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Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School

2004 The Educational Function of Native American Art Shops in Flagstaff, Arizona Tamara McPeak

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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

THE EDUCATIONAL FUNCTION

OF NATIVE AMERICAN ART SHOPS

IN FLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA

By

TAMARA McPEAK

A Thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2004

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Tamara McPeak defended on

March 18, 2004.

______Kathryn Josserand Professor Directing Thesis

______Bruce Grindal Committee Member

______Elizabeth Peters Committee Member

Approved:

Dean Falk, Chair, Department of Anthropology

The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures v Abstract vi

INTRODUCTION 1

1. EARLY INFLUENCES ON THE SOUTHWESTERN NATIVE AMERICAN ART MARKET

The Santa Fe Railroad and the Fred Harvey Company 9 The Santa Fe Indian Market 14 The Indian Arts and Crafts Board 16 The Museum of Northern Arizona 20

2. MODERN INFLUENCES ON THE SOUTHWESTERN NATIVE AMERICAN ART MARKET

The Santa Fe Indian Market 25 The Museum of Northern Arizona 27 Popular and Scholarly Literature 30

3. OBSERVATIONS IN NATIVE AMERICAN ART SHOPS IN FLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA 33

Puchteca Indian Art 34 Winter Sun Trading Company 46 Painted Desert Trading Company 52 Thunder Mountain 58 The Jonathan Day Collection 60 The Museum Shop in the Museum of Northern Arizona 66

iii 4. NATIVE AMERICAN ART SHOPS IN FLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA, SERVE AN EDUCATIONAL FUNCTION

A Comparison and Contrast of the Observations 73 Conclusions 76

APPENDICES A. Human Subjects Research Approval Letter 79 B. Human Subjects Research Re-Approval Letter 80 C. Example of Informed Consent Form 81

BIBLIOGRAPHY 82

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 93

iv

LIST OF FIGURES

1. Old-Style Hopi Katsina Dolls. 6

2. Action-Style Hopi Katsina Doll. 6

3. Sculptural-Style Hopi Katsina Dolls. 7

4. “Flute Player” Hopi Overlay Pendant. 7

5. Navajo Yei Bichai Carvings. 8

6. Yei Bichai and Storm Pattern Navajo Rug. 39

7. Jonah Hill at Winter Sun Trading Company. 51

v

ABSTRACT

This thesis investigates the educational function of Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. Research was conducted in six Native American art shops: Puchteca Indian Art, Winter Sun Trading Company, Painted Desert Trading Company, Thunder Mountain, the Jonathan Day Collection, and the Museum Shop in the Museum of Northern Arizona. The researcher discusses early and modern influences on the Southwestern Native American art market, and efforts to educate the public about Southwestern Native American art and culture. These influences included the Fred Harvey Company, the Santa Fe Indian Market, the Museum of Northern Arizona, the Indian Arts and Crafts Board, and popular and scholarly books and periodicals. This information served as a background for comparing the interactions between customers and staff that the researcher observed in Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. An analysis of the literature and the observations reveals that much of the general public was not aware of the cultural differences among Native American tribes or that these differences were reflected in the art forms of each Native American tribe. The staff and owners in Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, attempted to clarify this misunderstanding to customers. This indicated that Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, serve an educational function.

vi

INTRODUCTION

Information on Native American art and culture can be obtained by reading scholarly and popular books and magazines, and by visiting museums, marketplaces, and Native American art shops. Native American art shops have received little attention as sources for learning about Native American art and culture, but tourists frequently visit Native American art shops for souvenirs of their visit to the Southwest. This research was an investigation of the educational function of Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. The researcher chose to observe the Native American art shops located in Flagstaff, Arizona, for several reasons. First, Flagstaff was only a two- hour drive from the Hopi reservation, and the southern and western regions of the Navajo reservation. The Native American art that was for sale in shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, was a representation of what Native American artists were creating in this region of the Southwest. Second, Flagstaff, Arizona, was the only city within ninety miles of the south rim of Grand Canyon National Park, Arizona. The south rim has been the most frequently visited portion of Grand Canyon National Park, and a prime destination on many vacation itineraries. As a result, Flagstaff, Arizona, has received tourists from all around the world. Third, Flagstaff, the home of the Museum of Northern Arizona, has hosted summer Native American marketplaces and brought tourists with an interest in Southwestern Native American art and culture to Flagstaff. All of these factors made Flagstaff, Arizona, a good location to conduct research on this topic. The researcher worked at Puchteca Indian Art, one of the Native American art shops in historic downtown Flagstaff, from January 2001 to September 2002. This work experience was the inspiration for this investigation of the educational function of Native American art shops in Flagstaff. The researcher learned about Native American art and culture from working with Puchteca Indian Art owner Steve Beiser, and observed that

1 customers also learned from visits to Puchteca Indian Art. This observation prompted the researcher to investigate whether other Native American art shops in Flagstaff also provided an education to their customers. The researcher observed the interactions among shop owners, staff, and customers at five Native American art shops in historic downtown Flagstaff, Arizona, and documented any attempts to educate the public. These shops included Puchteca Indian Art, Winter Sun Trading Company, Painted Desert Trading Company, Thunder Mountain, and the Jonathan Day Collection. Interactions also were observed at the Museum Shop at the Museum of Northern Arizona, which was located three miles north of historic downtown Flagstaff. The Museum Shop was included to determine if there were differences in the education that was offered at commercial Native American art shops versus the education offered at a shop in a non-profit, education-based institution. The researcher spent approximately three hundred hours observing interactions among owners, staff, and customers in Native American art shops in Flagstaff. The researcher made three weekday and four weekend visits to each shop, resulting in seven observation sessions in each of the six shops. Each observation session lasted between five and eight hours. These observations in Native American art shops in Flagstaff took place during the peak tourist season between Memorial Day weekend and Labor Day weekend of 2002. It would have been impossible to remain unnoticed by the shop owners and staff for as long and as frequently as the researcher needed to be in each shop without the owners and staff becoming suspicious of the researcher’s intentions, and unethical to do research on people without permission. Therefore, the researcher presented shop owners and staff with an informed consent letter and obtained permission prior to taking notes on interactions that the staff had with customers. The customers, however, were not informed of the purpose of the observation and sometimes were not even aware of the researcher’s presence. Therefore, customer behavior remained natural. Since consent was not obtained from customers, they were not depicted in any photographs or identified by the use of any names, but in some instances the geographical area that customers were from was mentioned.

2 The researcher recorded the overall appearance, layout, and general atmosphere of each Native American art shop and the type of art that was for sale in each shop. The researcher noted when customers visited each shop, how long they stayed, and how interested they were in having conversations with shop owners and staff. The researcher assessed customer interest in learning about Native American art by observing whether the customers asked questions and if they responded to information provided by the Native American art shop owners and staff. The researcher noted questions that customers asked most frequently and answers that shop owners and staff provided. The researcher recorded which Native American art forms attracted most customers, and which art they purchased most often. If dialogue transpired among owners, staff, and customers, then the researcher classified the information as related to Native American art and culture, or not related. Information related to Native American art and culture was divided into different categories, such as information about a specific artist, information on different Native American tribes, the justification of the prices of Native American art, production methods and materials, and design meanings or symbolism. In addition, the researcher documented the methods that shop owners and staff used to convey information about Native American art and culture to customers. These methods included conversational story-telling, providing reference material in books and magazine articles, having artist demonstrations, and distributing flyers with text and photographs. The researcher also reviewed scholarly and popular literature on Native American art and culture to determine how individuals and organizations informed the public about Native American art and culture in the past. The researcher compared this literature with the data gathered during observations at Native American art shops in Flagstaff. Comparisons made between the literature and the observations focused on the type of information on Native American art and culture that was provided, and the methods used to convey that information to the public. These comparisons indicated that the majority of customers who were observed in this research misunderstood or were unaware of the cultural differences among Native American tribes, and that these differences were reflected in the art that each tribe produced. Some background information and some key term definitions on Hopi and Navajo culture will be presented now.

3 The Hopi call themselves Hopitu Shunumu, which means “peaceful people” (McCoy 1993a:16). The Hopi are a matrilineal society, which means that family identity is traced through the mother. The Hopi live in villages of flat-roofed houses made of mud and stone, called pueblos. Approximately 10,000 people live on the Hopi reservation, located about 100 miles northeast of Flagstaff, Arizona, and covering about 2,000 square miles of semi-arid land. Most Hopi villages are built atop one of the three mesas that lie within the Hopi reservation territory. First Mesa, the easternmost mesa, houses the villages of Walpi, Sichomovi, and Tewa. Second Mesa is the site of Mishongnovi, Shipaulovi, and Shungopovi villages, and Third Mesa, located farthest west, is home to Bacavi, Hotevilla, and Old Oraibi villages. The Hopi became farmers and moved into their present homeland about 1,500 years ago (McCoy 1993a:16-17). Before that, they lived in small, related groups scattered across the Southwest, with a lifestyle based on hunting and gathering of natural resources. The Hopi language belongs to the Uto-Aztecan family. The Hopi have survived as farmers on a barren, dry portion of the Colorado Plateau for 1,500 years. They believe that their ability to survive in this environment for so many years is due to their constant prayers for rain and their elaborate religious ceremonies. Hopi religion involves spirits called katsina. The Hopi believe that the katsina spirits manifest in the form of clouds and gather around the San Francisco Peaks, the mountains north of Flagstaff, Arizona. Just as there are hundreds of plants and animals in nature, so there are also hundreds of different katsina spirits, to represent each element. Hopi men carve katsina dolls from cottonwood roots as teaching tools for children to learn about the different types of katsina spirits. Hopi men who have been initiated into the katsina religion are katsina dancers during ceremonies. To western culture, it may appear that the men are merely dressed as katsina, but to the Hopi, these men become the katsina. Although Hopi men began carving katsina dolls for their children, people from western cultures began collecting these dolls in the 1880s. Katsina dolls have evolved over time into many different styles. Katsina dolls were originally designed to hang on a wall, but many carvers put bases on the dolls to enable collectors to place them on shelves. Early dolls had few details on them, only enough to identify the katsina.

4 Modern katsina dolls that hang on a wall are called “old-style” katsina dolls and are a revival of the original katsina dolls with few details. Carvers later added more realistic details to katsina dolls. These dolls are called “action-style” katsina dolls. They are carved with arms and legs, and imitate how the katsina looks during Hopi dances. The most recent evolution of the katsina doll is called a “sculptural-style” katsina doll that utilizes the natural bends and shapes of the cottonwood root. Although the katsina doll has evolved into different styles and non-Hopi people have collected katsina dolls, the Hopi consider all of their artwork to be authentic. When a Hopi man carves a katsina doll, he is not thinking about whether the doll will be in a Hopi or non-Hopi home. The Hopi carver is only thinking of the katsina spirit of the katsina doll that he is carving. After the katsina doll is finished, the carver may keep it for himself, give the katsina doll to a friend or family member, or he may sell it to a Native American art shop or non-Hopi person. The final destination of the Hopi katsina doll does not affect the authenticity. The katsina doll is a piece of authentic Native American art because a Hopi man carved it. One specific katsina known as Kokopelli is a clown who chases female spectators during Hopi dances. His behavior is comical to watch, but also inappropriate. He imitates the kind of behavior that Hopi men should not display towards women. Because the kokopelli figure has a humpback, non-Hopi people often, but mistakenly identify the image of the “flute player” with the name kokopelli. According to the Hopi, the “fluteplayer” and kokopelli are different entities whose names should not be used interchangeably.

5

Figure 1. Old-Style Hopi Katsina Dolls. Left, “Tobacco” carved by Tay Polequaptewa, 10 inches tall and priced at $270. Right, Hilili, which means “Whipper” carved by Darance Chimerica, 10 inches tall and priced at $250. Sold at the Jonathan Day Collection.

Figure 2. Action-Style Hopi Katsina Doll. “Kokopelli” carved by Joe Gash, 14 inches tall and priced at $235. Sold at Puchteca Indian Art.

6

Figure 3. Sculptural-Style Hopi Katsina Dolls. Left, Pahlik Mana, which means “Butterfly Girl” 26 inches tall and priced at $620. Right, “Broad-Face Whipper” 10 inches tall and priced at $135. Carved by John Fredericks. Sold at Puchteca Indian Art.

Figure 4. “Flute Player” Hopi Overlay Pendant by Darren Seweyestewa, 2 inches long by 1 inch wide and priced at $34. Sold at Puchteca Indian Art.

7 The Navajo call themselves Dine, which means “The People” (McCoy 1993b:25). The Navajo reservation spans an area of 25,000 square miles across northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, and southeastern Utah. The Navajo live in hogans, which are eight-sided, log and mud-daubed dwellings. The Navajo entered the Southwest as hunters and gatherers from the north 500 to 1,000 years ago. However, the Navajo quickly adapted to a pastoral lifestyle after acquiring sheep from the Spanish in the mid- sixteenth century (McCoy 1993b:25-26). Navajo religion is based on healing and restoring balance where it has been lost. Sand paintings are a part of the ritual that a medicine man performs to restore balance. During a ritual, the medicine man calls on spirits that the Navajo call yei. Human personifications of the yei (Navajo spirits) are called yei bichai (dancers representing Navajo spirits). These dancers participate in Navajo healing ceremonies. Navajo men carve yei bichai figures that represent yei spirits, but these carvings should not be confused with Hopi katsina dolls.

Figure 5. Navajo Yei Bichai Carvings. Left, “The Twins: Monster Slayer and Born for Water” 26 inches tall and priced at $400. Right, “The Harvest: Gatherer of the Harvest” 16 inches tall and priced at $250. Carved by Carlos Begay. Sold at Thunder Mountain.

8

EARLY INFLUENCES ON THE SOUTHWESTERN NATIVE AMERICAN ART MARKET

Public demand for Native American art first developed with the influx of tourists into the Southwest in the 1880s. The Santa Fe Railroad brought tourists into the undeveloped and untamed Southwest. A man named Fred Harvey began a company that aimed to make the experience more comfortable and familiar. Once tourists arrived, they generally purchased cheap souvenirs instead of high quality Native American art, which quickly drove down the quality of objects that Native Americans produced for sale. Several wealthy individuals were concerned about this decline and promoted the importance of educating the public about Native American art and the need for standards within this art market. From these concerns came the establishment of the Santa Fe Indian Market in New Mexico, in 1921, and the Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff, in 1928. The federal government also recognized the importance of educating the public and setting standards within the Native American art market and created the Indian Arts and Crafts Board in 1935. The influences of these three organizations will be discussed in this chapter.

The Santa Fe Railroad and The Fred Harvey Company The journey to the American Southwest was long, and there were not any restaurants or hotels along the way. Fred Harvey recognized this business opportunity and began providing first class meal service to passengers while they were traveling on the Santa Fe Railroad trains. Harvey also recognized that passengers were very interested in the art that Native Americans occasionally sold at the train stations. Harvey began marketing this art, and quickly became the largest distributor of Southwestern Native American art. Harvey even supplied the Southwestern Native American art collections

9 for the Field Museum in Chicago and the Peabody Museum at Harvard University. His business became known as the Fred Harvey Company (Wade 1976:56-58). Many sources discussed the Fred Harvey Company’s relationship to Southwestern Native American art. Edwin Wade’s article, “The Ethnic Art Market in the American Southwest, 1880-1980” (1985), showed that the railroad and the Fred Harvey Company were the two strongest promoters of Native American art. The Great Southwest of the Fred Harvey Company and the Santa Fe Railway, edited by Barbara A. Babcock and Marta Weigle (1996), described in greater detail the relationships between the railroad, the Fred Harvey Company, and Native American art. Kathleen L. Howard and Diana F. Pardue also wrote about the influence that the Fred Harvey Company had on the Native American art market in Inventing the Southwest: The Fred Harvey Company and Native American Art (1996a). The new cultures, arts, and landscapes that the Southwest offered fascinated academically trained scholars and romantic poets. These people traveled and wrote volumes of information on Southwestern Native American art and culture. The Fred Harvey Company had three libraries filled with these materials. One library was located in Albuquerque, New Mexico. The other two libraries were located inside Hopi House, and Bright Angel Lodge, at the south rim of the Grand Canyon, Arizona (Howard and Pardue 1996a:95). The Santa Fe Railroad and the Fred Harvey Company promoted Southwestern Native American life and art as wondrous, beautiful, and alluring enough that everyone would want to participate in the artistic experience and obtain a piece of Native American art to take home. The Fred Harvey Company and the Santa Fe Railroad promoted this image by distributing literature on Native American art and culture. Passengers could purchase reading material during their train ride to prepare them for the Native American art and cultures that they would see upon their arrival in the Southwest (Howard and Pardue 1996a:95). This literature offered the first representations of Native Americans in the Southwest to the public. These representations influenced public perceptions about Native American art and culture and generated public interest in collecting Native American art. Ethnologist George Dorsey wrote about Native American cultures from a

10 scholarly perspective in The Indians of the Southwest (1903). This was a small but informative pamphlet that described the cultures of several Native American tribes in the Southwest and the different art forms that each tribe produced. Other writers compared Native American cultures with modern American life. Witter Bynner wrote a poem, Pueblo Dances (1923), that described the pueblo people as a joyous group who were tied to the earth and understood things that people of the modern world did not. Poet Mary Austin wrote The Land of Journey’s Ending (1924), which characterized the pueblo society of the Southwest as a people exempt from the problems of modern life. Anthropologist Edward Sapir compared the characteristics of “genuine” culture with “spurious” culture in “Culture, Genuine, and Spurious” (1924). He wrote that modern America had a spurious culture, in which machines had replaced spirituality. Genuine culture was present among Native Americans; it was balanced and filled with spiritual meaning (Sapir 1924:314-315). Leah Dilworth, from Yale University, discussed early Native American representations in her dissertation, Imagining the Primitive: Representations of Native Americans in the Southwest, 1880-1930 (1992), and in her later book, Imagining Indians in the Southwest: Persistent Visions of a Primitive Past (1996). Dilworth showed that literature written about Native Americans influenced what tourists thought Native American art represented. Her book illustrated that early representations, which romanticized Native American culture, convinced Americans that they could experience this romantic lifestyle simply by traveling to the Southwest and purchasing a piece of Native American art (Dilworth 1996:121-124). In addition to distributing literature, the Fred Harvey Company also introduced some of the first visual representations of Native Americans to the public. The Fred Harvey Company designed a set of playing cards to entertain and familiarize passengers with Native American images during the train ride. The company also designed and sold postcards as an inexpensive way for tourists to share the experience with friends and family back home. These items could be purchased from newsstands at railway stops. The public became familiar with the images that the Fred Harvey Company showed them, and then these images were the only ones that the public accepted as authentic. The public looked for these images when purchasing souvenirs to take home (Howard

