Muhammad Ismail Marcinkowski

Persian Religious and Cultural Influences in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach

Preliminary Remarks

When the present contributor (originally an Reid with regard to Southeast Asia in the course Iranologist) suggested some years ago to some of the 15th to 17th centuries2 and Femand colleagues that they consider more thoroughly Braude! with regard to the Mediterranean basin the cultural interrelations between Southeast during the 16th century, respectively. 3 Both Asia and the Iranian world 1 he received almost focus on the integrative role played by the no response. Those contacts were considered respective regions, despite existing elemental insignificant and marginal, compared for cultural and other diversities. Although the instance with those between the Malay­ present paper only indicates future directions of Indonesian archipelago and the Arabian research, some significant Persian cultural and/ Peninsula. In the view of the writer a similar or religious influences shall be highlighted. situation exists with regard to scholars concerned Attention shall also be directed to a recent with Southeast Asian studies, since they too research project intiated by the writer. lack in most of the cases the knowledge of the languages which provide access to Muslim Stimulating Interdisciplinary Approaches historiography and scholarship, i.e Persian and Arabic (and to a limited degree Ottoman­ In this context, it should be clear that a concerted Turkish). effort is needed by scholars from various The following is rather intended to stimulate disciplines. The writer was encouraged in this more comprehensive and interdisciplinary regard at a conference on Southeast Asian research which goes beyond the reputedly Studies.4 During this conference he conceived narrow limitations of Southeast Asian or Iranian an international and interdisciplinary research Studies, respectively. It is intended to bring both project "Persian Cultural Influences in Thailand 'groups' together for the sake of reconstructing and the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago". It aims the nature and amount of Persian religious and to present-in a single volume--recent research cultural influences in Southeast Asia. Particu­ on the interrelations between Southeast Asia larly inspiring and beneficial for this purpose and the Iranian world. This can be carried out seem to be the approaches followed by Anthony by international scholars in various disciplines

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000) pp. 186-194 Persian Religious and Cultural Influences in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia 187 and relevant fields of learning such as Islamic distinguishes the religious or ethnic background studies, Asian studies, Iranology, literature, of certain early historiographers, travellers and history, and economics. The design of the merchants etc., had been seen as the major research project is to promote scholarly work characteristic since those three groups used, at and go beyond the narrow boundaries of least up to the I Oth or lith centuries CE, religious or . ethnic/nationalist perspectives or predominantly the Arabic language. This sectarian interpretations of history. functioned as the carrier of the new Muslim The geographical area under investigation civilization, regardless of their particular ethnic shall for the present be limited to the territories background. 6 of Iran, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and With the political fragmentation of the Singapore. Coastal areas of other states on the Middle East following that period, and in Indian Ocean rim such as Pakistan, India, Yemen particular in the aftermath of the Turkic and and Myanmar, might be considered too, Mongol onslaughts of the lOth to 13th centuries, depending on participation in the project by the (New) Persian language increasingly scholars studying them. The historical period replaced Arabic in Iran proper, Anatolia, Central to be studied ranges from the 7th century CE Asia, and the Indian subcontinent. New Persian (signifying the beginning of the Islamization of served as the promoter of Muslim civilization West Asia in general and the Iranian lands in and even as a lingua franca. The use of Arabic particular) up to the present. A preliminary was no longer understood by the common research outline is as follows: people, and came only to be used in liturgy and I. The Coming oflslam to Southeast Asia theological studies. The "lslamizing" factor of II. Traces of Persian Influence in the Persian in what was to become Muslim India Literature and Languages of Southeast was imported. However, only disconnected Asia studies of varying usefulness and competence III. Religious Life have been carried out so far. IV. Islamic Thought and Mysticism To begin with the cultural interchanges V. Political and Diplomatic Relations between West Asia, Iran in particular, and between Iran and the Southeast Asian Maritime Southeast Asia during the pre-Islamic Region Siisiinid period, are not well understood, despite VI. Economic and Trade Relations be­ research by several scholars about three decades tween Iran and Southeast Asia ago. 7 In particular the painstaking studies by VII. Persian Cultural Influences in South­ Colless8 on the Nestorian and Armenian east Asia through India Christians in Southeast Asia during Iran's VIII. Perspectives for Future Research Sasanid period, before the coming of Islam, have to be emphasized. Suggestions on the outline by interested With regard to Persian cultural influences in scholars are highly appreciated.5 Following is a the Malay-Indonesian world since its Islam­ discussion of significant cultural and other ization (regardless of whatever date we might influences. prefer, a circumstance which seems unfor­ tunately still to depend on the "religious/ Selected Aspects ofReligio-Cultural Encoun­ ideological standpoint" of those writing on it)9 ters Between Southeast Asia and the Iranian the amount of available studies although larger, World still lacks an overall survey. The existing corpus of secondary sources relevant to our subject In modem historiographical studies (whether seems to focus on actual or alleged 'Persian carried out by Arab or 'Western' authors), early elements' in Malay language, literature and Muslim history had been mostly dealt with under culture. 10 Another feature which does not epithets such as "Arabic culture", "Arabic necessarily facilitate progress with respect to civilization" or "Arabic seafaring in the Indian our topic is the prevalence of sectarian and at Ocean". The expression Arabic-rather than times even ethnic prejudice by some Malay Muslim or Iranian/Persian, which further authors: things "Persian" are sometimes

