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Mission Impossible? Building a Socialist /Nationalist Party in Quebec

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Mission Impossible? Building a Socialist /Nationalist Party in Quebec Mission Impossible? Building A Socialist /Nationalist Party in Quebec Michael Behiels Roch Denis, Luttes de classes et question nationale au Québec 1948-1968 (Montréal: Presses socialistes internationales 1979). Pierre Foumier, The Québec Establishment. The Ruling Class and the State (Montréal: Black Rose Books, 2nd Revised Edition 1976). Pauline Vaillancourt, guest editor, QUÉBEC and the Parti Québécois (San Francisco: A Synthesis Publication 1979). RECENTLY, THE EDITOR of Saturday Night commented that one of the most striking features of recent intellectual life in Canada was the proliferation of Marxist and neo-Marxist academics and literature. Nowhere has the phenome­ non become more generalized and entrenched than in Quebec where Marxist ideology in all its forms and varieties permeates the labour movement, the co-operative movement, and secondary and post-secondary education. As a consequence the intellectual discourse in the electronic and print media over the past 15 years has been extremely lively and, upon occasion, quite revealing about the socio-economic and political turmoil sweeping through Quebec soci­ ety. Little of this material has, until recently, been made available to the English language reader and this is one of the basic advantages of the books being reviewed below. The Québec Establishment by Pierre Fournier was completed at a most opportune moment and was widely acclaimed by reviewers in all parts of the country. Many of them saw in Fournier's study readymade answers to their nervous questions about the demise of Robert Bourassa's Liberal party and the rise to power of René Lévesque's Parti Québécois. A careful second reading will, no doubt, bring many of these reviewers to question the long-term impli­ cations of the seemingly insurmountable hegemony of the corporate sector in our liberal democratic social welfare state societies. Fournier*s conclusions are not reassuring but deeply pessimistic. Pierre Fournier's perspective is that of a Marxist-inspired political scientist who believes that "the functions of the state are primarily determined by the structures of capitalist society rather than by the individuals who occupy posi­ tions of state power." (201) Consequently, for Fournier the source of the political power of the capitalist class "is not greedy business leaders or corrupt politicians but results rather from their dominant ownership and control of the means of production, and the ideological hegemony which they exercise over Michael Behiels, "Mission Impossible? Building A Socialist/Nationalist Parly in Quebec," LabourIU Travailleur, 7 (Spring 1981), 156-164. REVIEW ESSAYS 157 the entire society." (201) While the state Again there are no major surprises offered does function in the interests of the in the chapter on the ideology of business capitalist system it is, nonetheless, rela­ élites. Nearly 85 per cent of respondanis tively autonomous and does, at times, maintained that the main economic func­ introduce policies and programs which are tion of government was to create the eco­ neither initiated nor supported by the busi­ nomic conditions for the growth of the ness sector. What Fournier does private sector. When asked what was the demonstrate convincingly in this study is most important problem facing business in the inordinately comprehensive influence Quebec, 24 per cent replied Quebec's and power wielded by the Quebec business weak economic structure, 33 per cent elites, French and English, over the state answered unemployment and inflation and even after the not so "Quiet Revolution" 30 per cent pointed to social unrest and and its associated socio-economic and labour problems. There were only minor political reforms. variations between French- and English- Fournier's approach is two-fold. Fol­ speaking respondants, leading one to lowing in the footsteps of Porter's The Ver­ believe that money, shared ideology, and tical Mosaic, Mill's The Power Elite, and socio-economic class can do much to Miliband's The State in Capitalist Society, undermine ethnic conflict. While part I of Fournier's study focuses on the Quebec's Francophone and Anglophone institutional and ideological factors which corporations have developed separate lob­ account for business's influence and power bying forces — Board of Trade, Chambre in Quebec. Part II of the study is devoted to de Commerce, Canadian Manufacturers' demonstrating how Quebec's business Association (Quebec) and the Centre des community uses its power by concentrat­ Dirigeants d'Entreprise — their message ing on three important issue-areas: educa­ for and requests from the government are tion and language, labour and social mat­ strikingly similar. The whole structure is ters, and economic development. Four- crowned by the Conseil du Patronat du nier's primary source was a lengthy ques­ Québec with 130 member associations rep­ tionnaire sent to senior level management resenting the employers of more than 80 of 100 Quebec major corporations and per cent of