11 and Pardue 1996a:95-96). The Fred Harvey Company had already influenced tourists’ perceptions of Native American art and culture by bombarding them with literature and imagery long before train passengers even arrived in the Southwest. Fred Harvey also planned the first opportunities for personal interactions between the public and Native American artists. He convinced the Santa Fe Railroad to supply free train passes to Native American artists and their families if they sold their art at the train stations in Albuquerque and Gallup, New Mexico (Wade 1985:169). These interactions with Native American artists intrigued some tourists even more. The Fred Harvey Company responded to this interest by offering tours to the pueblos, called “Indian Detours.” Passengers on the Santa Fe Railroad could purchase these additional side trips during their visit to the Southwest. Young, attractive women who had graduated from eastern universities were hired as couriers to lead the tours. The Fred Harvey Company also hired Edgar Hewett, director of the Santa Fe School of American Research, F.W. Hodge, from the Museum of the American Indian in New York, Charles Lummis, founder of the Southwest Museum in Los Angeles, and archaeologist Alfred Kidder to teach classes for the courier training program (Howard and Pardue 1996a:124). This training program ensured that these women were armed with numerous facts about the Southwest and would thus be able to provide an interesting interpretation of Native American art and culture to tourists (Weigle 1989:128). Some tourists were not ready to leave the main travel lines to visit distant pueblos in the middle of the desert. The Fred Harvey Company also arranged opportunities for these passengers to interact with Native Americans and gain knowledge about Native American art and culture by building exhibits in the train stations. Visitors could see dioramas of pueblo villages, cliff dwellings, hogans, and Native American jewelry and costumes at the Albuquerque Indian Building in New Mexico. These exhibits had demonstration areas where Native American artists worked. Visitors could witness the creation of Native American arts and then pass directly into a salesroom that offered similar products for purchase. The Fred Harvey Company insisted that their exhibits and tours were authentic and that they presented Native American life the way it really was (Weigle 1989:120-129).

12 The Fred Harvey Company wanted tourists to be immersed into Southwestern Native American art and culture, which meant that they needed a place to spend the night during their travels. Harvey hired architect Mary Jane Colter to decorate existing hotels, and to design new hotels, along the Santa Fe Railroad. Colter decorated the Alvarado Hotel in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and the La Fonda Hotel in Santa Fe, New Mexico. She designed the El Navajo Hotel in Gallup, New Mexico, and the La Posada Hotel in Winslow, Arizona. These hotels helped the Fred Harvey Company make the harsh environment of the desert Southwest more inviting and appealing to tourists (Howard and Pardue 1996b:32-35). All of these activities brought Native American art to the attention of the general public. But, the Fred Harvey Company is best known for its own collection of Native American art. The Fred Harvey Company depended on traders for its collection: Lorenzo Hubbell supplied Navajo rugs, and Thomas Keam provided Hopi arts. Keam and the Fred Harvey Company also worked with archaeologists James Stevenson, Washington Matthews, and Adolph Bandelier, who collected Native American artifacts for museums and universities. Keam impressed these scholars with his knowledge of the Hopi and the stories that he told about them (Wade 1976:56-57). These early interactions between traders and academics helped Native American art shops establish scholarly reputations (Wade 1985:171). The Fred Harvey Company’s relationship with Thomas Keam also provided tourists with direct access to Hopi artists. Nampeyo, a Hopi potter, demonstrated pottery- making at the Grand Canyon Hopi House in 1905. Paul Saufkie, a Hopi silversmith, demonstrated silver-making at Hopi House in 1935. The Fred Harvey Company was eager to employ Native American artists to demonstrate their crafts because their presence increased sales dramatically (Howard and Pardue 1996a:105). Native American art sales were dependent on the economy of the nation. The Great Depression of the 1930s restricted consumer indulgences in luxuries such as traveling and collecting Native American art to such a degree that many Native American art dealers declared bankruptcy. The Fred Harvey Company resorted to a mail order catalog in 1938 in an attempt to revive sales (Howard and Pardue 1996a:98). Other dealers expanded their product line to include cheap souvenirs. Herman Schweitzer,

13 purchaser for the Fred Harvey Company, observed that there was no longer a market for quality Native American art by the end of the 1930s, so even the Fred Harvey Company, which had always demanded high quality Native American art, began carrying lower quality items that were less expensive (Wade 1976:94-95). World War II followed immediately after the Great Depression and did not improve the position of Native American artists and dealers. Many of the most skilled Native American artists never returned from the war. Traders were overstocked with goods that they could not sell and, therefore, could not buy additional items from the Native American artists (Schrader 1983:78). These circumstances affected Native American art production and sales on a large scale, as well as the Fred Harvey Company. The Fred Harvey Company continued to exist through the 1940s and 1950s but never fully recovered from the economic effects of the depression and the war (Wade 1976:95).

The Santa Fe Indian Market A few wealthy individuals interested in preserving the quality of Native American art offset the decline of the tourist market for Native American art in the 1920s and 1930s. Molly H. Mullin described the efforts of Elizabeth White, Margretta Dietrich, and Maria Chabot in her doctoral dissertation, Consuming the American Southwest: Culture, Art, and Difference (1993), which later became a book, Culture in the Marketplace: Gender, Art, and Value in the American Southwest (2001). White, Dietrich, and Chabot were from affluent families and had been educated at eastern universities. They, like other travelers, were enticed by romantic accounts of life in the Southwest and moved to Santa Fe, New Mexico. The beauty of the Southwest landscape astounded these women, but they were disappointed with some of the Native American art. These women believed that if they educated the public to purchase quality Native American art and to pay a fair price for it, then Native Americans would produce better art and would not need to sell inexpensive, poor quality products (Mullin 1993, 2001). White, Dietrich, and Chabot organized a Native American marketplace in Santa Fe, New Mexico, to promote Native American art and to influence buyers and artists (Mullin 2001:71). This marketplace became known as the Santa Fe Indian Market. It became a major influence on the growth of quality Native American art. The Santa Fe

14 Indian Market has been held annually since its inception in 1921. By 1930, Santa Fe was renowned for having some of the highest quality Native American art ever produced (Wade 1985:178). Elizabeth White returned to the east and opened a shop in New York City in 1929. White knew that she could charge fair prices for the best Native American art in affluent, cultured New York City. She hoped that receiving good money for good work would encourage Native Americans to stop selling poor quality items along the highways (Mullin 2001:108-111). Chabot and Dietrich remained in the Southwest. Each wrote a series of articles in an attempt to educate the public about purchasing Native American art. These articles were published in 1936, in New Mexico magazine (Chabot 1936b, 1936c, Dietrich 1936b), and in Indians at Work (Chabot 1936a, Dietrich 1936a). These were popular periodicals accessible to the general public. Dietrich’s articles in the New Mexico magazine urged tourists to purchase Native American works of value, not curios. Her article, “Old Art in New Forms” (1936b), observed that the tastes of tourists were degrading to Native American art. She asked tourists to appreciate and purchase traditional Native American art forms rather than imposing modern tastes on Native American art (Dietrich 1936b:56). Chabot’s articles in the New Mexico magazine educated consumers about standards of quality and authenticity so that they could purchase the best Native American art. Chabot elevated Native American art from the souvenir level to the status of fine art. She created knowledgeable buyers, encouraged Native Americans to make high quality art pieces, and promoted Native American art as fine art. She encouraged younger Native Americans to learn about traditional methods and materials from older Native Americans who were more knowledgeable about traditional standards (Mullin 2001:84-119). The articles written by Chabot and Dietrich created an educated public that began to make new demands on Native American art. Traders encouraged Native American artists to return to older techniques in response to these demands. For example, the wool for rugs had to be hand-washed, hand-carded, hand-dyed, and hand-woven by a Native American. Chabot criticized traders who purchased Navajo blankets and rugs that were

15 made with bright colors. The traders argued that the public was suspicious of rugs that were made with soft vegetal dye colors and thought Navajo rugs should be bright colors, but Chabot said their suspicions were the result of poor education (Chabot 1936c:47). The efforts of White, Dietrich, and Chabot improved the quality of the Native American art market and created buyers who appreciated this high quality work. The majority of the general public, however, could not afford to purchase higher-priced Native American art. Inexpensive, factory-made, imitation work was still produced to meet the demands of this segment of the public. This imitation market threatened the authentic Native American art market. There were not any laws to prevent the production or sale of imitation Native American art, and it was often difficult to distinguish between imitation, machine-manufactured, products and authentic Native American art (Schrader 1983:137). Education did not appear to be enough, so the federal government intervened.

The Indian Arts and Crafts Board The United States federal government was aware of the threat that imitation work imposed on authentic Native American art. It recognized the need to have standards set within the Native American art market. In response to this need, the federal government created the Indian Arts and Crafts Board in 1935. The Indian Arts and Crafts Board: An Aspect of New Deal Indian Policy, by Robert F. Schrader (1983), described government efforts to fight the imitation market and to educate the public about Native American art and culture. Native American jewelry was the art form most in need of protection, therefore the Indian Arts and Crafts Board created a standard for Native American silver work to protect Native American artists from the threatening imitation market. The Indian Arts and Crafts Board developed stamps to mark the work of Native American silversmiths and encouraged the public to look for these stamps when purchasing Native American jewelry. However, obtaining the government stamp on each piece of jewelry was a slow process. Most traders and Native American artists lived in remote areas where travel was difficult and slow. Neither artists nor traders could wait for a government representative to come approve their work and give them a stamp. As a result, some pieces of Native American jewelry were stamped and others were not. This

16 inconsistency made buyers suspicious. The Indian Arts and Crafts Board realized that the attempts to enforce standards in Native American art were not as effective as they had hoped. Instead, the Indian Arts and Crafts Board refocused its energy on widespread public education (Schrader 1983:251-253). The Indian Arts and Crafts Board noticed how determined Maria Chabot was to encourage the public to appreciate Native American art as more than souvenirs, so the board hired her to do market research to promote Native American art on a larger scale. She traveled throughout the Southwest to determine which kinds of Native American art sold most frequently, the prices, and the kinds of customers who purchased this art. She also searched for ways to market Native American art to attract high paying customers (Mullin 2001:84-87). The Indian Arts and Crafts Board also educated the public by sponsoring exhibits that compared imitation and authentic Native American art (Schrader 1983:251-253). The board hired Rene D’Harnoncourt to design and curate these exhibits. D’Harnoncourt noticed that the majority of tourists were not concerned with the quality of Native American art and that they would not spend more than the price of a post card. Many tourists only purchased Native American objects as trip souvenirs to impress their friends and to prove that they had been to the Southwest. D’Harnoncourt also observed that tourists wanted a symbolic meaning or story associated with every souvenir they purchased. The tourists’ demand for meaning stimulated the imagination of traders (Douglas and D’Harnoncourt 1941:14). To determine if tourist demands were influencing the production and sale of Native American jewelry, the Indian Arts and Crafts Board hired John Adair to interview Zuni silversmiths. The results confirmed D’Harnoncourt’s beliefs. Zuni silversmiths were producing jewelry that they knew the traders would purchase, and the traders’ purchases reflected what the tourists were demanding. Adair stated that Native American jewelry production reflected “the Indian’s idea of the trader’s idea of what the white man thought was Indian design” (Adair 1944:135). After D’Harnoncourt understood how tourists perceived Native American art, he attempted to alter their perceptions. D’Harnoncourt wanted to prove that Native American art had a place in modern fashion and decoration as something useful and beautiful. He hoped to elevate the status of Native American art from that of a souvenir

17 to the level of fine art (Schrader 1983:224). D’Harnoncourt designed two displays for an exhibit at the Golden Gate International Exposition in San Francisco in 1939. One display was a reproduction of a modern house and the other was a reproduction of a Native American pueblo. The modern house exhibit displayed Native American objects, and showed how they could be used in a modern home. In the pueblo display, Native American artists demonstrated craft techniques while they produced artwork. John Collier, head of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, was so impressed by D’Harnoncourt’s exhibit that he told Secretary of the Interior, Harold Ickes, that 1939 might mark the end of Native American souvenirs and the resurgence of an interest in fine Native American art (Rushing 1992:198-204). D’Harnoncourt also conducted an experiment in marketing Native American art. He designed two salesrooms to sell the same quality and type of Native American art for the same prices. One salesroom was modeled after a reservation trading post and the other was designed to look like other modern gift shops. D’Harnoncourt’s experiment revealed that the salesroom modeled after the modern gift shop sold more Native American art than the shop modeled after the reservation trading post. Customers were more interested in Native American items if they were displayed on a mannequin and appeared to be functional in the modern world (Rushing 1992:204). D’Harnoncourt made contracts with New York firms to use window space on Fifth Avenue to display Native American art, thus creating interest in a new Native American art market. He received inquiries from commercial businesses that wanted to sell Native American art and from museums nationwide that planned to host Native American art exhibitions (Rushing 1992:205-216). D’Harnoncourt continued to stress the functional and aesthetic value of Native American art at his next exhibit, “Indian Art of the United States,” held at the New York Museum of Modern Art in 1941. This exhibit reinforced the window displays that were visible on Fifth Avenue (Rushing 1992:195). The exhibit’s catalog, Indian Art of the United States (1941), changed public perceptions of Native American art by valuing it as fine art (Rushing 1992:217). The exhibit also occurred when World War II had decreased foreign imports. War pressures were rising and national pride was high.

18 American fashion designers looked toward home for inspiration and rediscovered Native American art and culture (Schrader 1983:224-240). Frank Long, Indian Arts and Crafts Board field representative for the Southwest, served as an advisor for the protection of authentic Native American art. Long believed that Native American art exhibits should inform viewers about Native American history and culture and should focus on traditional production methods and materials rather than on the aesthetic and functional uses of Native American art (Long 1965:3). Long also recognized that Native American artists needed protection from the competition of imitations. Since copyright laws did not effectively protect Native American designs, Long believed consumer education was the best way to protect Native American artists. In his article, “Protection for Authentic Indian and Eskimo Arts and Crafts” (1965), Long promoted exhibits that would provide cultural information about the people creating the art and a description of the materials and methods used. This information would develop the observer’s ability to understand and appreciate Native American art and to discriminate between good and poor work and authentic and imitation products (Long 1965:12-13). Smoke Signals, a journal published by the Indian Arts and Crafts Board for Native American artists, offered advice on how to improve the quality of their artwork, and offered marketing suggestions. Edward Malin’s article, “Trademarks for Indian and Eskimo Arts and Crafts” (1965), explained the benefits of using a trademark on authentic Native American products. Malin said that using a trademark would assist the public in recognizing and identifying authentic Native American art, thus protecting Native American artists from the threat of imitation products (Malin 1965:3-6). The Indian Arts and Crafts Board sponsored the exhibit “Indian Handicrafts – The True and the False” in 1958. This exhibit compared imitation and authentic Native American art and provided examples of all forms of Native American art. Photographs and signs were used to explain the differences between machine production and hand- worked methods. Native Americans were present to explain the exhibit to observers and to answer questions (Long 1965:12-13). Such exhibits effectively educated the public about Native American art and culture and continued to influence the tone of Native American art exhibits during the late 1950s, and into the 1960s.

19 The emphasis on the cultural and historical backgrounds of Native Americans appealed to American subcultures during the 1960s. The civil rights movement of this period caused many Americans to sympathize with the struggles that Native Americans had endured. An ecological consciousness also developed, as Americans became more aware of the earth’s limited resources. Native Americans were represented as strong, spiritual people who were tied to the earth. Many Americans identified with this consciousness, and adopted Native American styles of dress, music, dance, and arts. Popular interior decorating magazines, such as House and Garden, Sunset, American Home, and House Beautiful, emphasized an earthy home décor, with plants in macramé holders and natural-finish wood furniture in response to this new consciousness. Native American hand-made pottery, baskets, and rugs complemented this décor (Bernstein 1999:59, Wade 1976:122). Native American jewelry experienced a boom during the 1960s. This boom was influenced by fashions worn by cultural icons. Rock and roll musicians were seen wearing turquoise in magazines and on-stage, which popularized Native American jewelry among the younger generation. The older, more sophisticated public was influenced, too. A 1968 advertisement for Estee Lauder perfume showed a woman wearing a silver concha belt. Unskilled and non-native silversmiths began producing Native American-styled jewelry in response to these fashion demands (Bernstein 1999:63-64). Despite the education efforts of the Indian Arts and Crafts Board, some people disregarded authenticity for lower prices, even when they knew what they were purchasing (Long 1965:3-4).

The Museum of Northern Arizona Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton was another influential figure in the development of the Native American art market. She was born to an affluent family in Philadelphia in 1889 and attended the Philadelphia School of Design for Women. She married Dr. Harold S. Colton, a zoology professor at the University of Pennsylvania, in 1912. The Coltons shared a passion for the outdoors and spent their honeymoon backpacking in the San Francisco Peaks, the mountains above Flagstaff, Arizona (Olberding 1997:7).