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simplistically and inaccurately seen as entirely ~afavids) throughout Muslim geographical ''Shi'ite" (thus not acceptable to a staunchly literature (Persian as well as Arabic) in fact Sunni Malay), an erroneous conviction which referred to the new Siamese capital (since 1350) reveals ignorance of the fact that Persian of Ayutthaya. 15 Syed Muhammad Naquib al­ influences are detectible in the region much Attas, who has so far most comprehensively earlier than the time of the transformation of studied the works of I:Iamzah Fan~iiri, has Iran into a kind of Twelver11 Shi'ite state which brought forward convincing arguments in favour happened only under the rule of the ~afavid of Shahr-i Naw/Ayutthaya as I:Iamzah's Shiih Isma'TI I (r. 1501-24) toward the beginning birthplace. 16 The two references ofShahr-i Naw/ ofthe 16th century. Ayutthaya being I:Iamzah's birthplace and this More encouraging steps, however, have been poet's fluency in Persian shall serve here as a taken with regard to research on Muslim connecting link to the role played by the mysticism (ta~awwuf, 'irfiin) in Southeast Asia. Ayutthaya kingdom as a haven for Persian There too, however, 'Persian influences' have culture. This circumstance reflects the traditional so far only been dealt with as one of many hospitality and tolerance of the Siamese rulers subjects. Of particular relevance for our present and their subjects towards foreign visitors and purpose is I:Iamzah Fan~iiri, perhaps the most settlers in their country. eminent Malay Muslim mystical poet, who In the view of Anthony Reid, 17 and indeed flourished during the second half of the 16th in accordance with many Muslims of Ayutthaya century and who was equally fluent and eloquent regarding the prevailing socio-religious climate, in the Malay, Arabic and Persian languages. 12 it would not be too far-fetched to assume that I:Iamzah's significance to our present topic lies I:Iamzah in fact 'converted' in the Siamese not so much in his position within Malay capital to Twelver Shi'ite Islam, a notion which literature, but rather in the manner he referred is substantiated by the presence there of a large to his place of "origin"-Shahr-i Naw. This community of Muslims of that persuasion. could be his birthplace or a location where he I:Iamzah's frequent references to utterances of went through a kind of intellectual and/or the first Shi'ite Imam 'Ali in his works further spiritual transformation: In one of his Malay indicate this. 18 Furthermore, only at Shahr-i Naw/ poems I:Iamzah says: Ayutthaya could I:Iamzah have acquired his thorough knowledge of the Persian language l:lamzah Shahr-i Nawi terlalu hapus, and Persian mystical thought. In the words of Seperti kayu sekalian hangus; Reid "[t ]he greatest ofthe Muslim mystical poets A~alnya Laut tiada berharus, of the Malay world, Hamzah Fansuri, appears Menjadi kiipiir didalam Barus. to have learned his mysticism among the (mainly (l:lamzah of Shahr-i Naw is truely effaced, Shi'ite) Muslims of the Siamese capital". 19 Like wood, all burnt to cinders; His origin is the Ocean without currents, Persians and Persian Culture in Shahr-i Naw/ he became camphor in Barus [in Sumatra]). 13 Ayutthaya: Contours on and Perspectives of Future Research In another work, I:Iamzah applies a philo­ sophical-mystical metaphor, "existence" Important for our topic then is the role played by (wujad), for Ayutthaya: the community of Shi'ite Muslim Persian merchants in the Siamese kingdom during the ... Mendapat wujad ditanah Shahr Nawr. reign of King Narai the Great (r. 1657-88). This ( ... He acquired his existence in the land of gives further evidence to the traditional religious