Quebec's manpower. The Con­ financial institutions. He supplemented seil's leadership is predominantly Franco­ this data with a number of interviews, sev­ phone while the financial backing is eral business publications, and the four mainly from the large English-Canadian daily Montreal newspapers. corporations. Those in the Parti In the section on the components of Québécois who count on the support of the business power Fournier's study simply disadvantaged Francophone business com­ confirms most of what is already current munity for their sovereignty- wisdom about the nature of business and association/social-democratic master plan the corporate élite in modern Quebec. had better take heed of Foumier's findings. Using a Parti Québécois study Fournier If the traditional pattern of business contends that 62 corporations control over access to government prevailed after 15 50 per cent of Quebec's industrial produc­ November 1976 then the PQ government tion and within each industrial sector a few has no doubt heard the business point of corporations dominate production and dis­ view on all matters related to its interests. tribution. Fournier offers no reliable data Foumier's data reveals that big business on the precise extent and influence of executives enjoyed privileged access to Quebec's financial institutions apart from senior civil servants and cabinet ministers the very vague and general comments of during the Bourassa administration. In Peter Newman on the high level of concen­ short, political parties were virtually by­ tration in the Canadian banking system. passed as the big business community did 158 LABOUR/LE TRAVAILLEUR not (and does not) consider them effective who were more directly affected by the and influential vehicles for advancing or language issue and were not about to be protecting its interests. One of the major subjected to an entente cordiale between advantages of direct personal contacts with business and government. Similarly, on deputy ministers and cabinet ministers or the issue of separatism, the Bourassa gov­ the premier is, of course, secrecy. The ernment's continual emphasizing of the serious implications for parliamentary "economic disaster" thesis advanced so democracy and responsible government vociferously by the Quebec business com­ are self-evident, but as long as the general munity eventually backfired in the 1976 public remains unaware and unconcerned election. The strategy made the Bourassa the direct and highly confidential personal government appear to be the mouthpiece of contacts between business and government one segment of society, the corporate sec­ will guarantee the hegemony of the influ­ tor, which in the minds of a majority of ence and power of the corporate sector Francophone Quebecers was almost exclu­ over the political decision-making pro­ sively English-Canadian and American. cess. The relative autonomy of the state While these cavils do not weaken Four­ will be eroded to the point of total ineffec­ nier's thesis of business hegemony, they tiveness. Finally, it has become almost a truism to state that the electronic and print do illustrate that there is a point of media have become an industry dominated diminishing returns. The Parti Québécois by big businessmen. Quebec's communi­ is no doubt much more aware of this cations industry is a highly concentrated dynamic than previous Quebec govern­ and profitable segment of the provincial ments and consequently its bargaining economy and like other institutions plays position vis-à-vis business has been an active role in "legitimizing" the exist­ enhanced. Whether or not the PQ govern­ ing power structure. ment will capitalize on the new dynamic depends on a number of factors, the most How effectively has Quebec's business important being the state of the economy establishment used its hegemony over the and the commitment of caucus and cabinet province's institutional structures?Moder­ to break with the entrenched pattern of ately effectively as perceived by the busi­ business/government relations. ness community itself and highly effec­ Foumier's chapter on social and labour tively according to Fournier's overall issues is less than successful because it assessment, at least for the period prior to does not prove categorically that the corpo­ 1976. Fournier reveals that the business rate sector was able to prevent the community had considerable influence on implementation in the period 1960-74 of the Gendron Commission and its language labour and social legislation which it con­ recommendations, and advised the sidered inimical to its interests. Much of Bourassa government on the formulation the Bourassa government's problem with of its language legislation introduced and organized labour came from public and passed as Bill 22. Unfortunately, Foumier para-public sector unions and the govern­ fails to push his analysis far enough. While ment had its own internal reasons for Bill 22 was generally acceptable to the opposing the common front strategy of the business community, it proved unaccepta­ CSN, the CEQ, and the FTQ. ble to all immigrant groups as well as to the Where Quebec's corporate sector, majority Francophone population.
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