20 The Coltons returned to Flagstaff every summer after their initial visit. Mary- Russell Ferrell Colton painted the scenic mountains filled with ponderosa pines and aspen groves, the monsoon cloud formations, and the spectacular Flagstaff sunsets. Harold S. Colton developed an avid interest in archaeology after finding a potsherd on one of their visits. He later documented numerous archaeological sites in the area. He surveyed, cataloged, and published several articles about these sites and their earlier inhabitants. The Coltons moved permanently to Flagstaff in 1926, and founded the Museum of Northern Arizona in 1928 (Olberding 1997:8-9). Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton cultivated a strong relationship with the Hopi during the Museum of Northern Arizona’s first couple of years. She noticed that instead of producing quality art, the Hopi were making curios that the traders could quickly sell to tourists. Colton attributed the decline in quality Hopi art to unappreciative tourists. She believed that if the public understood the art, they would demand better quality. She established the “Hopi Craftsmen Exhibition” at the Museum of Northern Arizona in 1930, to encourage Hopi artists to produce quality works of art, and to educate the public to become appreciative consumers of Hopi art. This exhibit provided a means for making quality art monetarily rewarding for the Hopi (Colton 1938:17-22). Colton targeted the affluent residents of southern California. She placed an advertisement in the Southern California Business magazine, which pleaded with the public to appreciate Native American art. She explained that the tourist market had degraded Native American workmanship. Native Americans were capable of artistic quality, but consumers had to make it worthwhile for artists to produce finer works (Colton 1930:24). Colton insisted that the “Hopi Craftsmen Exhibition” was not a commercial venture. She hoped that the exhibition would stimulate Hopi art sales for the Hopi, not for the Museum of Northern Arizona. The money from sales was to provide Hopi artists with an incentive to improve the quality of their art (Colton 1931:8). Thus, the Museum of Northern Arizona acted as an educator and a mediator between the Hopi artists and the consumers. The Native American art in the “Hopi Craftsmen Exhibition” featured educational labels. These labels included information about the materials that were used, how the art forms were constructed, and how these items were used in Hopi culture. Copies of

21 Museum Notes, a publication of the Museum of Northern Arizona, featured articles on Hopi art and culture, and these publications were offered free to the public. This information enhanced the public’s appreciation for Native American art and helped the public understand why the prices of Native American art were higher than the prices of imitation, machine-made products (Mangum and Mangum 1997). Artist recognition was an important factor in determining prices in the modern art world, and Colton believed such recognition would be influential in elevating the status of Native American art to the level of fine art. She invited Hopi artists to demonstrate their art production techniques at the Museum of Northern Arizona, and to sign their names to their work. Colton knew that a signature would increase the value of a piece of art, and could establish artists’ reputations. She showed Hopi katsina carver Jimmie Kewanwytesa how she signed her paintings and convinced him to sign his katsina dolls in 1930. Visitors who attended the Museum of Northern Arizona every year soon began to request the work of specific Hopi artists (Mangum and Mangum 1997:81). Colton thought that the work of the Hopi tribe should be recognizably different from the work of other Native American tribes. She noticed that Hopi silver work was indistinguishable from Navajo and Zuni silver work. She contacted the Indian Arts and Crafts Board in 1938 and suggested that Hopi silversmiths use the designs that were present in Hopi basketry and pottery. Colton and artist Virgil Hubert developed illustrations of how these Hopi designs could be used in Hopi jewelry. The designs worked well with an appliqué technique. Colton showed the Hopi how their designs could be used with this technique. Thus, the style known as “Hopi overlay” began (Mangum and Mangum 1997:101-102). In 1959, The Indian Arts and Crafts Board presented a certificate of appreciation to Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton, which recognized her contributions to Hopi art and culture (Mangum and Mangum 1997:127-128). The years passed, and the Coltons slowly relinquished many of their responsibilities at the Museum of Northern Arizona. Archaeologist Edward Danson became the second Director in 1959. Danson wanted the Museum of Northern Arizona to have a gift shop. With help from Clay Lockett, owner of a Native American art shop in Tucson, Danson opened the Museum Shop in the Museum of Northern Arizona, in the spring of 1963. The Museum Shop provided a new source of

22 income for Native Americans and a market for Native American art year-round (Burns 1994:108). In 1965, Fred Kabotie, a member of the Hopi tribe, spoke on behalf of the Hopi, and acknowledged Colton’s efforts to revive quality Hopi art, to assist them in the creation of a unique jewelry style of their own, and to create appreciative buyers (Mangum and Mangum 1997:115). Colton had understood the importance of getting to know Hopi artists on an individual basis. She had developed strong friendships with the Hopi, as she visited artists in each Hopi village several times a year. Her motivation in helping the Hopi was philanthropically and educationally driven. She never charged a fee for any of the work that she did for them. The Coltons left an endowment for the Museum of Northern Arizona to continue operating after they died. While the Museum of Northern Arizona continued to grow, the endowment did not. To help supplement funds, the Museum of Northern Arizona opened a branch of the Museum Shop in a Scottsdale shopping mall, an affluent suburb of Phoenix, Arizona, in 1989. This decision was criticized as a profit-making scheme. Affiliates and members of the Museum of Northern Arizona argued that museums were educators, not profit-making institutions. Although museums needed to generate money to cover operating costs, it was felt that they ran the risk of ignoring their educational missions if their energy was focused on profit margins (Burns 1994:145-146). The Museum of Northern Arizona closed the Scottsdale shop in 1994 as a result of the criticism. This chapter summarized several leading influences in the early development of the Southwestern Native American art market. It began with the influx of tourists into the region via the Santa Fe Railroad and discussed the rise and influence of the Fred Harvey Company. It also revealed how the Southwestern Native American art market was influenced by several wealthy individuals’ efforts to educate and encourage the public to appreciate Native American art as fine art, and to value it for its cultural connotations rather than as mere souvenirs. It also presented the early attempts of the federal government to protect dealers, artists, and consumers from the threat of imitation products. Out of these efforts came the establishment of the Santa Fe Indian Market, the Indian Arts and Crafts Board, and the Museum of Northern Arizona.

23 The efforts of the individuals and organizations discussed in this chapter have one thing in common. They all played a part in how Native American art consumers impacted the Native American art market. Fred Harvey was the first to make Native American art in the Southwest accessible to consumers. He disseminated information to train passengers, created educational exhibits in train stations, and made it possible for tourists to meet and purchase directly from Native American artists. Thus, Harvey created the first shopping venue for Native American art in the Southwest by the 1880s. Maria Chabot elevated this activity to a new level by establishing the Santa Fe Indian Market in 1921. Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton recognized the positive effects that could result from blending purchasing opportunities and educational exhibits together, and established the “Hopi Craftsmen Exhibition” at the Museum of Northern Arizona in 1930. By 1935, the Indian Arts and Crafts Board recognized the need to protect consumers by informing them about the threat of imitation art and emphasized the importance of being educated about Native American arts and cultures. A market for Native American art in the Southwest had been created. The first individuals and organizations involved in this market knew that a high level of quality could only exist with education. The next chapter will discuss more recent educational efforts of the Museum of Northern Arizona, activities at the Santa Fe Indian Market, and the impact of popular and scholarly books and periodicals on the Southwestern Native American art market.

24

MODERN INFLUENCES ON THE SOUTHWESTERN NATIVE AMERICAN ART MARKET

The public can learn about Native American art and culture during a visit to a museum or a marketplace, and from reading popular and scholarly books and magazines. The previous chapter introduced the early influences of the Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff, and the Santa Fe Indian Market in New Mexico, both of which continue to operate today. This chapter discusses the modern influences that the Museum of Northern Arizona and the Santa Fe Indian Market have had on public knowledge of Southwestern Native American art and culture and introduces modern sources of popular and scholarly literature.

The Santa Fe Indian Market The Santa Fe Indian Market was established in New Mexico, in 1921. This event has grown to host more than 1,000 artists and now attracts over 60,000 visitors each year. It usually occurs on the weekend after the third Thursday in August. Many artists and collectors regard this event as the biggest and best Native American art marketplace in the world (Brown 1991:10). Carol Osman Brown wrote “The Magic of the Santa Fe Indian Market” (1991), for Native Peoples magazine. This article offered first time Santa Fe Indian Market visitors some advice from artists, Santa Fe residents, and regular Santa Fe Indian Market attendees. The suggestions included reading about different Native American art forms, artists, and tribal history, and visiting museum exhibits for historical context, as well as visiting Native American art shops to become familiar with artists’ names, quality of work, art styles, and authentic, hand-made Native American art prices. The article suggested talking directly to Native American artists and purchasing artwork

25 from artist booths that are inside the Santa Fe Indian Market because some vendors sell imitations outside of the event (Brown 1991:13). Molly H. Mullin, a Duke University graduate student, conducted research on visitor experiences at the Santa Fe Indian Market in the early 1990s for her doctoral dissertation, Consuming the American Southwest: Culture, Art, and Difference (1993). Mullin documented two main types of visitors at the Santa Fe Indian Market: those who were knowledgeable about Native American art and those who were not (Mullin 2001:146). Visitors to the Santa Fe Indian Market who recognized the work of specific Native American artists especially enjoyed purchasing art directly from the artist who made the piece (Mullin 2001:134). These visitors sought more knowledge by asking artists for specific information about their tribe, their relationship to other artists, and whether they departed from or adhered to Native American traditions. Such visitors thought that this knowledge enabled them to make informed purchases (Mullin 2001:163). Visitors to the Santa Fe Indian Market who did not possess specialized knowledge about Native American art complained that they did not understand the artwork and were shocked by the prices of Native American art at the Santa Fe Indian Market. These visitors left the Santa Fe Indian Market feeling frustrated, but many then went to a museum. The museum exhibits helped them understand the art that they had seen at the Santa Fe Indian Market. They returned to the Santa Fe Indian Market with an idea of how the objects were made and how to distinguish between artists. The prices seemed more reasonable after they had become familiar with the amount of time it took to create Native American art forms (Mullin 1993:203-204). Santa Fe Indian Market visitors preferred to have information that enabled them to make distinctions between different Native American artists and between various types of Native American art. Learning about the time-consuming production methods of Native American art enabled them to determine the quality of Native American art, as well as to distinguish between authentic and imitation forms of Native American art. Regardless of each visitor’s level of expertise or prior knowledge of Native American art, the opportunity to meet Native American artists was stated as the most appealing part of

26 attending the Santa Fe Indian Market (Mullin 2001:165-166). This modern desire to have personal interactions with artists at the Santa Fe Indian Market was reminiscent of the opportunities that the Fred Harvey Company provided to the Santa Fe Railroad passengers who arrived in the Southwest in the late 1800s. Visiting a museum was stated as the most effective way for Santa Fe Indian Market visitors without prior knowledge of Native American art and culture to learn about Native American art. The previous chapter discussed the founding of the Museum of Northern Arizona and its early influences on the Native American art market. The following section describes the Museum of Northern Arizona’s recent efforts to educate the public about Native American art and culture.

The Museum of Northern Arizona The Museum of Northern Arizona’s mission has been to explore and explain the land and people of the Colorado Plateau and to encourage an understanding of their unique beauty and character. The Museum of Northern Arizona has accomplished this mission by focusing on the geology, archaeology, native arts and cultures of the region. The Museum of Northern Arizona has educated the public about Southwestern Native American art and culture in several ways. In addition to the permanent and temporary exhibits that the Museum of Northern Arizona has maintained, it has also hosted the “Heritage Program Summer Marketplaces,” offered hands-on, experiential opportunities known as the “Ventures” and “Discovery” programs, and published articles and photographs in the Plateau journal. The Museum of Northern Arizona established the “Hopi Craftsmen Exhibition” in 1930, the “Navajo Craftsmen Exhibition” in 1942, and the “Zuni Craftsmen Exhibition” in 1987. These events have been a part of the “Heritage Program Summer Marketplaces.” These marketplaces were unique educational opportunities, because visitors could personally interact with Native American artists who demonstrated their crafts and sold their artworks at these events. In addition to enjoying artwork, interested visitors to the “Zuni Marketplace” in 2003 had an opportunity to learn more about the threat of imitation Native American- styled art. Tony Eriacho, Junior Vice President of the Council for Indigenous Arts and

27 Culture, spoke and distributed literature about this organization, whose purpose was to foster, develop, and contribute to the support and understanding of authentic Native American arts, customs, and cultures (Eriacho 2002). The Museum of Northern Arizona has offered hands-on, experiential opportunities through “Ventures” and “Discovery” programs. In a “Discovery” workshop, one could learn how to make a piece of Native American art from a Native American artist. Past “Discovery” workshop themes have included “Hopi Pottery,” “Navajo Beadwork,” and “Hopi Medicine Bear Carvings.” On a “Ventures” trip, one could learn about Native American art and culture through immersion field opportunities. “Tour to the Hopi Mesas” took guests to the Hopi reservation with a Museum of Northern Arizona representative and a Hopi educator. The groups were small, with a maximum of 13 guests. The program included demonstrations by Hopi potters, carvers, and silversmiths. Guests had an opportunity to tour the village of Walpi on First Mesa, one of the oldest villages at Hopi, and the only one still without running water or electricity. On past trips, guests also visited Hopi educator, Ray Coin’s home, where his wife served the group a traditional Hopi lunch, consisting of posole (a mutton stew), fry bread, and roasted green chilies, or Native American tacos, which were served open-faced on fry bread. During one “Tour to the Hopi Mesas” trip, Coin explained that traditionally, the Hopi have been a peaceful, non-aggressive, culture. One woman on the tour stated that the Hopi appeared to be culturally similar to the Navajo. Coin clarified that the Hopi and Navajo were very different, because the Navajo were nomadic, aggressive warriors who raided other peoples. The woman was surprised to hear Coin say this, because she had read Tony Hillerman novels that presented the Navajo as a very peaceful people. Coin discussed the dangers of misinformation. He explained that sometimes when scholars or tourists ask uninvited questions about Hopi culture, a Hopi might agree with everything instead of explaining the correct answer, so that they can leave sooner. Then if a member of this group wrote a book or circulated erroneous information, it may be believed as factual because a Hopi told them. Coin directed the group’s attention to different rock art symbols on the canyon walls during a visit to a migration site west of Third Mesa. One guest said that she recognized the image of kokopelli on the canyon wall. Coin clarified that it was the “flute player,” not

28 kokopelli. He explained that the flute player has often been confused with kokopelli because a non-Hopi person had misinterpreted the images from rock art symbols. Tourists like the flute player design, which has been mistakenly referred to as kokopelli on souvenirs, and used excessively. Further information on the misinterpretation of kokopelli and the flute player will be presented in the following section on popular and scholarly literature. Hopi potter Dorothy Ami has demonstrated her pottery-making for guests on many of the Museum of Northern Arizona’s tours. Ami also taught school-aged children on the Hopi reservation, and has done hands-on workshops for the Museum of Northern Arizona. One guest asked Ami if modern conveniences have affected Hopi potters’ adherence to the traditional methods of pottery-making. Ami acknowledged that some Hopi potters have purchased brushes at the store instead of making them from the fibers of the yucca plant. She also mentioned that many Hopi katsina doll carvers have used dremel tools. Ami explained that human beings have always sought ways to make life easier, and that every aspect of Hopi life has been influenced by modern conveniences, including many of the foods that the Hopi eat. Even sacred activities like Hopi dances have used modern conveniences, such as purchasing cotton and dyes to make the dancers’ costumes. The experiences that the Museum of Northern Arizona provided on a “Ventures” program such as “Tour to the Hopi Mesas” offered a first-hand look at how the Hopi live from the perspective of a Hopi man and were reminiscent of the Fred Harvey Company’s “Indian Detours.” Sometimes, however, this first-hand experience was not what people expected it to be. A woman from the northeastern United States informed Coin that he did not know anything about Hopi culture because he presented information that conflicted with something she had read in a book. This example illustrated that some people will hold their previous convictions even after a Hopi has provided information on Hopi culture to them. The printed word can have a profound impact, and it can be difficult to change the public’s preconceived ideas about Native American art and culture.

29 Popular and Scholarly Literature As shown in the previous chapter, Fred Harvey, Maria Chabot, and Margretta Dietrich were aware of the profound influence that publications can have when they used literature to educate the public about Native American art and culture during the late 1880s and early 1900s. Printed media has continued to be a persuasive means to educate the public about Native American art and culture. Popular magazines, such as Arizona Highways, New Mexico, and American Indian Art, have featured articles on Native American art on a regular basis. Arizona Highways has frequently published special issues that were devoted entirely to Native Americans and their arts. American Indian Art magazine influenced public opinions of Native American art when its writers began discussing Native American objects as art rather than souvenirs in 1975 (Bernstein 1999:61). Issues of the newspaper, Indian Trader, has contained guides for purchasing Native American jewelry and art and has included a “suggested reading” section to learn more about Native American art and culture. Tom McCune wrote “Southwestern Indian Jewelry” (1974), an article in the Indian Trader newspaper, that recommended evaluating the integrity of a dealer by whether he answers questions candidly and if he will take the time to explain the different types of Native American art (McCune 1974:48, 85-86). Tom Bahti studied anthropology at the University of New Mexico, prior to opening Bahti Indian Arts in Tucson, Arizona, in the early 1950s. After gaining years of experience in the sale of Native American art, he wrote his first book on Native American art and culture in 1964, and continued to author several more thereafter. His son, Mark Bahti, has served on the Board of Directors of the Indian Arts and Crafts Association and has continued to operate the shop since his father’s death in 1972. He has revised and updated his father’s original books, and authored several of his own. Their books provided information on the history of Native American cultures, and offered recommendations for purchasing Native American art. Mark Bahti warned consumers of misconceptions about Native American art in A Consumer’s Guide to Southwestern Indian Arts and Crafts (1975). He explained that there were imitations for every form of Native American art, including Mexican imitations designed to look like Navajo rugs, Navajo carvings designed to look like Hopi katsina dolls, and “Indian-style” or “Indian- design” jewelry that was not actually hand-made by a Native American (Bahti 1975).