Shahr Nawt)14• tolerance of the kings of Siam. An important document in this regard is The Ship ofSulaymiin It should be noted that the Persian expression (Safinah-yi Sulaymiint), a Persian travel-account Shahr-i Naw (i.e. literally 'New City') since the authored by Mul}.ammad Rabi' b. Mul}.ammad 14th century (thus for a long time before the Ibrahim, the secretary of an embassy sent by "Shi'ite transformation" of Iran under the Shiih Sulayman I (r. 1666--94), the ruler of

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~afavid Iran, in the second half of the 1680s to including the highest officials in the kingdom. the court of King Narai in response to an earlier [... ] The significance of [Ibn] Muhammad Siamese embassy to lran.20 Already twenty years Ibrahim's numerous references to the Iranian ago the lranologist Jean Aubin described the community in Siam is that they enable one to role of Persians in the Ayutthaya-kingdom.21 begin to see better, in ways not previously Among scholars concerned with Southeast Asian possible, some of the details of Ayudhya's social studies it was predominantly Professor David and economic structure, particularly as that K. Wyatt who directed the attention of a wider structure incorporated immigrant communities. circle than those concerned with Iranian studies His account is the first we have had from within to the importance of The Ship of Sulayman. In any Muslim community of Ayudhya, and is of the view of the writer it is therefore permissable assistance not least in enabling us to see how to refer to Wyatt's elaborations here in some Dutch and English traders of the time were treated detail in view of the deplorable circumstance like other Asian traders. that the presence of Persians in Siam has been Finally, material contained in The Ship of neglected by emininent scholars, such as Sulaiman provides important information that Professor Hall, 22 and other authors of standard goes a long way towards solving the mystery of histories of Southeast Asia in English. Professor the origins and early history of the Bunnag family, Wyatt states: a noble family powerful in the affairs of the kingdom of Siam for more than three centuries. 24 The importance of The Ship ofSulayman to those interested in Thai history is considerable. Its Indeed remarkable is the conclusion arrived evidence bears on three main themes: the foreign at by Professor Wyatt with regard to the overall policy of King Narai, the Persian community in significance of the Persian document in question Siam, and the rise and fortunes of the Bunnag within the framework of Thai history: family in the seventeenth century. The connection with Persia is treated only in The Ship of Sulaiman deserves to be included passing in the conventional accounts of King among the most important primary sources for Narai's reign, and much of the significance often the history of Siam in the reign of King Narai. It is lost in general references to the "the Moors". is particularly welcome because it should serve The Ship ofSulayman expands upon, and renders to open up new avenues of inquiry that have more concrete, vague references in such accounts previously been neglected.25 as that of Pere de Beze, which mentions Phaulkon's supervision of a mission at some In the view of the writer nothing can be unspecified date, which on the evidence of the added to the above statement. The Ship ofSulai­ Persian account must have taken place in 1682. man is important as a document which exemp­ Even cursory examination of the history of the lifies the independent and self-confident foreign­ Persian mission of 1685-87 suggests that it might policy of King Narai vis-a-vis the interference be useful to consider Narai's foreign policy within by major European naval powers, a foreign­ an international framework much broader than policy which perhaps can only be compared the Thai-French-Dutch-English pattern within with a similar course of action pursued in the which it usually is viewed.23 face of similar threats by King Chulalongkom the Great (r. 1868-1910) ofthe present Chakri He continues: dynasty. A touching example from The Ship of [Ibn] Muhammad Ibrahim's frequent references Sulaiman is the prayer of its (Shi'ite Muslim) to the Persian community in old Siam are a real author for the well-being of the Siamese king, eye-opener in many ways. He mentions the which could serve as an illustration of the presence of Persians wherever he went in Siam, unshakable loyalty of resident predominantly beginning with high public officials in the Persian Shi'ite Muslims to their new homeland Tenasserim province, Phetburi, and Suphanburi, and their (non-Muslim, Buddhist) monarch. In and including numerous merchants and officials the (for the ~afavid period characteristic) flowery

