thus they hypothesized that Tibetan highlanders were known as *Toptin - *Toptil in the "Tuyuhun" language from which, as they believe, was derived Chinese Tufan D±¥ and Turkic TopUt (Sogdian Iwp yt). See Louis Bazin et James Hamilton, "L'origine du nom tibet," Ernst Steinkellner ed., Tibetan History and Language: Studies Dedicated to Uray Geza on His Seventieth Birthday (Wien: Arbeitskreis fllr tibetische und buddhistiche Studien Universitlit Wien, 1991), pp. 9-28.

23 Hoong Teik Toh, "The -yu Ending in Xiongnu, Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica." Sino-Platonic Papers, 146 (February, 2005)

Mafijusri!), the name for a relatively more /I tangible" , which has so far remained etymologically obscure despite several enthusiastic attempts to clarify its meaning.

p. 3 (footnote 7): In an interesting essay written in 2002+, Professor Jao Tsung-i reasserts his view that the Xianbei personal name Mohuba was of Iranian origin. If this is correct, it may be better-as it seems to me-to see Mohuba ~~ as representing *Maypat (magu-pat) "chief Magian".++ p. 4 (footnote 9):

It is worthy of mentioning yet another view put forth by an Indog~anist and Iranist who opined that (i) Turkic Ta(3yac was "obviously a loanword from Iranian tayfJar < Old Iranian *taga-bara- 'wearing the crown' > 'king' " and this "harmonizes neatly" with Ch. jEfij{ (allegedly, "Prince of the Earth"); (ii) there was a Sogdian form *tayfJarc "Chinese" (*tayf3ar + adjectival suffix -c; *tti{3yar < *tay{3ar by metathesis) which, due to the loss of the r in this position in Sogdian, resulted in Ta(3gac (Greek TauyC[(TC). +++ However, in alllikeIihood, the first element of the Chinese transcription 1t1 Hit) Ii!& rendered a sound like tlap rather than tlak.

p. 8 (apropos of tiMFf~):

The formJ1f.~TfS++++ occurs in the Dasheng beifentuolijing **~?t~~~Ij~ (ZH 133. 16: 3~c). The character se ts (*siak) in the transcription could only reflect -$ik and certainly not -$ar.

+ "~m~ Soma (~*): ~~.~*~~~," Rao Zongyi ershi shiji meshu wenji .*M=+t!!&C~f,ttj ;:em (Taipei: Xinwenfeng, 2003), Vol. 10, p. 158.

++ Du Huan's ttlli Jingxing ji ~ff~a mentions a shenci ~jji!] (a [fire?] temple) in Samarqand (El~) which was called ba 1M. The suggestion of Wang Guowei xIII. to emend ba to xian;jO( uAhura Mazda" seems unnecessary. See Sichou zhi lu ziliao huichao zengbu **klz~.~~&,..P.tt1*"=i (Beijing: Quanguo " Tushuguan Wenxian Suowei Fuzhi Zhongxin, 1990s), p. 46.

+++ See the late Professor Janos Hannatta's "The Letter Sent by the Turk Qayan to the Emperor Mauricius" . in A,cta Antiqua AcademiaeScienliarum Hungaricae41 (2001), p. 114.

++++ cr. Isshi Yamada, Karu~iipu~flarlka, II (London: S.O.A.S, 1968), p. 102.

24

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