30 Bahti said that customers misunderstood the meaning of “traditional,” a term that his customers frequently used when asking questions about Native American art. Bahti clarified that “traditional” did not mean better or more authentic, but referred to an earlier style. He emphasized that cultures change and so do their arts (Bahti 1975). Anthropologist Nelson Graburn expressed a thought similar to Bahti’s. Graburn stated that the accepted model of what is traditional changes over generations. Objects that were considered too innovative at one time were later acceptable. Collectors who have rejected items as too new or as junk may pay high prices for the same objects later (Graburn 1976:14). Written sources can offer valuable information on Native American art and culture and may appear to be very informative. However, some sources can be misleading. Anthropologist Zena Pearlstone examined mail order catalogs and found that Navajo imitation katsina dolls could not be classified as fakes because the catalogs did not specifically label Navajo-made katsina dolls as Hopi or pueblo-made items. The objects were credited to the Navajo or to Native Americans in general. However, there were references to pueblo peoples’ lives in the descriptions about some of the katsina dolls that implied that the dolls were Hopi. This catalog has taken advantage of the public’s lack of understanding that cultural differences among Native American tribes have resulted in different Native American art forms (Pearlstone 2000:811). Pearlstone also discussed why Navajo imitation katsina dolls are a problem. She explained that it is the spiritual intent of the object’s maker that makes the object authentic (Pearlstone 2000:813). The Hopi claim that their katsina dolls are authentic because of the spiritual beliefs that are present within Hopi culture. In this case, authenticity is culturally centered and not tied to monetary value. Hopi artists make carvings both for Hopi ceremonial use, and for the tourist and collector market. Hopi artists consider all of their work to be authentic. A contemporary katsina doll that does not resemble older carvings is not considered less authentic, because the cultural and spiritual intent is present (Pearlstone 2000:804). Despite such misunderstandings, the public often does not care about the true significance of a piece of Native American art. Graburn stated that buyers do not have to understand the symbolism of the item, but only have to find the item aesthetically

31 acceptable and visually authentic. The goal is to find something that the buyer and the buyer’s peers believe is authentic (Graburn 1976:14-15). A cartoon in Robert Freemen’s book, For Indians Only (1980), showed a tourist taking a picture of three totem poles with the words “made in Japan” incised on the back. The tourist was focused on photographing an object that he believed represented Native American culture and failed to see this sign. Freemen added that this did not matter because when the tourist shares the photograph with friends and family back home, it will appear to be the real thing (Freemen 1980:8). Mass-produced, repeated images have become what people are most familiar with and what they will identify with the Southwest. Then they search for the art forms that they already know, even if they are incorrect. This chapter discussed ways that people can learn about Native American art and culture. This included interactive, hands-on learning experiences, and personal interactions with Native Americans. This occurred during a visit to the Santa Fe Indian Market, to the Museum of Northern Arizona “Heritage Program Summer Marketplaces,” and during a Museum of Northern Arizona “Ventures” or “Discovery” program. These opportunities allowed visitors an opportunity to ask questions directly from Native Americans. Some experiences focused on the consumption of a product, while others focused on the consumption of information. All of these experiences allowed for personal interactions between the consumer and Native Americans, as a way to learn about Native American art and culture. Reading about Native American art and culture in popular books and magazines was another way to learn about Native American art and culture that was discussed in this chapter. The sentiments that Bahti, Pearlstone, Freemen, and Graburn shared about Native American art and culture all expressed concern with the problems caused by imitation art that is made to look like Native American art. Considering their comments as one reads the dialogue among Native American art shop owners, staff, and customers in Flagstaff, Arizona, reveals that this is the most problematic theme related to the consumption of Native American art. The next chapter presents the information that was obtained during observations in Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona.

32

OBSERVATIONS IN NATIVE AMERICAN ART SHOPS IN FLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA

This chapter presents the results of original research on the educational function of Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. The Native American art shops selected for this research included Puchteca Indian Art, Winter Sun Trading Company, Painted Desert Trading Company, Thunder Mountain, and the Jonathan Day Collection, all located in historic downtown Flagstaff. The Museum Shop at the Museum of Northern Arizona, located three miles north of historic downtown Flagstaff, was also selected to determine if there were differences in the education that was offered at commercial Native American art shops versus the education offered at a shop in a non- profit, education-based institution. These six shops were the establishments in Flagstaff, Arizona, that focused primarily on the sale of Native American art at the time that this research was conducted. Each subsection of this chapter describes a different Native American art shop in Flagstaff, Arizona, and the kinds of Native American art for sale in each shop. This chapter also includes some of the questions that customers asked most often, the type of information Native American art shop owners and staff provided to customers, and the methods used to convey this information. The shops are presented in this chapter in the order of the oldest commercial Native American art shop in Flagstaff that is still in operation to the youngest. The Museum Shop at the Museum of Northern Arizona is actually the oldest Native American art shop still in operation in Flagstaff. However, it is presented at the end of this chapter because it was located in a non-profit, educational institution and it is separately compared with the interactions that occurred in the commercial Native American art shops.

33 Puchteca Indian Art Puchteca Indian Art was located in historic downtown Flagstaff, Arizona. Owner Steve Beiser moved from New Jersey to Flagstaff to attend Northern Arizona University, and there he met a Navajo girl at a dance. Her father owned a trading post north of Flagstaff, and Beiser began working for him part time. Six years later, in April, 1974, Beiser opened his own Native American art shop on Route 66, between San Francisco Street and Leroux Street in downtown Flagstaff. Flagstaff has a history of many fires, and Beiser’s shop burned to the ground the following year. He reopened at the present location on San Francisco Street between Route 66 and Aspen Avenue in December of 1975. Beiser was frequently in his shop, which enabled him to share stories with customers about his knowledge and experiences with Native American art and culture. Beiser provided detailed descriptions of events that he has witnessed and often used Hopi and Navajo words in his discussions. Some customers requested written information about Native American art, and in these instances, Beiser referred to a collection of books and magazines that he had behind the shop counter, for additional information and photographs of the artists whose work he sold. This collection included Arizona Highways magazines, Plateau journals, and a number of books on Hopi and Navajo art and culture. While the other Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, had computers to handle transactions, Beiser still wrote his transaction records by hand and used an old- fashioned cash register. Some of the other Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, played Native American music, but Beiser had his radio station tuned to play classic rock and roll music from the 1960s and 1970s. Customers often inquired about the meaning of the shop’s name, Puchteca. Beiser explained that the word was used to refer to a group of Aztec traders in central Mexico in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. These traders established trade routes and transferred information and goods for thousands of miles in all directions. Beiser explained that while he was taking an anthropology class at Northern Arizona University, he mentioned he was opening a Native American art shop and needed a name. He and the students in the anthropology class discussed possible names. One student offered to

34 make the shop sign if Beiser chose his suggestion for the shop name, Puchteca. A free sign sounded great, so the name became Puchteca Indian Art. Beiser’s limited budget influenced more than just the sign; it impacted the overall appearance of the shop. A friend built the glass and wood sales cabinets that contained pottery and jewelry. Old railway ties were used as support beams to mount additional shelves along the walls to hold katsina dolls and paintings. Another friend made chairs, benches, and tables carved from alligator juniper. Alligator juniper is a tree found throughout this region and is characterized by crosshatched-bark that looks like alligator skin. It was the unusual beauty of these chairs that often drew customers into the shop. Puchteca Indian Art had a small selection of books for sale. These included books on Hopi katsina dolls, such as Hopi Kachina Dolls and Their Carvers (Bassman 1991), Hopi Kachinas (Manley 1980), Traditional Hopi Kachinas: A New Generation of Carvers (Day 2000), Kachinas: A Hopi Artist’s Documentary (Wright 1973), and Hopi Kachinas: Complete Guide to Collecting Kachinas (Wright 1977). There were also books on pottery including, Collections of Southwest Pottery: Candlesticks to Canteens & Frogs to Figurines (Hayes and Blom 1996a), Southwestern Pottery: From Anasazi to Zuni (Hayes and Blom 1996b), Hopi-Tewa Pottery: 500 Artist Biographies (Schaaf 2002a), and Pueblo Indian Pottery (Schaaf 2002b). Other books for sale provided general information on Native American art, such as Treasures of the Zuni (Bassman 1996), Treasures of the Hopi (Bassman 1997a), Treasures of the Navajo (Bassman 1997b), and Collecting Southwestern Indian Arts and Crafts (Manley 1979). There was also a book specifically on Hopi overlay jewelry, Hopi Silver: History of Hallmarks of Hopi Silversmithing (Wright 1998). Puchteca Indian Art had a large selection of Hopi pottery, with prices ranging from $36 for a small pot by Adelle or Miriam Nampeyo to pots by Fawn Navasie, James Nampeyo, or Nona Naha that sell for as much as $1,200. The Hopi pots that Puchteca Indian Art sold were made by a hand-coil method and were fired in a traditional manure fire. While lower priced pots were still made by traditional Hopi production techniques, they did not have as smooth a finish or as fine brushstrokes as higher priced pots. A couple from Kentucky came into Puchteca Indian Art and stated that they did not know anything about Native American art and would like to learn specifically about

35 Hopi pottery. Beiser briefly summarized the basics of Hopi pottery. This summary included information about the materials and designs that were used, the methods of pottery production, and background information on several Hopi potters whose work Beiser had for sale. He referred to Rick Dillingham’s book, Fourteen Families Pottery (1994), to explain the genealogy of pueblo potters. Beiser explained that certain families have rights to particular areas of clay, based on a tradition of always going to that location. This land right has been passed down over generations. There were two different colors of clay on the Hopi reservation: clay that started out gray that turned beige after it was fired, and clay that started out yellow that turned red after it was fired. Once the clay was gathered, it had to be cleaned, so that rocks, bugs, and other debris were sifted out and separated from the clay. Then the clay was shaped by hand into long coils, which were placed one on top of the other to form a pot. Beiser showed the Kentucky customers a piece of factory-made pottery to illustrate the difference between factory-made and hand-made pots. He had them feel how smooth and consistent the factory-made piece was compared to a hand-coiled pot, and told them that they should be able to feel some inconsistencies in the thickness of the walls of the pot when they touch a hand-coiled pot. He warned that although this piece of pottery was made in a factory by a mold rather than by hand, a Native American painted the piece, and some dealers will thus advertise the piece as native-made. Beiser continued his account of how Hopi pots were made. Each potter had a polishing stone that was often passed down through family generations. Some potters would spend days polishing the pot. The more time spent polishing, the smoother the finished pot would be. Next, the potter added designs. Two colors of paint were used – black and red. Black paint was made from a plant called bee weed, while crushing certain rocks that were found on the Hopi reservation created the pigment for red paint. Designs were painted on the pot with brushes made of fibers from the yucca plant. Hopi pottery designs represented birds, the messengers who take Hopi prayers into the sky to be heard by the katsina spirits. Beiser pointed out two different designs: one design represented the wing of a bird while the other design represented the tail feathers of a bird.

36 The potter spent an entire day gathering manure for an outside firing. The manure was piled around the pots and allowed to burn all day and into the night until the fire burned itself out. Sometimes during the firing process fire clouds would appear on the pots, in the form of red blotches. Some collectors preferred pots with fire clouds and other collectors did not want any fire clouds on the pot. This type of firing was very unpredictable. If the pot exploded, it would result in the complete loss of the potter’s hard work. The couple from Kentucky was grateful to talk to someone who was knowledgeable about Hopi pottery. They had stopped at a roadside stand where pottery was for sale and had decided not to purchase anything because the sellers were unwilling or unable to answer their questions. Beiser often warned customers not to purchase art that is sold along the road, because it frequently was not authentic, hand-made Native American art. He explained that some Native Americans will claim to have made the piece, or will say that their grandmother made it, or that it is a very old piece, when it was actually a recent creation. He suggested purchasing art or jewelry from roadside vendors only if an individual was knowledgeable about Native American art. Otherwise, he urged tourists to purchase from a shop and reminded them to obtain a written receipt that stated exactly what they purchased. He believed that one gets what one pays for and enjoyed using the age-old adage that if a deal seems too good to be true, it probably is. Puchteca Indian Art specialized in Navajo pottery by Alice Cling and also carried pots made by her daughter, Michelle Williams, and even some pieces by Williams’ ex- boyfriend, Lorenzo Spencer. Beiser believed that Alice Cling produced the finest quality Navajo pottery, and he pointed out that she was featured in a special edition of the Plateau journal entitled, “Navajo Pottery.” One customer remembered that when Alice Cling began making Navajo pottery, no one was interested in it. He recalled that she sold moderate-sized pieces for $25, and that now one can hardly get a small pot for $100. Alice Cling’s pots shone more than pots made by other Navajo artists, and her pots came in shapes and sizes that other potters had not been able to make. A pot by Alice Cling was priced anywhere from $100 to $1,000 at Puchteca Indian Art, depending on its size and shape. Cling’s larger pots stood as high as eighteen inches tall. Michelle

37 Williams’ pots were smaller, usually only five inches tall, and were priced between $60 and $180. A pot by Lorenzo Spencer was smaller still, and stood at two inches tall, had less of a shine than pots made by Cling or Williams, and was priced between $35 and $50. Navajo pottery rarely had designs and was covered with a pine pitch slip that gave it a brownish color with hints of red, resulting in a distinctive appearance. Customers frequently but incorrectly assumed that the pots were carved from ironwood. Beiser’s favorite Native American art form was baskets. He realized that few Native Americans produce baskets and that the value of a basket should appreciate in value over time. He also preferred baskets because he does not have to worry about one breaking, like a pot or a katsina doll. Baskets were easy to care for, and Beiser found them to be aesthetically beautiful in color, shape, and design. Puchteca Indian Art carried Hopi wicker and coil baskets. Hopi wicker baskets were made on Third Mesa from a plant called rabbit brush, and were characterized by bright, vivid colors, such as fuchsia, emerald green, and lemon yellow, patterned with spiraling designs. Hopi wicker baskets took less time to weave and were less expensive than Hopi coil baskets. The cost of wicker baskets at Puchteca Indian Art ranged from $70 to $200. Hopi coil baskets were made on First and Second Mesa from the yucca plant and were tinted with natural dyes. Because it took longer to gather the yucca plant, prepare it for use, and make a coil basket, the prices for coil baskets at Puchteca Indian Art began at $225. Puchteca Indian Art had a selection of Navajo rugs at low prices. Ida Mae McCabe was one of Beiser’s favorite Navajo weavers. McCabe came in once a month with a new rug. She specialized in storm patterns and yei bichai figures (dancers representing Navajo spirits), and prices for her rugs began at $925. When customers learned that the weaver’s last name was McCabe, they often assumed that she was not a Navajo, and that these were not authentic Navajo rugs. Beiser used this opportunity to remind customers that Native American children were sent to boarding schools, stripped of their native identities, and given new European and British names, as recently as the 1930s.

38

Figure 6. Yei Bichai and Storm Pattern Navajo Rug. Held by Steve Beiser, Owner Puchteca Indian Art, and Ida Mae McCabe, Navajo Weaver. 3 feet wide by 5 feet long and priced at $935. Sold at Puchteca Indian Art.

Some customers questioned why the rugs were so expensive. Beiser pointed out that he sold authentic Navajo rugs and warned customers about Mexican imitations. He showed customers a mail order catalog from a company that sold imitation rugs that were made in Mexico with Navajo designs. Customers then asked why Mexican rugs were drastically less expensive than Navajo rugs. Beiser explained that Mexican rugs did not take as long to weave as Navajo rugs because of the construction of the looms. Navajo rugs were woven entirely by hand on a vertical loom, while Mexican rugs were woven on a horizontal loom that was foot-powered. The price of an authentic Navajo rug varied according to the complexity of the design and the weaver’s reputation. Customers who were familiar with the prices of Navajo rugs were actually suspicious of the low prices of the rugs that were for sale at Puchteca Indian Art. Some Native American art shops have been known to double or triple the prices of Native American art. Beiser proudly asserted that the Native American artist always made more from the sale than he did.