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000) 190 MUHAMMAD ISMAIL MARCINKOWSKI language of the secretary, Ibn Mul;tammad as a boy "used to visit the Iranians regularly and Ibrahim: he took great pleasure in their social manners and their food and drink." When Narai made his bid Good rulers, therefore, take a further step on the for the throne in 1657, the Persians aided him by path toward world harmony. With ambassadors using the cover of their annual Hasan-Husein and delegations as their key they unlock the doors [sic!] feast to approach the incumbent ruler and of world-wide friendship. Such was the intent of attack him with their firearms. Thereafter, Persian the Siamese king, possessor of the white elephant Shi'ites were among Narai's closest advisers, and the throne of solid gold. For he loves all especially as commercial counterweights to the Muslims and was overawed seeing that our king more dangerous European companies. Chief [i.e. the ~afavid Shiih Sulayman], the brillant among them was a cultivated merchant, Aqa luminary of world rule had risen into the Heavens Muhammad Astarabadi, better known by his of eternal sovereignty, our king who is the noble Siamese title, Okphra Sinnaowarat. He engineered planet of good fortune, adornment of the throne the sending of a Thai embassy to Persia in 1668 of omnipotence and bearer of Chosroes' crown and the splendid reception of subsequent Persian and the cap of Kayiin. Thereupon the Siamese and Acehnese ambassadors to Siam, both of monarch hastened to open the accounts of whom were said to be hoping that the king would friendship and affection, 'May Allah bless him embrace Islam. Astarabadi was encouraged to and guide him into the fold oflslam' ."26 fill the standing army of the kingdom with Persian and Indian Shi'ite Muslims. Various governor­ It appears that the relations between ships of key ports were placed in Muslim hands; Ayutthaya's Shi'ite Muslim and Buddhist by the late 1670s Tenasserim and Mergui were communities was marked by mutual respect and ruled by Persians, Phuket and nearby Bangkhli tolerance. This is further substantiated by the by Indians, and Bangkok by a Turk. In return for fact that since the first half of the 17th century their services to the state, Muslims were exempted various dignitaries in the resident Persian com­ from corvee, which evidently stimulated munity, for instance Shaykh Al;tmad-i Qummi conversions to Islam among the merchants of the ( 1543-1631 }, i.e. from the famous Shi'ite shrine­ trading ports. In 1686, after the peak of Muslim city of Qumm in Central Iran, who arrived in influence had passed, there were ten thousand 1602 at the Siamese capital,27 served in the highest such converts in Tenasserim alone, to judge from administrative positions ofthe kingdom. Political the yield of a special tax placed on them. At the influence exercised by personalities originating same period in the Siamese capital was said that from families of Persian descent, such as the two thousand Shi'ites participated in their annual Bunnags, continued even into the Bangkok Hasan-Husein processions celebrating the battle period. 28 The contributions of the Persian com­ of Karbyla [i.e. Karbalii'], still paid for by the munity to their host-country stand out from the king in gratitude for its role in his accesssion reserved tradition of Shi'ite Islam. As further [... ].29 evidence ofthe loyalty ofthe Persian community to the Siamese Crown and its subjects, despite The steady increase of the Shi'ite community their non-Thai ethnic background, is the strong in Siam, in the capital in particular, might have cooperation of the Persian Shi'ites with Siam been the result ofan influx of Shi' ites, especially against the machinations of Phaulkon and his Persians, from the strongly Persianized Shi'ite French allies. It seems that the rulers ofAyutthaya states of the southern Indian Deccan, as a direct appreciated this attitude, since in the words of result of the constant threats from the staunchly Anthony Reid, Sunnite Mughal empire, which in the 1680s would annex them.30 With regard to Reid's above [i]n the reign of the usurper Prasat Thong ( 1629- elaborations on the conditions of the Muslim 56) Shi'ite Muslims became to dominate the communities in 16th and 17th century A yutthaya commercial offices of Siam. Prasat Thong's son the following observations, made by a French Narai, according to a Persian writer [i.e. Ibn visitor in the 1680s during the Shi'ite 'Ashurii' Mul;tammad Ibrahim in his The Ship ofSulaiman], mourning-ceremonies, are indeed remarkable.

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They provide an insight into the degree of can forsake them, when our Missionaries have tolerance which had been exercised by the had have had Patience and Zeal enough to instruct Siamese rulers and the (overwhelmingly non­ them in our Mysteries. It is true, that Nation is a Muslim) Thai people, as well as the loyalty of great Lover of Shows and splendid Ceremonies, the resident Shi'ite Muslim community: and by that means it is that the Moors, who celebrate their Festivals with a great deal of [ ...] the Moors [the Shi'ite Muslims resident at Magnificence, have perverted many of them to the Siamese capital] made great Illuminations for the Sect ofMahomet.32 eight days together, in Honour of their Prophet Mahomet [i.e. Mul}ammad] and his Son [sic!] 31 , Conclusion whose Funerals they celebrated. They began to solemnize the Festival the Evening before about These features of Persian cultural and other four ofthe Clock at Night, by a kind ofProcession, influences on the civilizations of Southeast Asia wherein they were above two thousand Souls[!]. in general and Thailand in particular are merely There they carried the Figure of the Tombs of intended to stimulate an interest among those two Impostors, with many Symbols of a Southeast Asian scholars for this exciting pretty neat Representation, amongst others, certain subject. There are more significant and great Cages covered with painted Cloth, and promising facets which are worth comprehensive carried by Men that marched and continually investgation. With regard to family history in turned in cadence to the Sound of Drums and the context of Thai history, besides the already Timbrels. The quick and regular Motion of these mentioned role of the Bunnags, the fortunes of huge Machines which we saw at a distance, the distinguished Namazie-family of Singapore, without perceiving those that carried them, which is to the knowledge ofthe writer the only occasioned an agreeable Surprise. Persian family of Twelver Shi'ite origin in that At the Head of this great Confluence of country, are of special interest too.33 Further­ People, some Grooms led three or four Horses in more, in the context of the religious history of rich Trappings, and a great many People carrying Southeast Asia the function of the Ismii 'fli, or several Lanthorns at the end oflong Poles, lighted so-called "Sevenerl4 Shi'ite" community35 and all the Procession and sung in divers Quires after the propaganda activities (da 'wah) east of India a very odd manner. With the same Zeal they between the I Oth and II th centuries as well as continued this Festival for several Nights together their interaction with international maritime trade till five of the Clock in the Morning. It is hardly in the eastern Indian Ocean could open new to be conceived how these Porters of Machines, avenues. This is particularly so regarding the that uncessantly turned, could perform that not sufficiently known issue of the coming of Exercise for fifteen or sixteen Hours together, Islam to this region. nor how the Singers that raised their Voices as With regard to the general topic of the high as was possible for them, could sing so promotion of Iranian studies in Southeast Asia long. The rest of the Procession looked modest and it should be beyond doubt that Persian enough, some marched before the Singers, who language and culture have a historical footing surrounded Coffins carried upon eight Mens in the region. It is to be hoped that in the future Shoulders, and the rest were mingled in the Croud the interest in studying Persian as a major with them. There were a great many Siamese linguistic tool in the historiography of Southeast Men and Women, Young and Old there, who Asia will be in accordance with the rank due it have embraced the Mahometan Religion [i.e. as the second language of Islamic civilization. Islam]. For since the Moors have got footing in This contribution by an Iranologist has merely the Kingdom, they have drawn over a great many aimed to direct attention to the disregarded but People to their Religion, which is an Argument nevertheless significant Persian cultural and that they are not so addicted to their Superstitions religious contribution to Southeast Asia and to [referring to Theravada Buddhism?], but that they provide tentative directions for future research.