39 Some customers inquired about Navajo sand paintings, but Beiser did not carry them. Navajo tradition dictated that the healing power of a sand painting lies in its creation, and in its destruction, and thus sand paintings should not be preserved. However, Puchteca Indian Art did have Navajo paintings for sale. Beiser has been friends with a famous Navajo painter, Harrison Begay, for many years. Begay attended the Dorothy Dunn School in Santa Fe, New Mexico, in the 1930s. Artists who attended this school were encouraged to use Native American images, but their paintings had to appear flat and two-dimensional in space. Students were discouraged from using background definitions that might give temporal or spatial context. Harrison Begay’s paintings have been featured in many books and articles and have been exhibited in museums in the United States, Europe, and Japan. The paintings that Begay has produced while in his eighties have sold at Puchteca Indian Art for between $225 and $350, while a painting done during his prime may cost thousands of dollars. Some customers believed that someone else was doing the paintings now, and that Begay only signed his name. Beiser pointed out the difference in quality between a painting that Begay did during his prime artistic years and one that he recently made while in his eighties. Begay has had to sketch his paintings with a pencil before he applies the paint, and one can still see the pencil marks and the attempts to erase them from underneath the painting. Beiser joked that Harrison Begay may not have all of his own teeth anymore, but he still does his own paintings. Beiser enjoyed showing customers recent pictures of Harrison Begay and sharing details about his life. Navajo artist Carlos Begay painted yei bichai figures (dancers representing Navajo spirits). Harrison Begay and Carlos Begay were not related. The last name Begay is as common in Navajo culture as the last name Smith is in western culture. Carlos Begay also carved sculptures of yei bichai figures, which could be purchased at some of the other Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. Beiser did not sell these Navajo sculptures, because he did not want customers to confuse them with Hopi katsina dolls. Puchteca Indian Art sold primarily action-style and sculptural-style Hopi katsina dolls. Beiser had a large collection of katsina dolls carved by Joe Gash. Gash’s action-

40 style katsina dolls were characterized by his use of bright colors, and they sold for $225 to $385. Beiser also carried a large assortment of sculptural-style katsina dolls that were carved by John Fredericks. Fredericks’ katsina dolls had subdued colors that complemented the natural color of the wood. Fredericks has been featured in several books and articles that were in Beiser’s literature collection in the shop, which Beiser frequently showed to customers when he talked about Fredericks and the sculptural-style katsina dolls. A simple carving by Fredericks that measured six or seven inches in height could be purchased for $70, while an elaborate carving two or more feet in height and one foot in width was as much as $700. Prices on some of the katsina dolls at Puchteca Indian Art ranged into thousands of dollars. Customers frequently asked if the katsina dolls were carved from one piece of wood, and believed that this was the way to assure the authenticity of a katsina doll. Beiser explained that a more important question to ask was whether a Hopi carved the katsina doll. Beiser provided information about the major differences between Hopi and Navajo cultures. He explained that the Hopi religion was based on agriculture, and that Hopi ceremonies were prayers for rain to ensure that the corn would grow, while the Navajo religion was based on healing. He told customers that each Hopi katsina spirit represented a different aspect of nature. For example, there were elements such as clouds and the sun, plants such as cactus and corn, or animals such as badgers and bears. The Hopi have dances to pray for rains, while a Navajo medicine man creates a sand painting to pray for healing. Instead of katsina spirits, the Navajo have spirits called yei. Beiser pointed to the yei bichai figures that Ida McCabe wove into her Navajo rugs and to the paintings by Navajo artist Carlos Begay while continuing to explain that katsina spirits were not a part of Navajo culture. The Navajo only carved katsina dolls for monetary reasons. There was no spiritual connection between the Navajo and the katsina, and since these beliefs were not present in Navajo culture, Navajo katsina dolls were not considered to be authentic. Beiser continued to explain that if a Hopi made the katsina doll, the next step was to examine the quality and the detail of the carving. Some Hopi katsina dolls were carved from one piece of wood, but had few details carved on them. Instead of spending time carving details, the artist painted them on, which took less time. Beiser compared a

41 simple, Hopi carving made from one piece of wood, with a detailed Hopi carving made of more than one piece of wood, and explained that both of these katsina dolls were authentic, because a Hopi man carved them. One Puchteca Indian Art customer asked if the katsina dolls were traditional. Beiser asked what she meant by the word “traditional.” The customer replied that she did not really know, but thought that was the question she should ask before she purchased a piece of Native American art. Beiser described the art sold at Puchteca Indian Art as art that was made by traditional Native American methods and in traditional Native American styles. Since this art was made in the present time, it was considered contemporary art. Beiser explained that styles that were considered traditional today were not traditional twenty years ago. The action-style katsina dolls were considered to be more traditional than sculptural-style katsina dolls, because the action-style katsina doll was an earlier form. Twenty years from now, katsina doll styles may evolve into another form, and then the sculptural-style katsina dolls could be considered to be the traditional style. Beiser continued to explain that styles change continuously just as cultures do, and that if change does not occur, the art forms and cultures will die. Leo Banks, writer for the Arizona Highways magazine, listed Puchteca Indian Art as a “must see shop with authentic art from the best Hopi and Navajo artists” (Banks 2001:48). Banks recommended that anyone interested in differentiating a real katsina doll from an imitation should talk to Beiser. Banks quoted Beiser on the difference between Hopi and Navajo katsina dolls: “it’s like the difference between cubic zirconia and diamonds. They look alike, but one has value and one doesn’t” (Banks 2001:48). Many customers read the article in the Arizona Highways magazine and made sure that a visit to Puchteca Indian Art was on their list of places to stop during their vacation to the Southwest. There were some customers who did not care to learn anything about Native American art or culture. A woman from the southeastern United States came into Puchteca Indian Art looking for a katsina doll. She explained that she knew that there were authentic katsina dolls and imitation ones and that she did not care if it was real or not. She only wanted something cheap. Beiser explained the differences between the Hopi and Navajo cultures and emphasized that purchasing an imitation Navajo katsina

42 doll takes money away from the Hopi. The woman replied that she did not care about the cultural or monetary reasons, and stated that her friends and family back home would never be able to tell the difference between a real or fake katsina doll. Another woman had recently inherited approximately fifteen Navajo imitation katsina doll carvings and brought her collection to Beiser for an appraisal. She was unhappy when Beiser refused to assign a value to the dolls because they were imitations and thus, had no value. She insisted that they must be worth something. Beiser realized that this woman was not going to understand the point that he was trying to make and he reluctantly assigned a value of $5 for the entire collection of imitation dolls. Confusion about the differences between Hopi and Navajo cultures was only a part of what customers misunderstood about Native American art. A man from California came into Puchteca Indian Art searching for feathered headdresses. Beiser explained that such headdresses were from the Plains region. The man admitted that he did not realize that different tribes specialize in different arts. Beiser began to offer him an education on the subject, but the man said that he did not want to learn and that he would look for the headdress elsewhere. The man explained that he only wanted an item that looked “Indian” to hang on the wall at home. Some customers wanted dream-catchers or bows and arrows. The dream-catcher and the bow and arrow were also items from the Plains region. These customers were unaware that there were vast cultural differences among Native American tribes throughout the United States and often did not care. Beiser explained that he only sold art that was made by Native Americans from the Southwest. Many customers admitted that they were searching for items that looked like a Native American had made them, but that the items did not have to be made by a Native American. These customers had ideas that were based on mass-produced images that have depicted Native Americans with feathered headdresses, dream-catchers, and bows and arrows. These were the images that much of the public associated with Native Americans; therefore these were the images that many tourists searched for when purchasing their souvenirs. The item that customers purchased most often as a small souvenir was jewelry. Some customers immediately looked for the sterling stamp on jewelry. This insistence on finding the sterling stamp dates back to the education efforts of the Indian Arts and

43 Crafts Board in the 1930s. If there was not a stamp, some customers commented that the jewelry was imitation silver. Beiser then showed customers the maker’s stamp on the back of the piece. He explained to customers that they should be looking for a maker stamp instead of a sterling stamp. He explained that many Native American artists do not have a sterling stamp, and further added that any factory can put a sterling stamp on a piece of jewelry. The maker stamp was the artist’s signature, and this indicated the difference between hand-made Native American jewelry and jewelry made in a factory. If a customer showed interest in this subject, Beiser would show them Margaret Nickelson Wright’s book, Hopi Silver: History of Hallmarks of Hopi Silversmithing (1998), which included a list of symbols that corresponded to different Hopi silversmiths. Seeing these symbols in Wright’s book assured customers that the information that Beiser provided was true. These customers often purchased a piece of Hopi jewelry and the book as well. A common misunderstanding among customers was the interpretation of the design that represented the “flute player” as that of kokopelli. Many customers recognized the image of the flute player because they had seen it before, but referred to the image as kokopelli. Beiser explained that this misunderstanding spread because non- Hopi people mixed up the images and continued to circulate false stories that were told numerous times and eventually gained credibility. He recommended Following the Sun and the Moon (1995), a book written by Hopi, Alph Secakuku, who explained that kokopelli was a katsina with a humpback. He was not a flute player, even though he has been mistakenly referred to as such (Secakuku 1995:18). Beiser also showed customers a copy of some notes written by Scott Thybony. Thybony’s text and Fred Hirschmann’s photographs were published in Rock Art of the American Southwest (1994). The information was based on a conversation that Thybony had with a Hopi elder about the misrepresentation of the flute player as kokopelli. Thybony explained that the Hopi elder was wearing a ring with a figure of a man bent over playing a flute. Thybony noticed the image and referred to the figure as kokopelli. The elder corrected Thybony and explained that the figure on the ring was not kokopelli, but was the flute player. The elder admitted that these figures were often confused, but emphasized that they were not the same entity (Hirschmann and Thybony 1994:41).

44 The Hopi elder continued to explain that the flute player was a clan symbol. The Flute Clan carved and painted the flute player emblem on cliffs and village walls throughout the Southwest during their migrations until they finally reached First Mesa. Kokopelli was the deity of the First Mesa Mustard Clan, which was not related to the Flute Clan. He was represented as an old man who shuffles into the village plaza during dances and was hunched over from the weight of the pack on his back. Kokopelli entertained the crowd by chasing the girls, trying to catch one with the crook of his cane. Kokopelli was never depicted with a flute or carved or painted on rock walls (Hirschmann and Thybony 1994:41). Beiser also compared an action-style “Kokopelli” katsina doll carved by Joe Gash, with the flute player designs on Hopi overlay jewelry that was for sale in his shop. There was also a Kokopelli Mana katsina doll carving in the shop. Beiser explained that mana meant female in the Hopi language, and that the kokopelli mana was a female representation of kokopelli. A mana was recognized by a “whirling butterfly” hairstyle, which piled the hair in knots on each side of a woman’s head, and signified that the woman was not married. Beiser has witnessed a kokopelli mana’s behavior at Hopi dances, and he shared this story with customers. The kokopelli mana chased the men in the village plaza during a Hopi dance. If she caught a man, she imitated sexual gestures with him and embarrassed him in front of everyone in the village. This act of role reversal restored order to the village by showing how ridiculous men look when they try to gain a woman’s attention and affection too aggressively. Some customers responded to Beiser’s distinction between the flute player and kokopelli with curiosity and decided that they would purchase a piece of jewelry with the flute player design if they could write down some of the information from Secakuku’s book and from Thybony’s notes. These customers wanted to tell friends and family about the new information they had learned. Other customers were not interested in hearing Beiser’s information. One customer was still willing to buy a piece of jewelry with the flute player design, but said that she was going to call the design kokopelli, because she liked the sound of the word better than the name flute player. Occasionally the interactions between Beiser and his customers did not relate to Native American art and culture, but were related to the Southwest or Flagstaff

45 specifically. The weather was a popular topic. Tourists drove to Flagstaff from Phoenix and were amazed at the temperature change they felt in the short distance of 140 miles. Tourists frequently thought that the entire state of Arizona was hot, and did not realize that the altitude of 7,000 feet keeps Flagstaff cool in the summer and brings snow in the winter. Two college students from Indiana stopped at Puchteca Indian Art on their way to the Grand Canyon. They planned to hike down to the Colorado River but had concerns about the weather because there was a possible chance of rain or even snow. Beiser explained that rain is a blessing in this part of the country. He told them that if it starts to rain, they should take cover under a ledge, breathe in the smells of the desert, and watch as the rocks change color, as everything starts to glisten, and even the animals start acting differently. Because the desert comes alive when it rains, one should consider it lucky if one has a chance to witness it happen. In summary, most of the dialogue between Beiser and his customers at Puchteca Indian Art was related to Native American art and culture. They frequently discussed the cultural differences among Native American tribes, and how these differences were reflected in each tribe’s art. They also discussed the threat of imitation art from both non-native competitors, as well as from other Native American tribes, and how these imitations can affect the public’s perception of Native American art.

Winter Sun Trading Company Winter Sun Trading Company was unique among the Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, because it sold medicinal herbs that have been used by the Navajo and Hopi tribes for centuries. Phyllis Hogan, owner of Winter Sun Trading Company, was an ethnobotanist and herbalist. Winter Sun Trading Company opened in 1976 in Coolidge, which is located in the southern portion of Arizona, near Tucson. Hogan named the shop Winter Sun because this location had mild winters with plenty of sunshine. Hogan moved to Flagstaff in 1978, to compare and study the ceremonial and medicinal herbs used by Native Americans in southern and northern Arizona. She relocated Winter Sun Trading Company to San Francisco Street between Aspen Avenue and Birch Avenue in historic downtown Flagstaff.

46 Hogan’s primary interest in Native American cultures was the medicinal herbs used by Native Americans. She began selling Native American art to tourists as a source of supplemental income. Hogan learned her trade from a Yaqui woman named Valencia who owned a shop in Coolidge, Arizona. The tourists purchased Native American art, and Native Americans bought herbs at this shop. Valencia’s laboratory, shop, and home were all in the same building. This working situation appealed to Hogan because she wanted to be near her two daughters when they came home from school every day. Hogan became Valencia’s apprentice in Coolidge and still continues Valencia’s research on Native American medicinal herbs. Winter Sun Trading Company sold Native American art in the front portion of the store, herbs in the back section of the shop, and made tinctures downstairs. Hogan only sold herbs to Native Americans until 1986. Prior to 1986, herbs were hidden under a black cloth in the back of the shop because herbal medicine was not accepted by the mainstream culture. Hogan noticed that Flagstaff attracted a more sophisticated group of tourists than the rural town of Coolidge. Flagstaff, Arizona, had become the gateway to the Grand Canyon and was receiving visitors from all educational backgrounds around the world. Hogan focused primarily on medicinal herbs, but when she realized that Native American art was in great demand, she became more active in purchasing and selling it. Winter Sun Trading Company was one of the smaller Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, but it was one of the most beautiful and colorful of all the shops. Wood floors and high ceilings in the gallery section and a cedar staircase leading up to a second story helped to create pleasant surroundings. One wall of the shop was made of flagstone and the others were a metallic purple. Unlike most buildings in Flagstaff, Arizona, this shop had the luxury of air-conditioning. Although Flagstaff summer temperatures rarely are higher than ninety degrees and are accompanied with a cool breeze, the air-conditioning made a difference in the length of time customers would stay inside. Winter Sun Trading Company provided a wicker bench and chair with colorful cushions in a small reading area to entice customers to sit, relax, and enjoy the jazz, funk, or reggae music that was playing in the shop. Hogan burned juniper in her shop to show respect for the earth and the people who taught her during her life. She passed the

47 burning juniper around to every corner of the shop wafting its scent throughout her shop, around herself and her staff, and to interested customers who were in the shop. The reading area had a few books on Hopi katsina dolls and baskets for customers to peruse. This selection included Following the Sun and Moon: Hopi Kachina Tradition (Secakuku 1995), Kachinas: A Hopi Artist’s Documentary (Wright 1973), Preserving a Tradition (Day 1996), Traditional Hopi Kachinas: A New Generation of Carvers (Day 2000), and Hopi Basket Weaving: Artistry in Natural Fibers (Teiwes 1996). Hogan showed her support of environmental and political causes by displaying magazines, such as Herbal Gram, Natural Health, and Yoga Journal, to enlighten the mind, body, and soul. A handwritten card instructed customers to: “Turn OFF the TV, Relax And Read! ☺.” Hogan also distributed Native American newspapers, such as the Hopi Tutuveni, the Navajo-Hopi Observer, and the News from Indian Country. Laminated newspaper articles on the shop walls explained the controversy over Peabody, a coal mining company, which used the limited water supplies from the Hopi and Navajo reservations to pump coal from Black Mesa to Laughlin, Nevada, hundreds of miles away. A petition to save Black Mesa water was in the shop, along with bumper stickers that read: “Save

H2OPI End Peabody Pumping.” Donations were requested in exchange for the bumper stickers, and the proceeds went to the Black Mesa cause. “Make Love, Not Snow” was a slogan on another bumper sticker, refering to another important controversy in Flagstaff, over whether Arizona Snowbowl should make artificial snow on the San Francisco Peaks. The San Francisco Peaks are sacred to the Hopi because they are the home of the katsina spirits. The katsina spirits gather over the tops of the San Francisco Peaks in the form of clouds and can be seen from the Hopi mesas. The Hopi pray to the katsina spirits to visit the Hopi mesas and bring rain to their crops. Reclaimed water would have to be used to make the artificial snow since there is not a permanent water source on the San Francisco Peaks. The Hopi view this idea as a vulgar and disrespectful act on sacred ground. However, if the Arizona Snowbowl was able to make snow, Flagstaff’s economy might improve by attracting more skiers. When more tourists come to Flagstaff to ski during the winter season, the Native American art shops sell more art, which enables shop owners to then purchase more art from Native American artists.

48 Hogan was in her shop a few hours each day, but she rarely spent her time in the Native American art section of the shop. Instead, she was in the herb room offering health advice to customers or making tinctures downstairs. During the middle of the day, she often left to nourish her body, mind, and soul with a massage or a yoga class. One would only find Hogan in the art portion of the shop when an artist brought art to sell or when she was enjoying a cup of herbal tea with a friend. An assistant, Jonah Hill, was the person customers spoke with if they came to enjoy the Native American art. He was from Kykotsmovi on Third Mesa. He was friendly and open to questions that customers had about Native American culture. Because he was Hopi, customers considered him to be an expert, first-hand source on Hopi culture and valued his information. Customers never questioned or asked to see written verification of the information that Hill provided. The only information that customers ever questioned was his pronunciation of the word katsina because they had heard the word pronounced and seen it written as kachina. He explained that there is no /ch/ sound in the Hopi language. Hill frequently spoke the Hopi language and substituted a Hopi word for an English word and then explained the meaning of the word. Customers especially enjoyed hearing the Hopi language and learning about Hopi culture directly from a Hopi person. The Winter Sun Trading Company specialized in old-style Hopi katsina dolls. Hogan sold the old-style katsina dolls because she believes they are closer to the spirit world than the action-style and sculptural-style katsina dolls. She explained that the katsina spirits represent the unseen dimension of the world that humans are far away from and that action-style dolls resemble real men more than the essence of the katsina spirits. Prices on old-style Hopi katsina dolls at Winter Sun Trading Company began around $200. One man who admired the old-style katsina dolls in Winter Sun Trading Company asked what kind of paints were used on them. Hill explained that the paints were “all-natural,” and showed the customer some of the herbs in the herb room that served as paint sources. He told the man that mixing herbs with coffee beans, sugar, and yellow or red clay made some of the paints. Hill said that most of the old-style katsina dolls at Winter Sun Trading Company were made with all-natural paints. However, some carvers mixed the natural paints that were made from herbs and rocks with an acrylic

49 base. The acrylic stabilizes the natural paints and prevents them from rubbing off as easily as the all-natural paints. He pointed out that it is important to not touch the dolls painted with all-natural paints much, because the oils from one’s hands can rub off the paint. Much trial and error is involved, and many carvers are still learning what types of herbs make the best paints. Most customers wondered what the dolls were called and if they had meanings. Hill explained that the katsina dolls were representations of spirits, prayers for rain, and for good feelings all around. He pointed to a Hahai-i Wuhti “Grandmother” katsina doll and explained that she was the first doll that is given to Hopi girls. He directed the customer’s attention to a “Crow Mother” katsina doll whose task was to help with the initiation process for Hopi males when they reach the age of nine or ten and are initiated into the katsina religion. Showing the customer a “Piki Eater” katsina doll, he explained that this katsina was a racer who represented nourishment. Piki is paper-thin bread made from corn, and resembles flaky tortilla chips. He added that if a person were at a dance holding piki bread, then this racer katsina would chase that individual. If the racer katsina catches the person, then that person must give the piki bread to the racer katsina. Another katsina doll that he described was Masau’u, the “Creator.” This was a katsina doll that was rarely carved, because the Hopi believe that if a man carves Masau’u, he will die a young man. Some carvers accept the risk and carve Masau’u anyway. Hill finished by saying that there are hundreds of different katsina spirits, and that some become extinct when people do not remember them, while others are created as new ideas are introduced into Hopi culture. Hill showed customers his carvings of old-style katsina dolls and explained that he first learned how to carve action-style katsina dolls, which have more details. Hill thought that learning to carve in the old-style was difficult, because he felt that the pieces were not finished. He found it difficult to stop carving the katsina doll because he saw more details that needed and wanted to come out from the wood.