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Abbreviations

AIUON.Annali del Instituto Universitario. 7 Refer in particular to Brian E. Colless, "Persian Orientale di Napoli. Merchants and Missionaries in Medieval Malaya," AN.Abr Nahrain. JMBRAS 42, pt. 2 (1969), pp. 10-47, and especially BAEO.Boletin de Ia Asociacion Espanola de idem, "The Traders of the Pearl. The Mercantile and Orientalistas. Missionary Activities of Persian and Armenian CHSEA. The Cambridge History of Southeast Christians in South East-Asia", AN9 (1969-70), pp. Asia. 17-38; 10 (1970-71), pp. 102-21; 11 (1970), pp. 1- HdO.Handbuch der Orientalistik. 21; 13 (1972-73), pp. 113-35; 14 (1973-74), pp. 1- IQ.lslamic Quarterly. 16; 15 (1974-75), pp. 6-17; 18 (1978-79), pp. 1-18. JIMMA.Journal of the Institute of Muslim See also G. R. Tibbets, "Pre-Islamic Arabia and South­ Minority Affairs. East Asia," JMBRAS 29, pt. 3 (1955), pp. 182-208. JMBRAS.Journal ofthe Malaysian Branch ofthe 8 Ibid. Royal Asiatic Society. 9 For conflicting, at times polemical, views see JSBRAS.Journal ofthe Straits Branch ofthe Royal Syed Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, Preliminary Asiatic Society. Statement on a General Theory ofthe Islamization of JSS.Journal ofthe Siam Society. the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago (Kuala Lumpur: St/s.Studia Is Iamica. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1969), and G. W. J. Drewes, "New Light on the Coming of Islam to Notes Indonesia?", and Mohd. Taib Osman, "Islamization of the Malays: A Transformation of Culture," in: 1 See also Muhammad Ismail Marcinkowski, Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia, ed. Ahmad "Selected Features of a Unique Persian Manual on Ibrahim, Sharon Siddique,· and Yasmin Hussain Islamic Administration from Late-afavid Iran: Mirza (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1990 Rafi'a's Dastur al-Mulak," Al-Shajarah. Journal of pp. 7-19, and pp. 44-47 respectively; A.H. Johns, the International Institute of Islamic Thought and "Islam in Southeast Asia: Problems of Perspective", Civilization (Kuala Lumpur) 5, no. 1 (October 2000), in: Southeast Asian History and Historiography: p. 86, and idem, Mirza Raft'a's Dastar al-Muluk: A Essays Presented to D.G.E. Hall, ed. C.D. Cowan Manual of Later $afavid Administration. Annotated and O.W. Wolters (Ithaca and London: Cornell English Translation, Commentary on the Offices and University Press, 1976), pp. 107-22. Services, and Facsimile of the Unique Persian 1° For instance, Syed Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, Manuscript (Kuala Lumpur: ISTAC, forthcoming in "New Light on the Life of l:lamzah Fan~ilrr•. 2001), p. 410. JMBRAS 40, pt. 1 (July 1967), pp. 42-51; idem, The 2 Especially his Southeast Asia in the Age of Mysticism of lfamzah Fan~arr (Kuala Lumpur: Commerce,J450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and University ofMalaya Press, 1970); idem, Concluding Crisis (New Haven and London: Yale University Postscript to the Origin of the Malay Sha 'ir (Kuala Press, 1993). Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1971 ); Baroroh 3 Femand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Baried, "Shi'a Elements in Malay Literature", in: Mediterranean World in the Age ofPhilip II, transl. Profiles ofMalay Culture. Historiography, Religion S. Reynolds, 2 vols. (New York: Harper Colophon and Politics, ed. Sartono Kartodirdjo (Jakarta: Books, 1966). Ministry of Education and Culture, Directorate 4 The 16th Conference of the International General of Culture, 1976), pp. 59-65; L.F. Brakel, Association of Historians of Asia (/AHA) in Kota "The Birth Place of Hamza Pansuri." JMBRAS 42, Kinabalu, Malaysia (27-31 July 2000), organized by pt. 2 (1969), pp. 206-12; idem, "Persian Influence the Centre for the Promotion of Knowledge and on Malay Literature," AN9 (1969-1970), pp. 1-16; Language Learning, Universiti Malaysia Sabah. idem (ed.), The Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah. A 5 The author welcomes constructive comments on Medieval Muslim-Malay Romance (The Hague: the outlined research-project (e-mail address: Martinus Nijhof, 1975); idem (transl.), The Story of [email protected]). Muhammad Hanafiyyah. A Medieval Muslim-Malay 6 See G. R. Tibbets, "Early Muslim Traders in Romance (The Hague: Martinus Nijhof, 1977); Sir South-East Asia," JMBRAS 30, pt. 1 (1957): 1-45, Richard Winstedt, "Taju's-salatin," JSBRAS 81 idem, A Study ofthe Arabic Texts Containing Material (1920), pp. 37-38; idem, A History ofClassical Malay on South-East Asia (Leiden and London: E. J. Brill Literature, revised, edited and introduced by Yusof for the Royal Asiatic Society, 1979) (Oriental A. Talib (Kuala Lumpur: MBRAS 1996, 2d Translation Fund, New Series, vol. xliv). impression, MBRAS-Reprint No.12), passim;