50

Figure 7. Jonah Hill at Winter Sun Trading Company, Painting an Old-Style Hopi Katsina Doll.

Customers often tried to barter over the prices but Hill explained that Winter Sun Trading Company did not inflate prices, therefore they could not afford to barter. Customers were often surprised by the high prices and asked why Native American art was so expensive. Hill explained that prices depend on the artist’s reputation and the amount of time needed to create the work of art. He explained that the artwork was purchased directly from the artist and emphasized that it was hand-made rather than machine-made in a factory. Winter Sun Trading Company has hosted a katsina doll exhibit every year since 1994, during the weekend closest to July fourth. The ninth annual show (July 5-7, 2002), “Preserving a Tradition: A Hopi Katsina Doll Exhibit,” featured katsina dolls by Hopi carvers who had won “Best of Division” and “Best of Show” awards at the Museum of Northern Arizona “Hopi Marketplaces” during the 1980s and 1990s. Visitors and Native American artists crammed into Winter Sun Trading Company to enjoy the Friday evening, opening reception. Many visitors brought their copies of Jonathan Day’s book, Traditional Hopi Kachinas: A New Generation of Carvers (2000). The Hopi carvers discussed in Day’s book were asked to sign their names next to photographs of their

51 artwork that was featured in the book. Visitors could also purchase a poster that Winter Sun Trading Company produced to commemorate the show, which the carvers signed as well. The Friday evening, opening reception was a time to eat, drink, and socialize. During the rest of the weekend, customers could enjoy watching Hopi katsina doll carvers string feathers, paint, and whitewash the dolls. During this weekend, Hill referred more to the awards that had been won by the carvers whose work Winter Sun Trading Company had for sale, than he did during other business days. He also introduced carvers who were in the shop that day, to customers who were admiring their katsina dolls. The annual katsina doll show at Winter Sun Trading Company was unique. It occurred during the same weekend as the “Hopi Marketplace” at the Museum of Northern Arizona, but it was very different because it was much smaller and set in a more intimate space. It was a time when people gathered together to get acquainted and re- acquainted with one another. Hogan began hosting the show to stay connected with the Hopi friends that she had made, and to meet other members of the Hopi tribe. Winter Sun Trading Company provided a feeling of family and offered food all weekend to everyone who came through the door. Although the herbs remained the primary emphasis at Winter Sun Trading Company, the dialogue among Hogan, Hill, and the customers at Winter Sun Trading Company that was related to Native American art was specifically about Hopi old-style katsina doll carvers and the different types of katsina dolls. Hogan has been committed to creating a relationship of mutual reciprocity with the Hopi tribe. She has prioritized the preservation of knowlege over economic revenue, as well as aimed to build lasting friendships with and contribute in a useful way to the members of the Hopi community.

Painted Desert Trading Company Painted Desert Trading Company was located on Aspen Avenue between San Francisco Street and Leroux Street during this research in 2002, but relocated to the northeast corner of Route 66 and San Francisco Street early in 2003. Janet Shipley, the owner of Painted Desert Trading Company, grew up in Cameron, on the Navajo Reservation. Shipley also owned Native American art shops in Cameron, and Sedona,

52 Arizona, located 30 miles south of Flagstaff. Shipley was rarely present in the shop during observations. Instead, Sharri Penland and Anthony de la Garza were the staff members who were observed most often. Penland had worked at Painted Desert Trading Company since 2001, and de la Garza had worked at Painted Desert Trading Company since 1999. Painted Desert Trading Company carried a large variety of high quality artwork made by Native Americans, but it also sold inexpensive souvenirs that were not made by Native Americans. Souvenirs not made by Native Americans included items such as Southwest postcards and greeting cards, coffee mugs, and candleholders with Native American designs. This large, inexpensive inventory of items priced for less than $15 ensured that Painted Desert Trading Company received a higher volume of customers than the other Native American shops in Flagstaff. Because of this high volume, the quality and frequency of each interaction between customers and staff was not as high as it was in the smaller Native American art shops. Even with Penland and de la Garza both working at the same time, it was not always possible for them to speak with every person who came into the shop. Painted Desert Trading Company had a larger selection of books on Native American art and culture for sale than the other Native American art shops in downtown Flagstaff. They sold books on every imaginable Southwest and Native American topic, ranging from Southwestern cooking, home decorating, and travel, to Native American astrology, myths, and legends, as well as books on different types of Native American art, and even had Tony Hillerman mystery novels about the Navajo and Zuni tribes. Painted Desert Trading Company also had books behind the staff counter with information on Native American artists whose work was for sale in the shop. The staff at Painted Desert Trading Company frequently referred to these books during interactions with customers. There were several books on katsina dolls, such as A Guide to Hopi Katsina Dolls (McManis 2000), Hopi Kachinas: Complete Guide to Collecting Kachinas (Wright 1977), and Hopi Kachina Dolls with a Key to Their Identification (Colton 1959). There were also books on Zuni fetish carvings, including A Guide to Zuni Fetishes and Carvings (McManis 1998a), Spirit in the Stone (Bahti 1999), Zuni Fetish Carvings (Finkelstein 1994), and Zuni Fetishes: Using Native American Objects for Meditation,

53 Reflection, and Insight (Bennett 1993). Books that were frequently used for references on pottery, included Collections of Southwest Pottery: Candlesticks to Canteens & Frogs to Figurines (Hayes and Blom 1996a), and Southwestern Pottery: From Anasazi to Zuni (Hayes and Blom 1996b). The staff at Painted Desert Trading Company distributed handouts with information related to the purchased art piece and the artist who made the piece, and they gave customers a Polaroid photograph of the artist holding the art piece. These photographs were taken when the staff purchased items from Native American artists. The handouts included information on Navajo sand paintings and pottery, Zuni fetish carvings, Hopi religion, and dream-catchers. Painted Desert Trading Company had a large selection of Navajo jewelry that used stones such as charoite, malachite, and cultured opal. Shipley explained that the use of turquoise and coral in Native American jewelry was a more traditional style and that the use of stones such as malachite and cultured opal was a response of Navajo artists who have been influenced by demographic pressures and tastes. She believes that Navajo artists enjoy creating new styles with these types of stones. Shipley likes this contemporary-styled jewelry and encourages Native American artists to make it, because customers admire and purchase it. Jewelry prices began around $30 for a simple piece and increased to several hundred dollars. Customers frequently wanted to know if Hopi jewelry designs had meaning. Penland and de la Garza described Hopi designs as representations of clouds, lightning, and rain. They explained that because water in the desert is rare, wearing these designs helps to ward off drought. One customer pointed to the flute player design and asked if it was the sign for medicine. De la Garza told him it was the flute player who is referred to as kokopelli and is primarily known as a prankster, but that there are many interpretations for him. This contradiction among what de la Garza, Beiser, and literature sources say is kokopelli and the flute player will be discussed further at the end of this chapter. Painted Desert Trading Company carried a large selection of Zuni fetish carvings. While a simple fetish carving could be purchased for $20, most sold for approximately $50, and some cost $100 or more. De la Garza said that because a fetish carving is small does not mean it is inexpensive. The price depended on the amount of detail carved into

54 the piece, whether other stones were inlaid into the piece, and the reputation of the carver. Shipley directed customers’ attention to a “medicine bundle” and a “spirit line” and explained that these were the most common embellishments on fetish carvings. The medicine bundle is usually a small arrow or rock that is wrapped around the fetish animal’s back and serves as an offering to the gods. This offering is in exchange for bestowing the strength or power of the fetish animal to the owner of the fetish. The spirit line is a line that is drawn from the animal’s mouth to the area in the body where the heart lies. This is the path that the breath takes, and the breath is associated with the spirit. Shipley also distributed a handout on Zuni fetish characteristics and their meanings. Information from this handout was based on Hal Zina Bennett’s descriptions of fetishes, whose work explained that many tribes made and used animal fetish carvings because they possessed the unique powers of the animal represented. If treated respectfully, the animal bestows powers on the owner of the fetish carving. For example, the bear symbolizes tremendous power and strength, and, because it hibernates every year, it is associated with change (Bennett 1993:97-100). Descriptions such as this one promoted romantic images of Native American art and culture and appealed to customers who held “new-age” beliefs. Customers could learn about Native American art and culture in this shop by reading the display labels. For example, Navajo pottery was identified with a color photograph of the artist and a “certificate of authenticity.” This certificate explained that the artist who made the piece of pottery was for example, Lorraine Williams Yazzie. The label also stated that, “Yazzie hand-coils and fires her pottery in the traditional manner and is among the best known of all Navajo potters.” There was also a display label for a Navajo wedding vase, which is a pottery vessel with two spouts. This label explained that prior to an ancient marriage ceremony, the medicine man prepared a special potion that signified the promise of deep love and eternal happiness for the couple who drinks the potion simultaneously from each spout. De la Garza recommended a wedding vase with a corn design to a couple who was searching for a wedding gift. He gave some handouts to the couple that explained the symbolism of the wedding vase and of corn, and told the couple that corn meant

55 abundance and plenitude. These vases were approximately ten inches tall and cost between $20 and $50. When customers asked why some of the pottery was so expensive, Penland referred to Southwestern Pottery: From Anasazi to Zuni (Hayes and Blom 1996b). She believed that referring to books legitimized the pieces, the information, and the prices, and assured customers that they were purchasing a valuable piece of Native American art. One couple who admired the Navajo pottery was concerned that a piece that they had purchased somewhere else might be a fake, because it was less expensive than the pots for sale in this shop. Penland explained that prices can be influenced by the reputation of the artist. She recommended asking questions of the person with whom one deals. If he or she dodges questions, one should use one’s own judgment when purchasing Native American art. Painted Desert Trading Company carried old-style, action-style, and sculptural- style katsina dolls. Customers frequently inquired about these different katsina doll styles. De la Garza usually offered some background information on the evolution of katsina dolls. He explained that in the past, the Hopi frequently used feathers in their katsina dolls, but that they began making the katsina dolls entirely from wood because the Navajo were infringing on the Hopi katsina doll market. He also explained that over time the action-style katsina dolls resembled real men too much and had lost the mystic qualities of the katsina spirits. The Hopi began carving old-style katsina dolls because they captured the essence of the katsina spirits. He added that the sculptural-style started because the Hopi had random shapes and pieces of cottonwood roots that could not be used for much else, but since some collectors liked the style, more carvers began producing sculptural-style katsina dolls. A couple from California inquired about the meanings of the different katsina dolls. De la Garza directed their attention to a “Devil’s Claw” old-style katsina doll carved by Ferris “Spike” Satala and explained that devil’s claw is a plant native to the Southwest. The Hopi believe that when the seeds of this plant open, they pull the clouds down from the sky to make rain. A family with a little girl was listening to de la Garza’s explanation as he showed a “Cumulous Cloud” old-style katsina doll carved by Philbert Honanie, and explained that this katsina scares children into behaving. The little girl

56 asked de la Garza if the katsina were real. He answered that the katsina spirits are real and that they appear in Hopi ceremonies. He added that the katsina dolls are toys for children to play with so that they can learn about the different katsina spirits that exist. The adults laughed and said that the katsina dolls were not children’s toys, at prices between $200 and $350. De la Garza shifted his attention back to the adults and added that Honanie and Satala were famous carvers who were featured in Jonathan Day’s book, Traditional Hopi Kachinas: A New Generation of Carvers (2000). De la Garza frequently referred to Day’s book to legitimize the reputations of many old-style katsina doll carvers. Janet Shipley described the role of the Hopi “Ogre Woman” katsina, Soyok Wuhti, who comes to eat the children during the holiday season. When she knocks on the door of a family’s home, the parents do all that they can to protect their children, by offering the ogre food in exchange for sparing the children’s lives. Eventually the ogre agrees, but only after the children promise to behave and obey their parents. Through this experience, the parents become the saviors and shift the responsibility of disciplining their children to someone else. Shipley explained that through rituals such as this one, the concept of discipline becomes a communal affair that the whole culture shares. Customers often asked if Indians made the katsina dolls. Penland clarified that the Hopi made them and explained that it was important to ask specifically if a Hopi made a katsina doll. She explained that katsina dolls made by the Navajo were imitations. Some customers mentioned that they had katsina dolls that resembled the ones in the shop, and that they had only paid $35 for them, instead of the prices at Painted Desert Trading Company, which ranged from $200 to $1,800. Customers frequently asked why the Navajo produced similar dolls at drastically less expensive prices than the Hopi. Penland explained that it was a matter of supply and demand, because there are nearly 300,000 people in the Navajo tribe and only 10,000 people in the Hopi tribe. While two men were examining Kent McManis’ book, A Guide to Hopi Katsina Dolls (2000), they commented that they had learned something new. They were referring to the katsina/kachina pronunciation difference that McManis discussed, because there was not a /ch/ sound in the Hopi language. Penland admitted that she should use the word properly, but said customers have given her strange looks when she has pronounced

57 the word as katsina. They have thought that either she was pronouncing the word incorrectly, or that she was misinformed. In addition to providing information on Native American art and culture, Painted Desert Trading Company provided general tourist information. The staff assembled a guidebook with menus of all the different restaurants in town, maps of Flagstaff, and a community calendar that highlighted different cultural events occurring in Flagstaff each month. Shipley has aimed to present the romance and beauty of Native American cultures to the public. She sells Native American art because it is beautiful, and because she enjoys encouraging talented Native American artists. She believes that creating art is one way that Native Americans can present the beautiful aspects of their culture, make a living for themselves and their families, and escape the harsh realities of an otherwise poor economy.

Thunder Mountain John and Bari Denune, the owners of Thunder Mountain, were retired farmers from Ohio and California who used to vacation in Flagstaff, Arizona, and shop at Puchteca Indian Art. The Denunes learned about Native American art and culture from Puchteca Indian Art owner Steve Beiser. The Denunes became so enamored with Southwestern Native American art and culture that in June, 1997, they sold the farm, moved to Flagstaff, Arizona, and entered the Native American art business. Thunder Mountain was located on Route 66 between San Francisco Street and Leroux Street. The Denunes’ dog, Scooter, was the official shop greeter and he had his own business cards with his photograph printed on them. Thunder Mountain was a family operated business. The owners and their son, Mark Denune, were the only ones who worked in the shop. The Denunes were more reserved than the owners and staff at the other Native American art shops in Flagstaff. They allowed customers to look around, and if a customer asked for help, the Denunes were eager to assist, but they did not immediately engage customers as soon as they walked through the door. The Denunes have created numerous printed handouts with information about Native American art and cultures. Some of the topics of the Denunes’ handouts included

58 Navajo sand paintings and wedding baskets, the Hopi origin story, and kokopelli as explained in Barton Wright’s book, Kachinas: A Hopi Artist’s Documentary (1973). The Denunes contacted other Native American art shops in the Southwest and used the Internet to find information on specific Native American artists, their artwork, and their cultures. The Denunes also referred to books for information for these handouts, including Hayes and Blom’s Collections of Southwest Pottery: Candlesticks to Canteens & Frogs to Figurines (1996a), and Hidden Faces (1904), by Edward S. Curtis. They also referenced several Plateau journals, a Museum of Northern Arizona publication, and articles from the Indian Trader newspaper and the Arizona Highways magazine. Additional literature that the Denunes had in the shop included books with general information on Southwestern Native American art, such as Southwestern Indian Arts and Crafts (Bahti 1964), Southwest Indian Designs with Some Explanations (Bahti 1994), and Collecting Southwestern Indian Arts and Crafts (Manley 1979). There were Zuni fetish carving books including, Spirit in the Stone: A Handbook of Southwest Indian Animal Carvings and Beliefs (Bahti 1999), Zuni Fetishes: Using Native American Objects for Meditation, Reflection, and Insight (Bennett 1993), A Guide to Zuni Fetishes and Carvings (McManis 1998a, 1998b), and Zuni Fetish Carvings (Finkelstein 1994). There were books about pottery, such as Fourteen Families Pottery (Dillingham 1994), Hopi- Tewa Pottery: 500 Artist Biographies (Schaaf 2002a), Pueblo Indian Pottery (Schaaf 2002b), and Southern Pueblo Pottery: 2,000 Artist Biographies (Schaaf 2002c). There were even books specifically on Hopi katsina dolls, such as A Guide to Hopi Katsina Dolls (McManis 2000), and Hopi Kachinas (Manley 1980). The Denunes often requested that their artists write a brief autobiography. There were handouts of artist biographies, including Alice Cling, Rose Williams, Carlos Begay, and Lorraine Williams. Customers received a handout that described the piece of art they purchased and the artist who made it, along with a Polaroid photograph of the artist with the piece. The Denunes also assembled photographs of artists and newspaper clippings in an album to share with customers. These were the shop’s permanent copies and they were not distributed to customers. Navajo painter and carver Carlos Begay demonstrated his arts at Thunder Mountain. He has regularly participated in the “Navajo Marketplace” at the Museum of

59 Northern Arizona, and also participated in the West Valley Invitational Native American Arts Festival in Litchfield Park, Arizona, in January, 2002. He sold and signed posters from this event, which had over 200 Native American dancers, artists, and musicians attending, while he was carving at Thunder Mountain. He and other Native American artists often demonstrated in Thunder Mountain. They frequently showed up unannounced, but the Denunes had a table in the back room of the shop that they could bring into the main shop area for artists to use. John Denune complimented a man who entered the shop wearing a Zuni “knife wing dancer” pin. The man told Denune that he had purchased it from a vendor on the side of the road and that it was not a “knife wing dancer.” The vendor who sold it to the man had told him it was a “thunderbird.” Denune showed the man Theda Bassman’s book, Treasures of the Zuni (1996), which depicted the image on the pin the man was wearing as the “knife wing dancer,” and showed a different image for the “thunderbird” (Bassman 1996:47). The man refused to believe the images in the book and left the shop believing that his pin was a “thunderbird” rather than a “knife wing dancer.” The man preferred to believe the vendor who had sold it to him on the side of the road, instead of Denune, or the information printed in the book. As relative newcomers to the Native American art business, the Denunes relied on the information that they have learned from books and magazines. Because their personalities were less assertive than the staff and owners of other Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, they often allowed this literature to speak for them. The Denunes confessed that it is difficult to deal with customers who think that they know everything. When customers’ information differed from theirs, the Denunes often let customers believe what they wanted to avoid a confrontation or making the customers angry.