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Muhammad Abdul Jabbar Beg, Persian and Turkish Mul,lammad Ibrahim, The Ship of Sulayman, transl. Loan-Words in Malay (Kuala Lumpur: University of John O'Kane (New York: Columbia University Press, Malaya Press, 1982). 1972). Of more interest and competence, since it comes 21 Jean Aubin, "Les Persans au Siam sous le regne from the pen of a notable Iranologist, are the studies de Narai ( 1656-1688)," Mare Luso-Indicum 4 ( 1980), by Alessandro Bausani: see his "Note sulla struttura pp. 95-126. della hikayat classica malese", A/VON, n.s. 12 ( 1962), 22 D.G.E. Hall, A History of Southeast Asia pp. 153-92 [English transl.: Notes on the Structure of (Houndsmills and London: Macmillan Press Ltd., the Classical Malay Hikayat, transl. Lode Brakel, 1994, 4th edition), pp. 380-97. Exceptions are to be Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash found in Barbara Watson Andaya, "Political University, Working Paper no. 16 {not accesible to Development between the Sixteenth and Eighteenth me}]; idem, "Note sui vocaboli persiani in malese­ Centuries," in: The Cambridge History of Southeast indonesiano," A/VON, n.s. 14, no. 1 (1964), pp. 1- Asia, vol. I, pt. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University 32; idem, "Note su una antologia inedita di versi Press, 1999, paperback edition), p. 79, and more mistici persiani con versione interlineare malese," importantly, Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of A/VON, n.s. 18 (1968), pp. 39-66; idem, "Un Commerce,1450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and manoscritto persiano-malese di grammatica araba del Crisis, p. 190. xvi secolo," A/VON, n.s. 19 (1969), pp. 69-98; idem, 23 David K. Wyatt, "A Persian Mission to Siam in "Is Classical Malay a 'Muslim Language'," BAEO the Reign of King Narai", p. 92. On Pere de Beze see 11 (1975), pp. 111-21. E. W. Hutchinson (trans.), 1688 Revolution in Siam. 11 Twelver-Orthodox followers of 12 imams The Memoir of Father de Beze (Bangkok: White descended from the Phophet Muhammad's family. Lotus Co. Ltd./Hong Kong: Hong Kong University 12 On him see Syed Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, Press, 1990, 2nd impression); on Phaulkon refer to The Mysticism of lfamzah Fan~arr (Kuala Lumpur: George E. Sioris, Phaulkon. The Greeks First University of Malaya Press, 1970), p. 5; idem, "New Counsellor at the Court of Siam: An Appraisal Light on the Life of I:Iamzah Fan~iiri," JMBRAS 40, (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1998; for an overview pt. 1 (July 1967), pp. 42-51.; idem, Concluding of the development of Franco-Siamese relations Postscript to the Origin of the Malay Sha 'ir (Kuala during the 17th century see Michael Smithies, A Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1971); G. W. Resounding Failure. Martin and the French in Siam J. Drewes and Lode Brake! (eds.), The Poems of 1672-1693 (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Press, 1998). Hamzah Fansuri (Dordrecht: Foris for Koninklijk 24 David K. Wyatt, "A Persian Mission to Siam in Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde, 1986). the Reign of King Narai", pp. 92-93. 13 Al-Attas, The Mysticism oflfamzah F a~arr, p. 5. 25 Ibid., p. 95. 14 Ibid., p. 7. 26 [Mul,lammad Rabi'] b. Musammad Ibrahim, The 15 Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, Ship ofSulayman, transl. John O'Kane, p. 19. 1450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis, p. 21 David K. Wyatt, "Family Politics in Seventeenth­ 190. and Eighteenth-Century Siam," in: idem, Studies in 16 Refer to Syed Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, "Note Thai History. Collected Articles (Chiang Mai: on the Opening of Relations Between China and Silkworm Press, 1999, 2nd reprint), p. 96. Malacca, 1403-05," JMBRAS 38, pt. 1 (1965), pp. 28 Idem, "Family Politics in Seventeenth- and 260-64; idem, "New Light on the Life of I:Iamzah Eighteenth-Century Siam," pp. 96-105, and idem, Fan~iiri," JMBRAS 40, pt. 1 (July 1967), pp. 42-51; "Family Politics in Nineteenth-Century Thailand," idem, The Mysticism of lfamzah Fan~arr, chapter 1 in: idem, Studies in Thai History. Collected Articles passim. For a differing view, see L.F. Brakel, "The (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Press, 1999, 2nd reprint), Birth Place of Hamza Pansuri," JMBRAS 42, pt. 2 pp. 106-30. See also Omar Farouk,''The Muslims of (1969), pp. 206-12. Thailand: A Survey," in: Andrew D. W. Forbes (ed.), 17 Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, The Muslims of Thailand, 2 vols, vol. I "Historical 1450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis, p. and Cultural Studies" (Gaya, Bihar/India: Centre for 190. South East Asian Studies, 1988), pp. 7 and 27, notes 18 For textual examples refer to Al-Attas, The 75 and 76, and Kukrit Pramoj, Khwiimpenmii khong Mysticism oflfamzah Fan~urf, p. 365. ltsaliim nai prathet Thai [The Origin of Islam in 19 Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, Thailand] (Bangkok: Mitr Siam Press, B.E. 2514) 1450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis, p. [not accesible to the author]. 190. See also Drewes and Brakel (eds.), The Poems 29 Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, ofHamzah Fansuri, pp. 4-7. 1450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis, pp. 20 English translation: [Mul,lammad Rabi'] b. 190-91.