The Jonathan Day Collection Jonathan Day owned the Jonathan Day Collection, a shop located on Leroux Street between Route 66 and Aspen Avenue. Day was a Native American art purchaser for Winter Sun Trading Company for eight years before he opened his own shop in 2000. The Jonathan Day Collection was the smallest of all the Native American art shops in

60 Flagstaff. The small space, combined with Day’s outgoing personality, ensured that the interactions between Day and his customers were of a high quality. Day named his shop after himself and confessed that he hopes that twenty years from now the public will recognize the Jonathan Day name and the collection that he accumulated. Day specialized in old-style katsina dolls. Jonathan Day’s father, Joseph, owned a Native American art shop called Tsakurshovi with his wife Janice who was a member of the Hopi tribe. Their shop was located in Shungopovi, a village on Second Mesa, on the Hopi reservation. Jonathan Day primarily grew up on the eastern coast of the United States with his mother. However, he spent every summer with his father and Hopi stepmother on the Hopi reservation, and frequently attended Hopi dances. The details that Day remembers from these experiences were recalled when he described the roles of some of the different katsina spirits. Day created a visual picture of the Hopi dances as he recalled stories of the “Head Whipper” katsina chasing dance spectators, and explained that these whippers act as a purifying agent by banishing negative energy. He also described the shenanigans that the clowns performed, and explained that they help to maintain balance and order in pueblo society by displaying inappropriate behavior as an example of how not to behave. Day spoke the Hopi language when he described Hopi art and culture, and he encouraged customers to pronounce words the Hopi way. Day used the katsina pronunciation. Many customers inquired if kachina was the “white man” pronunciation of the word. Day explained that there is not a /ch/ sound in the Hopi language. Customers were excited to learn the correct pronunciation and said that they would begin using the katsina pronunciation. Day authored Traditional Hopi Kachinas: A New Generation of Carvers (2000), a book including a glossary and a Hopi pronunciation guide. Despite Day’s wishes, the publisher insisted that the form kachina be used on the book cover because most of the public is not familiar with the form katsina. This book was the primary tool that Day used to educate his customers, but there were other books in the shop that he also referenced. Books about Hopi katsina dolls and spirits included, Following the Sun and Moon: Hopi Kachina Tradition (Secakuku 1995), Katsina: Commodified and Appropriated Images of Hopi Supernaturals (Pearlstone 2001), and Kachinas: A Hopi

61 Artist’s Documentary (Wright 1973). Day also had a book on Hopi silver, Hallmarks of the Southwest (Wright 1989), and a book on pottery, Southwestern Pottery: From Anasazi to Zuni (Hayes and Blom 1996b). Day has noticed that most of the public imagines the Hopi as a peaceful people sitting on the edge of a cliff, at one with nature, and in harmony with the universe. Day said that these people have read the Book of the Hopi (1963), by Frank Waters, and they think that they know everything about Hopi culture. Day does not believe that this book is even 20 percent accurate, and he feels that it is important to portray the Hopi as regular people who have as many problems as other people. One customer asked if the Hopi who live in the village of Walpi on First Mesa are an exception because they still live in the traditional Hopi way. Day clarified that Walpi is only used for ceremony and is open for tourist tours. He explained that the Hopi do not live at Walpi in the winter anymore, and only a few Hopi still live there in the summer. Day said that another frequent misunderstanding is the association of tomahawks, peace pipes, bows and arrows, and dream-catchers with all Native Americans. Customers frequently inquired about these items, which were made by Native Americans who live in the Plains region. Customers often mispronounced the word Hopi /ho-pi/. They asked where the /ho-pay/ or /hap-pi/ live, and if white people were permitted to visit. Many customers had heard that the Hopi do not want white people to visit the Hopi reservation. Day corrected this misunderstanding and explained that the Hopi have had bad experiences with some of the white people who have visited the Hopi reservation. The Hopi do not mind when white people visit, as long as they behave, and respect Hopi culture while they are on the Hopi reservation. After hearing this clarification, if customers were interested in visiting the Hopi reservation, Day gave them his father’s business card and provided directions to his shop on Second Mesa. Joseph and his wife Janice will give visitors a map, recommend where they can go, tell them what there is to do in Hopi, and suggest how they should behave while they are guests on the Hopi reservation. Some customers looked around the shop, but did not say anything. Day believed that these customers had no idea what they were viewing, so they did not know what questions to ask. Some customers assumed that the katsina dolls were fake, because they did not look like the katsina dolls that they were accustomed to seeing. Other customers

62 asked if they were very old katsina dolls. Day engaged his customers by asking if they had ever seen old-style Hopi katsina dolls. This gave Day an opportunity to introduce his book and to tell customers that it was the first and only book written about old-style, Hopi katsina dolls. As the author of a book, Day’s credibility was established. Customers were convinced that he was knowledgeable about Hopi culture. Day explained to customers that the Hopi give away old-style katsina dolls at Hopi ceremonies, and that these are the style of katsina dolls that the Hopi make for themselves. He said that traders influenced katsina doll styles by encouraging the addition of a base on the bottom of the doll so that they could be placed on a collector’s knick-knack shelf. He explained that if one were to visit a Hopi home, one would find the katsina dolls hanging on the wall. Day explained that old-style katsina dolls were not depicted as humans wearing masks, but instead more directly evoked images of the katsina spirits. A woman inquired about the price of a pair of katsina dolls in the window, which were the most expensive katsina dolls in the shop, priced at $4,500 for a set of Masau’u “Creator” and Masau’u Mana “Female Creator” katsina dolls. Philbert Honanie, a Hopi artist who has received awards at the Santa Fe Indian Market, carved them as part of a limited edition. Only eleven pairs were or ever will be made. Day showed the woman his book, which contained a photograph of the same katsina dolls (Day 2000:36, 38). He explained that the purchaser of those pieces would have his or her name in the next printed edition of the book. After hearing this information, the woman expressed her surprise that such valuable artwork was sitting in the window, exposed to the hot sun. Day explained that old-style katsina dolls were painted with mineral pigments that were made from rocks, which do not fade or lose their colors. A couple from Phoenix, Arizona, admired a “Left-Handed Hunter” katsina doll carved by Ramson Lomatewama. Day referred to Lomatewama as a “hard-core” old- style carver. Lomatewama used paints made from mineral pigments that he made by crushing rocks and adding honey to stabilize the paints. He carved with a blade he made from obsidian, sanded the katsina doll with sandstone, spun his own cotton, and pegged everything instead of using glue. After hearing about this process, the man was eager to watch katsina doll carvers demonstrate at an upcoming Hopi old-style katsina doll carvers

63 reception that Day was sponsoring. Day explained that the carvers might paint, but that they would not use knives or carve in public, because carving is a secret art. It is a craft that can only be done by Hopi men who have been initiated into the katsina religion. The man inquired as to the type of wood that the carvers use. Day replied that the Hopi only use cottonwood roots. It is soft wood that is easy to carve. Day added that cottonwood roots extend for miles, in search of water. Flash floods break off pieces of the roots, so that the tree itself remains unharmed. Day continued to explain that water is the most limited and most important resource, because the Hopi live in a harsh, desert environment. He said that Hopi dances are prayers for rain, and that the Hopi believe that the katsina spirits manifest in the form of clouds. Day pointed to several designs on the old-style katsina dolls that were representations of different types of clouds. The couple from Phoenix, Arizona, could sympathize with the concept of water as a limited and important resource, and asked if the “hard-core” old-style carver (Lomatewama) was featured in Day’s book. When they found that he was, they purchased the book and the “Left-Handed Hunter” katsina doll. Day informed the couple that Lomatewama was working at the Artist’s Gallery around the corner, and that he would enjoy speaking with them about their katsina doll and would sign the book for them if they stopped by to meet him. A couple from Los Angeles, California, came in while Day was purchasing old- style katsina dolls from carver Tay Polequaptewa. Day seized the opportunity to introduce the couple to Polequaptewa. He mentioned that Polequaptewa was featured in his book and showed Polequaptewa’s katsina dolls to the couple. The couple agreed to purchase the book if Day and Polequaptewa both signed it. The woman had seen this style of katsina doll in Santa Fe, New Mexico, but was concerned about whether the feathers would survive in the moist environment near the ocean. Day acknowledged that there was probably $25 in feathers on this katsina doll, but that the real value was in the katsina doll itself, and that the feathers could always be replaced. Day added that the value of the katsina doll would increase over time. The man stated that they purchase what they like, regardless of its historical or monetary value. The woman decided she liked them, and purchased the “Tobacco” and the “Dragonfly” old-style katsina dolls carved by Tay Polequaptewa.

64 Day hosted an evening reception at his shop, for old-style katsina doll carvers, on Saturday, July 6, 2002. Polequaptewa brought in an album with photographs of himself and his katsina dolls, as well as a copy of an article from Native Peoples magazine entitled, “The New/Traditional Style of Hopi Katsina Dolls” (Hucko and Simpson 2001), which featured himself and other old-style katsina doll carvers. He looked through the photograph album with customers, and explained the different roles of each katsina. Polequaptewa showed visitors that he placed his trademark, a star, on the bottom of his katsina dolls. He talked about a “Dragonfly” katsina doll that a woman admired, and explained that he only used black and brown paints on this katsina doll, because he wanted to keep the katsina doll simple, and represented the way that it appears in nature. This “Dragonfly” katsina, along with other insects, plants, and animals that reappear each spring, will race against Hopi spectators during a Hopi dance. If one of these katsina racers catches a person, he will rub black soot or smear chili all over the person’s face. One woman laughed at this and said that everyone would know that the person did not run fast enough when other spectators saw him walking around with soot or chili all over his face. Polequaptewa also told the woman that the “Scorpion” katsina dancer throws cotton balls at spectators. If a cotton ball hits someone, the “Scorpion” has symbolically stung that person. The woman was extremely interested in all of these details, but her husband had lost interest and commented that it was all too complicated for him to remember. Day had strong relationships with the men who carved the old-style katsina dolls that he sold in his shop. They joked with one another the way that close family members and good friends joke with each other. Carver Augustine Mowa III creased one of Day’s books that was for sale. Day joked that “you can take the Indians off the rez (reservation) but you can not take the rez out of the Indian” while complaining that he would not be able to sell the book. A customer who heard this statement interrupted Day and told him that he could probably charge more for the book because an artist had touched it. Day told a story about a Hopi carver who kept to himself, but heard that Day was writing a book and agreed to an interview. When Day started to take a photograph of him at the end of the interview, the carver grabbed a license plate and held it up like a police

65 mug shot just as Day snapped the picture. Customers enjoyed hearing humorous stories such as this because it made Native American artists seem like everyday people. The carvers from whom Day purchased were very outgoing. Although Day offered a multitude of stories to customers, there were frequently carvers in his shop who were also receptive to questions from customers and would frequently take over the shop by promoting themselves and their art.

The Museum Shop at the Museum of Northern Arizona The Museum Shop at the Museum of Northern Arizona opened in 1963. The Museum Shop staff who consented to participate in this research included Steve Pickle, manager of the Museum Shop since 1987, Bob Lomadapki, a Hopi silversmith from Hotevilla on Third Mesa, and Mishael Magarian, former exhibit designer for the Museum of Northern Arizona, and trip assistant for the Museum of Northern Arizona “Ventures” program, “Tour to the Hopi Mesas.” There were also several Museum Shop staff who were former docents of the Museum of Northern Arizona, including Anna Mattson, Ronni Davis, and Mary Swersey, who had worked in the Museum Shop since 1991, 1993, and 1995 respectively. A Hopi person who worked in the Museum Shop during the “Hopi Marketplace” weekend wished to remain anonymous. The Museum Shop carried a large selection of Hopi and Navajo pottery, Navajo rugs, Hopi katsina dolls, Zuni fetish carvings, and Hopi, Navajo, and Zuni jewelry. There were also many books behind the staff counter to assist the staff in explaining the many types of artwork to customers. Several of these books emphasized the lives of specific artists, such as Fourteen Families Pottery (Dillingham 1994), Hopi-Tewa Pottery: 500 Artist Biographies (Schaaf 2002a), Southern Pueblo Pottery: 2,000 Artist Biographies (Schaaf 2002c), Hopi Kachina Dolls and Their Carvers (Bassman 1991), and Hallmarks of the Southwest (Wright 1989). Other books focused on symbolism and meaning, such as Southwest Indian Designs with Some Explanations (Bahti 1994), and Zuni Fetish Carvings (Finkelstein 1994). There were several Arizona Highways magazine articles on katsina dolls, as well as Barton Wright’s Hopi Kachinas: Complete Guide to Collecting Kachinas (1977). There were also several Museum of Northern Arizona publications, such as Museum Notes, Canon, and Plateau.

66 The Museum Shop emphasized the reputations of individual Native American artists. In 1999, an album was assembled for the Museum Shop staff to reference when providing Native American artist information to customers. This album included photographs of Native American artists and information about their tribes, the methods and materials used by the artists, information pertaining to awards that artists had won or shows they had entered, as well as a listing of galleries where each artist’s work could be viewed, and newspaper articles that may have been written about various Native American artists whose work the Museum Shop has sold. There were also handouts available on artists, such as Hopi silversmith Bob Lomadapki, Navajo painter and carver Carlos Begay, Hopi carver Ramson Lomatewama, Navajo potter Alice Cling, and Zuni fetish carvers Aaron, Thelma, and Lorandina Sheche. The Museum Shop had labels that identified and described the artwork that was for sale. Without interacting directly with the Museum Shop staff, customers could learn about different Native American artists, their tribe, the materials used to create their artwork, the meaning of the piece (if there was one), and the price. Navajo rugs included labels with a photograph and a brief biography of the weaver. Other labels included information about Hopi culture, as well as Hopi art forms, including jewelry, pottery, baskets, and katsina doll carving. There were also labels for Zuni jewelry and fetish carvings. Zuni fetish carvings came with a “certificate of authenticity” label. This label explained that the Zuni, who call themselves A:shiwi, are a pueblo tribe from western New Mexico who have inhabited that region since 1100 AD. The A:shiwi call their pueblo Idiwanna, “the Middle Place.” Zuni fetishes are carved from rocks and shells and depict animals or other symbols that the Zuni associate with nature. These carvings are used for trade, religious ceremonies, luck in hunting, ensuring rain, enhancing fertility, curing disease, or in other areas where help is needed. Customers frequently asked what the word fetish means in Native American cultures. Mary Swersey offered a handout on fetishes and explained that a fetish is intended to be a symbol to represent something that will offer strength. She also presented a visual teaching aid that she referred to as a fetish carving material frame.