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000) 194 MUHAMMAD ISMAIL MARCINKOWSKI

30 On the political conditions in southern India refer Performed by six Jesuits, sent by the French King, to H.K. Sherwani, History ofthe Qutb Shahi Dynasty to the Indies and China, in the Year, 1685 (Bangkok: (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Ltd., Orchid Press, 1999, Itineraria Asiatica. Thailand, 1974), Sayyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual vol. II, first pubiished in 1688, 3rd reprint), pp. History of the lsnli'Asharr Shr'rs in India, 2 vols. 214-15. (Canberra: Ma'rifat Publishing House, 1986), vol. 1, 33 See Low Yit Leng. "Taking Root. The Namazie pp. 247-341, John Norman Hollister, The Shi'a of Family," in: Singapore Tatler, vol. 18, no. 206 India (New Delhi: Oriental Reprint, 1979), pp. 101- (November 1999): 134-37. Dr. Marcinkow!!ki would 25. Refer also to a so far neglected although excellent like to express his gratitude to the members of the bibliographical study which contains numerous Namazie-Family (in particular to Madam Farideh references to historiographical material which might and Madam Manijeh Namazie) for their hospitality shed further light on the condition of the Persian and assistance during his visits to them in Singapore communities of southern India prior to their in July 2000. emigration to Siam: T.N. Devare, A Short History of 34 Sevener- another group which disagrees with the Persian Literature at the Rahmani, the Adilshahi and Twelver because (according to them) Ismil, the 7th the Qutbshahi Courts (Deccan) (Poona: Nowrosjee imam, was a drunk and was thus disowned by the Wadia, 1961). Twelver. Sevener claims the choice for the legitimate 31 The Prophet M~ammad had no surviving son; imam was God's choice. perhaps referring to his cousin and son-in-law 'Ali, 35 For the most comprehensive study on the Isma 'Tirs the First Shi'ite lmiim, most probably, however, to refer to Farhad Daftary, The Isma'rlrs. Their History 'Ali's sons a1-l:lasan and al-l:lusayn. and Doctrines (Cambridge: Cambridge University 32 Guy Tachard, A Relation ofthe Voyage to Siam, Press, 1992, first paperback edition).

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)