67 This teaching aid included small samples of the rocks and the names of approximately thirty stones that the Zuni frequently use to make fetish carvings. A woman who was searching for Zuni fetish carvings complained that the Museum Shop did not have many available. Anna Mattson told her about the “Heritage Program Summer Marketplaces” and that the “Zuni Marketplace” would occur the next weekend. Mattson suggested that the woman return for that event if she was interested in seeing a large variety and selection of fetish carvings. Mattson added that the woman would have an opportunity to speak with Zuni fetish carvers, and perhaps even see an artist making a fetish carving. The woman specifically wanted a frog fetish carving, because she had read that frogs are fertility symbols, and her daughter was having fertility problems; but there were only two frogs available in the Museum Shop from which to choose. Mattson offered her a handout on Zuni fetish carvings and their characteristics, but the woman said that she had already verified the information in two books. Mattson referred to Kent McManis’ book, A Guide to Zuni Fetishes and Carvings: The Animals and the Carvers, Volume I (1998a), and told the woman that the corn maiden and turtles were also considered fertility symbols, but the woman only wanted a frog. Mattson directed the woman’s attention to a Hopi cradle frog katsina doll that was carved by Hopi children who live on First Mesa. She explained that this type of cradle katsina doll was made to hang on the wall above a newborn child’s bed. Mattson suggested that the couple could hang it above their bed and then, after it worked, the item could be hung over the baby’s bed. The Museum Shop sold masks by Gregory Lomayesva. These masks were approximately fourteen inches in diameter, sold for approximately $1,600, and resembled the faces of katsina dolls. Ronni Davis explained that in order to be initiated into the katsina society, and to be permitted to carve Hopi katsina dolls, Hopi culture insists that men have a Hopi mother. While Lomayesva’s father was Hopi, his mother was Hispanic, so he could not carve Hopi katsina dolls. Instead, Lomayesva borrowed images from the Hopi and Hispanic sides of his heritage and blended the two together to create a unique style of artwork in the form of these masks. A mother and daughter from Indiana came in and saw Bob Lomadapki working in the Museum Shop. The woman whispered to her daughter that Lomadapki was a famous

68 artist. The woman used to live in Flagstaff, Arizona, and had worked with Lomadapki on fundraising projects for less fortunate people. The woman showed Lomadapki’s jewelry to her daughter and asked him to explain the amount of time that it took to make a piece and how he did it. The woman took a photograph of Lomadapki talking to her daughter and purchased a piece of his jewelry for her daughter. The woman planned to save the photograph and receipt for her daughter’s memory book of their visit to the Southwest. A young woman with two children admired the Hopi overlay jewelry. Mary Swersey explained that this style of jewelry was made by cutting the design out of one sheet of silver, soldering that layer onto another sheet of silver, and oxidizing portions of the design to yield a contrasting black and silver appearance. The anonymous Hopi added that it was important to saw the blade up and down constantly and steadily. He said that the blade remained steady in one place, while the piece of silver was turned in different directions to create the design. If the blade movement was not consistent, it was possible to catch a tooth from the blade, and then the blade will break. He also told the woman that Hopi silversmiths use a very fine steel wool rather than a polishing cloth to create the satin finish that characterizes Hopi overlay jewelry. Swersey described how the Museum of Northern Arizona played an important part in the development of this unique jewelry style. She explained that one of the founders of the Museum of Northern Arizona, Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton, thought that Hopi jewelry should be noticeably different from Navajo and Zuni jewelry. Colton suggested that Hopi silversmiths use designs from Hopi basketry and pottery, and assisted them with the creation of the overlay jewelry style during the 1930s. Swersey continued to explain that Hopi jewelry designs relate to rain, which is a metaphor for life in the desert region of the Southwest. She offered cultural information about how the Hopi have survived as farmers in a dry, barren region. Swersey gave the woman a handout that identified some of the different Hopi symbols. The anonymous Hopi added that the designs on Hopi jewelry were modeled after the designs on Hopi pottery, and represent designs from nature, such as plants. He pointed to a scalloped edge design, for example, and said that it came from the shape of a flower. The anonymous Hopi shared information on Hopi dances with a couple from Ohio. He explained that Hopi dances are similar to western culture church services, but

69 the “service” is held outside in nature, rather than in a building. He added that non-Hopi people are welcome at the celebration because it is not a secret ceremony. The couple asked if these Hopi dances were similar to powwows. The Hopi man clarified that the Hopi are a peaceful people and that Hopi culture has nothing to do with powwows, which are celebrations of war. The powwow belongs to Native Americans living in the Plains region and in Hollywood movies. Swersey shared information about ogres in Hopi culture. She explained that Hopi children believe that the ogres will eat them, unless they show respect to their parents. Only then, will their parents protect them from the ogre woman. A Hopi school bus driver was having trouble getting children to behave on the way to school in the mornings. The bus driver arranged for a friend to dress as a “Broad-Faced Whipper” and jump out in front of the school bus on the way to school. However, the driver was unable to protect the children from the “Whipper” because the children were so frightened that they jumped out of the emergency exit at the back of the bus and ran the rest of the way to school. Swersey explained that the Hopi ogres and other Hopi clowns moderate behavior in Hopi culture. Even if a person thinks he or she got away with something, a Hopi clown may embarrass the person at the next Hopi dance by imitating the inappropriate behavior that the person had displayed at a prior time. Mishael Magarian spoke with a man from Indiana who wanted to understand how pottery prices were determined. Magarian explained that prices often depend on the artist’s reputation or on the shape of the pot. The smaller the foot or base that supports the pot, the more expensive it will be. Magarian compared a pot by Navajo potter Alice Cling with one made by Cling’s sister. Cling’s pot was more expensive because the shape was more difficult to make, the base had a smaller foot, and she has a famed reputation as a highly skilled potter. Magarian emphasized production techniques and explained that authentic Native American pottery is hand-coiled and fired outside in manure, not formed on a wheel or fired in a kiln. A pot that has been fired traditionally has a duller sound than a pot that is fired in a kiln. The kiln-fired pot has more of a ring when gently thumped with a finger. Magarian also offered the man from Indiana a brief summary of the history of the revival of Hopi pottery. At the end of the nineteenth century, a Hopi man named Lesou

70 was working at an archaeological excavation site in the ruined village of Sikyatki “Yellow House” (McCoy 1993a:17) on First Mesa on the Hopi reservation. Lesou found numerous pottery shards at this site, which he showed to his wife Nampeyo, who was a good potter. She began to revive these ancient design styles from Sikyatki by using them on her pots. Years later, in the 1930s, Nampeyo saw an old Hopi pot from Sikyatki in the Museum of Northern Arizona collections and also incorporated this design into her work. Magarian recommended that the man tour the exhibit galleries of the Museum of Northern Arizona for more information and to view examples of excavated Sikyatki pottery. The Museum Shop staff regularly referred to influences that the Museum of Northern Arizona had on the history of Native American art and culture. For example, the Museum Shop staff was the only location to mention Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton’s influence when providing information on Hopi overlay jewelry. Staff frequently suggested that customers purchase or look through various Plateau journals in the Museum Bookstore for further information on Native American art and culture. The Museum of Northern Arizona also had exhibits available for customers to tour. Sometimes after seeing Hopi katsina dolls, Hopi and Navajo jewelry, or Hopi pottery in an exhibit, Museum of Northern Arizona visitors would look for a similar item to purchase in the Museum Shop. The Museum of Northern Arizona maintained a permanent exhibit on katsina dolls, which explained the lack of the /ch/ sound in the Hopi language, and the resulting pronunciation difference between katsina and kachina. Customers frequently purchased a book from the Museum Bookstore that included this pronunciation explanation. The Museum of Northern Arizona had a temporary exhibit in the summer of 2002 that replicated an old-style trading post. Text that accompanied this exhibit explained that trading posts have been portals through which cultures met, learned from one another, and were mutually transformed. Trading posts were unique, in that they acted as a place where those two worlds were brought together briefly for the purpose of trading merchandise, information, and arts and crafts. The trading post was a communication center, brokerage house, grocery store, and livestock supply center. Today it may be an

71 art gallery, convenience store, restaurant, or tourist attraction. The romantic aura of early trading posts has remained inextricably linked with the Southwest of myth and memory. This chapter presented the information that was obtained during observations in Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. It included information on the kinds of Native American art for sale in each shop, as well as customers’ most frequently asked questions, and the information that Native American art shop owners and staff provided. This chapter also described the methods that shop owners and staff used to convey information to customers. The next chapter will highlight some of these findings by comparing and contrasting the shops with one another to determine if Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, serve an educational function.

72

NATIVE AMERICAN ART SHOPS IN FLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA, SERVE AN EDUCATIONAL FUNCTION

This chapter will summarize some of the highlights of the previous chapter, and compare and contrast some of the similarities and differences among the Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. This chapter will also present the researcher’s conclusions regarding the educational function of Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, as well as suggest possibilities for further research on this topic.

A Comparison and Contrast of the Observations The conversations in the Native American art shops that were observed in Flagstaff, Arizona, were not always about Native American art and culture. Many customers asked questions about Flagstaff in general. They asked about the weather, the type of jobs available, and the cost of living. A number of visitors were considering whether they might want to relocate to Flagstaff, Arizona. Most frequently, these customers wanted to know where to find a good place to eat. In these ways, the Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, served a function similar to that of the old time trading post. Each Native American art shop was a location where visitors could get local information, much like a newsstand. Each Native American art shop owner and staff member openly shared information with customers about the other Native American art shops. If one shop did not have an item that the customer was searching for, the owner or staff recommended another Native American art shop in Flagstaff that might have the item. Sometimes Native American art shop owners and staff members visited the other Native American art shops to see what was new or available to recommend to customers. Native American art shop owners in Flagstaff were congenial and agreed that business should be kept at locally-owned Flagstaff establishments.

73 Each of the Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, had dialogue about Native American art and culture that included information on Native American artists’ biographies, and art production methods, materials, and designs. This information was always provided to offer possible reasons why authentic, hand-made Native American art prices were much higher than imitation, factory-made items. The only Native American art shop in Flagstaff, Arizona, that sold artwork that was not produced by Native Americans in the Southwest was Painted Desert Trading Company. Although this Native American art shop also sold Plains items, such as dream-catchers, and bows and arrows, the owners and staff members were honest and direct with customers and told them that these items were not made by Native Americans who lived in the Southwest. Because Painted Desert Trading Company also sold some items that were not authentic, or hand-made by a Native American, the shop owners and staff either told customers that certain items came from a factory, or there were labels on the items that indicated their place of origin. There were a variety of methods that the different Native American art shop owners and staff used to convey information on Native American art and culture. Owners and staff at Puchteca Indian Art, Winter Sun Trading Company, and the Jonathan Day Collection primarily shared stories about personal experiences with Native Americans, their arts, and their cultures. Owners and staff at Thunder Mountain, Painted Desert Trading Company, and the Museum Shop referenced literature more frequently, and also provided written text and photographs to their customers. Each Native American art shop in Flagstaff offered opportunities for the public to meet Native American artists, whether by chance or through a special event, and each owner and staff member took the time to compare and explain the differences between imitation and authentic Native American art. Customers had a good chance of meeting a Native American artist while visiting any of the Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. However, the Museum Shop and Winter Sun Trading Company were the only Native American art shops that regularly employed Native Americans to sell artwork. Thunder Mountain and the Museum of Northern Arizona frequently had Native American artists demonstrating their

74 art techniques. Winter Sun Trading Company and the Jonathan Day Collection welcomed old-style katsina doll carvers as demonstrators for special events. In regards to the specific information on Native American art and culture, the shops had similarities and differences with one another. Native American art shop owners and staff at each location agreed that consumers should only purchase Hopi katsina dolls. Each Native American art shop owner and staff member adamantly opposed the selling and purchasing of Navajo or non-native imitation katsina dolls. All of the shop owners and staff were aware of the pronunciation differences for katsina/kachina, and the lack of a /ch/ sound in the Hopi language. However, Jonah Hill and Phyllis Hogan at Winter Sun Trading Company, and Jonathan Day from the Jonathan Day Collection, were the only people who used the Hopi pronunciation katsina on a regular basis. These same people, and Steve Beiser at Puchteca Indian Art, frequently used the Hopi language while conveying information to customers. A difference in the information provided by shop owners and staff included the definitions for and representations of kokopelli and the flute player. Puchteca Indian Art was the only shop to distinguish between kokopelli and the flute player as separate entities. All of the other shop owners and staff used the terms kokopelli and flute player interchangeably when referring to the image of the flute player. This inconsistency was found in books and magazines as well. The Denunes at Thunder Mountain referred specifically to Barton Wright’s Kachinas: A Hopi Artist’s Documentary (1973) for a definition of kokopelli, which described kokopelli as the humpbacked flute player. Steve Beiser at Puchteca Indian Art was the only person to distinguish between kokopelli and the flute player. Information in Alph Secakuku’s Following the Sun and Moon: Hopi Kachina Tradition (1995) and in Thybony and Hirschmann’s Rock Art of the American Southwest (1994) supported Beiser’s distinction, as did Hopi educator Ray Coin during a Museum of Northern Arizona “Ventures” trip. The quality and frequency of the interactions at the Museum Shop was high, but the overall atmosphere at the Museum Shop was much quieter than at the other Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. This may have been because visitors generally used hushed voices while in the galleries of the Museum of Northern Arizona, and this behavior may have carried over into the Museum Shop. Because the Museum Shop was

75 located inside the Museum of Northern Arizona, a non-profit, education-based institution, the Museum Shop customers were also visitors to the Museum of Northern Arizona. Thus, the Museum Shop attracted a select audience of people who were probably already seeking knowledge. Customers did not appear to be surprised to learn about Native American art and culture while visiting the Museum Shop. Instead, these customers seemed to expect to receive an education during their visit. In contrast, the Native American art shops located in historic downtown Flagstaff were individually-owned commercial businesses in an area surrounded by other retail shops and restaurants. These shops received customers who were often primarily interested in shopping and eating, rather than learning. Many of these customers were searching for a trip souvenir and were not expecting to learn something while they were shopping in a commercial establishment. The Native American art shop owners and staff at these six locations frequently discussed stereotypes about Native American art and culture with their customers. These discussions occurred because customers were unaware that there were cultural differences among Native American tribes and that these differences resulted in different forms of art. Almost every day someone came into a shop and asked for Plains Indian items, such as headdresses, or bows and arrows, or someone needed a lesson on why one should only purchase a katsina doll that was carved by a Hopi man.

Conclusions This thesis has described the attempts of Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, to educate the public about Native American art and culture. It has identified the type of information that was provided, and described the methods that each shop used to convey information to customers. Dialogue that transpired in these shops has indicated that Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, can be considered valuable sources for learning about Southwestern Native American art and culture, and that they are more than shopping venues. Native American art shops in Flagstaff provided cultural information about Native Americans in the Southwest to tourists who visited from other regions. Some customers were not interested in learning about Southwestern Native American art and culture or continued to hold to their own preconceived convictions, but

76 the staff and shop owners still tried to provide information to these customers. Other customers expressed that the information they learned during a visit to a Native American art shop in Flagstaff made their trip to the American Southwest more enriching. Some customers even stated that their visit to a Native American art shop in historic downtown Flagstaff was as rewarding and informative as a visit to a museum. Regardless of whether a customer accepted the information that was offered, Native American art shops in Flagstaff attempted to educate customers about Native American art and culture. Shop owners and staff members at each Native American art shop in Flagstaff explained to customers that different Native American tribes have different cultural beliefs, and that these beliefs are reflected in the different artworks that each tribe produces. Therefore, the researcher has concluded that Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, do serve an educational function. It was important to consider the role of Native American art shops to educate the public because these shops represent Native American art in its modern form. The proximity of Flagstaff to the south rim of Grand Canyon National Park increased the probability that Flagstaff would receive visitors who would peruse Native American art shops for souvenirs of their visit to the Southwest. Many tourists had preconceived ideas about Native American art and culture that surfaced during their visits to one of the Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. The information that the tourist previously possessed frequently differed from the information that the Native American art shop owners and staff provided. Some tourists had no idea that “Indians” still existed. They had read about Native Americans in history books at school, or in fiction novels, but were unaware that Native American people still lived in the world today. A walk in historic downtown Flagstaff among shops filled with Southwestern Native American art exposed visitors to a world that was very different from the region where they lived. These tourists, who were not familiar with Native Americans or their art, were influenced by the experiences that they had in Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona. This research has demonstrated that Native American art shops in Flagstaff can be considered as valid sources for learning about Native American art and culture. This research has confirmed that six Native American art shops in Flagstaff have contributed to tourist experiences with Southwestern Native American art and culture. There are

77 several other possibilities available that can be explored for further research on this topic. This information could be compared with interactions in Native American art shops in other parts of the Southwest, including Phoenix, Sedona, and Tucson, Arizona, and shops in Albuquerque and Santa Fe, New Mexico. One could also compare this information with interactions at shops in other regions of the United States that carry Southwestern Native American art, or with other regional Native American art. One could even compare dialogue at the modern Native American art shop with dialogue at existing trading posts and with roadside vendors who sell artwork along the highway. This thesis also summarized the responsibility that several individuals and organizations assumed to educate the public about Native American art and culture. Mary-Russell Ferrell and Harold Colton, for example, founded the Museum of Northern Arizona, fought against the decline in quality that tourists imposed on the Native American art market, and encouraged the sale of authentic, hand-made Native American art in Flagstaff. Native American art shops in Flagstaff have maintained the emphasis on education that the Coltons believed in and started for this region. Mary-Russell Ferrell Colton hoped that Native American art would be valued as more than a souvenir. The Native American art shops in Flagstaff, Arizona, have helped to make her hope a reality.

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APPENDIX A

HUMAN SUBJECTS RESEARCH APPROVAL LETTER

79

APPENDIX B

HUMAN SUBJECTS RESEARCH RE-APPROVAL LETTER

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APPENDIX C

EXAMPLE OF INFORMED CONSENT FORM

81

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Tamara McPeak was born in Naples, Florida, on October 17, 1975, and moved to Tallahassee, Florida in 1985. She was awarded a Presidential scholarship to attend Florida State University when she graduated from Amos P. Godby high school in June, 1993. She was awarded a Bess Ward Travel Scholarship to attend Florida State University Students Abroad in London, England, for the spring semester in 1996. She received a Bachelor of Arts in Anthropology with a Minor in British Studies in April, 1997. McPeak began Florida State University’s Anthropology Graduate Program in August, 1997. She participated in the archaeological field school in the spring semester 1998. In May, 1998, she began working with the Regionwide Archaeological Survey Program for the National Park Service, Southeast Archaeological Center in Tallahassee, Florida. McPeak began Florida State University’s Graduate Certification Program in Museum Studies in August, 1998. She moved to Flagstaff, Arizona, in March, 2000 to participate in an internship in the Education Department at the Museum of Northern Arizona. Upon completion, she was awarded a Graduate Certificate in Museum Studies. She began working part time at Puchteca Indian Art, a Native American art gallery in historic downtown Flagstaff, Arizona, in January, 2001, while continuing to volunteer at the Museum of Northern Arizona and working on her master’s thesis. In November, 2002, she became the Discovery Program Coordinator in the Education Department at the Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff. She loves the open outdoors of northern Arizona. When she is not working, she loves to go hiking with her Catahoula Leopard Dog, Oscar.

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