Dahai Dahai Beile About 1626

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dahai Dahai Beile About 1626 Dahai Dahai beile about 1626. Dudu took part in several translations in 1630 he was given a minor heredi­ campaigns of the T'ien-ts'ung period (1627~36) tary rank, being the first of the non-military and also participated in the civil administration. officials ever to be so honored. In the following In 1636 he was made a prince of the third degree year he was given the title, baksi, or "teacher". with the designation, An-p'ing :t(2Ji .ft:fb. Dahai systematized the Manchu written Dudu's eldest son, Durhu tf:fiJij (1615~1655), language, classifying the words according to was also a prince of the third degree. A descend­ Mongol practice under twelve types of opening ant of Durhu, named Kuang-yu J't~ (T.fa.J[, syllables C+---*UJt shih-er tzu-t'ou). These d. 1900), was posthumously given the rank of a types were differentiated according as they prince of the fourth degree after he committed ended in a simple vowel, a diphthong in i (ai, suicide in 1900 when Peking fell to the Allies. ui, etc.), a diphthong in o (ao, eo etc.), or in A grandson of Dudu, named Sunu [q. v.], was one of the nine consonants, r, n, ng, k, s, t, b, l, converted to the Catholic faith. and m. In 1632, with the encouragement of Abahai [q. v.], he made some improvements in [1/222/1a; 2/3/12b; Ch'ing T'ai-tsu Wu-huang-ti the Manchu writing which had been borrowed shih-lu (see under Nurhaci); *~.:E-*~*-1 from the Mongol in 1599. Since in that script ~{I Tsung-shih Wang Kung kung-chi piao-chuan no distinction was made between a and e, o 9/7a; tilfll~llY~ Ch'ing Huang-shih ssu-p'u; and u, or h, g, and k, the correct reading of a Man-chou lao-tang pi-lu (see under Nurhaci).] word could be determined only from the context. Translations from the Chinese, as done by Dahai FANG CHAO-YING and others, showed the inadequacy of this D medium, particularly for the transliteration of personal and place names. A system of dia­ DAHAI ~m, d. 1632, age 38 (sui), of the Plain critical marks was therefore added, consisting of Blue Banner, belonged to a family that had long a dot placed to the right of a letter to distinguish been settled in Giolca, home of Desiku (see under e from a, u from o, and g from k, and a small Anfiyanggll), the granduncle of Nurhaci [q. v.]. circle in the same position to distinguish h from His grandfather and his father early entered the k. After the introduction of these improve­ service of Nurhaci where Dahai had opportunity ments the earlier unpainted manuscripts were to learn Chinese as well as Manchu. He de­ referred to as documents without circles or dots voted himself to study, and after he came of age (~IIJJt!!Jj~:fi wu ch'uan tien lao-tang). Some was put in charge of written communications thirty volumes of these have been found in the with the Ming government and with Korea, Palace Museum, accompanied by translations involving the preparation of Chinese texts. His into the "modern" pointed script made during knowledge of the Chinese language was so the Ch'ien-lung period. Dahai invented in valuable that when condemned to death in 1620, addition a few new signs for the representation for being intimate with and receiving presents of unusual Chinese sounds like ts and ssii. from a maid-servant, he was reprieved by Equipped with these tools, the Literary Office Nurhaci on the ground that he could not be commenced translations of Mencius; the Mm1t spared. N urhaci commissioned him to translate Jl. Kang-chien hui-tsuan compiled by W aug into Manchu, in the system of writing developed Shih-chen (see under Ch'en Chi-ju); the =fjU;&. by Erdeni [q. v.} and others, the sections re­ San-kuo chih; and a supposedly ancient treatise lating to the penal code in the *19Jfl.j{. on military science, the *~ Liu-t'ao. But Ta Jl'[ing hui-tien and two works on military the work of translation had not gone far when science-the '*if Su-shu (an edition of 1704 Dahai died in 1632 at the age of thirty-eight is extant) and the :=:.1113- San-lileh. When the (sui). He was granted the posthumous name Wen Kuan, or Literary Office, was established Wen-ch'eng :?cnX: in 1636, and his services were under Nurhaci's successor (sec under Abahai) commemorated by a tablet erected in 1669. Dahai was appointed with four others to con­ The translation of the Kang-chien hui-tsuan tinue the translation of Chinese works. In 1629 was printed in 1664 in 80 volumes (ts'e). and 1630, when the Manchu attack penetrated the Great Wall and reached the gates of Peking [1/234/2b; 2/4/10a; 3/1/14a; 4/3/20b; 11/3/20b; (see under Man Kuei), he was responsible for the 34/175/3a; Man-chou lao-tang pi-lu (see under proclamations and messages in the Chinese Nurhaci) J::/Sb; Wylie, Chinese Researches language. On the completion of some of his (1897) pp. 253-271; Union Catalogue of Manchu 213 Daisan Daisan Books in the Nat. Lib. of Peiping and the Palace [q. v.]. Thus Abahai and his descendants owed Museum (1933) pp. 33, 36; Fuchs, Walter, Beitrage their accession to the throne to Daisan. zur Mandjurischen Bibliographie und Literatur It seems that Daisan never claimed power for (1936) p. 40 ff.] himself. In 1643 he led a council of princes to GEORGE A. KENNEDY appoint Jirgalang [q. v.] and Dorgon as co­ regents during Emperor Shih-tsu's minority. DAISAN ftfi, Aug. 19, 1583-1648, Nov. 25, In 1644 he followed Dorgon to Peking where he the first Prince Li (iif~IEE.), was the second son died four years later. He was not accorded any of Nurhaci [q. v.], founder of the Ch'ing Dynasty. special posthumous honors such as he deserved, At first Daisan held the rank of H o8oi Beile except that the sum of 10,000 taels instead of ;Jtl{iftj{ tb, the highest that a Manchu prince the usual 5,000 was given his family for his could have before 1636. In 1607 he distin­ funeral and that a tablet was erected to his guished himself by assisting Surhaci and Cuyen memory. His work for the dynasty and the [qq. v.] in a battle against the Ula tribe, and for ~mperial Family was more appreciated by later reward received the title, Guyen Baturu 1;~E, emperors. In 1671 he was given by Emperor IIJ;J; ("exploring hero"). Hence in Chinese Sheng-tsu the posthumous name Lieh ~. In accounts he is sometimes referred to as Kuei­ 1754 Emperor Kao-tsung ordered that his name yung-chieh ft::il<.Jr. In 1613 he was again be celebrated in the Temple of Princes at Muk­ prominent in warfare against the Ula. In 1616, den. In 1778, Emperor Kao-tsung lauded him when Nurhaci selected four men as beile of and Jirgalang, Dorgon, Haoge and Yoto [qq. v.] special rank to assist him in the administration, for their illustrious exploits in the establishment the first place was given to Daisan, the other of the dynasty and ordered that their names be places being filled by Amin, Manggultai, and celebrated in the Imperial Ancestral Temple. Abahai [qq. v.]. From 1618, when the cam­ At the same time the princedoms of these five paign against China began, until 1622 Daisan heroes, as well as those of Dodo [q. v.], Surhaci, was the leading general and, as captain of the and Lekedehun, were given rights of perpetual Plain Red Banner, played an important part inheritance. The designation of Daisan's prince­ in the capture of Fushun (1618), in the great dom, which, after his death, had been twice victory at Sarhu (1619), and in the occupation altered (see under Mandahai and Giyesu), was of Shen-yang (1621). In 1621 he and the other then restored to Li, and the inheritor ranked three ranking beile took turns monthly as assist­ higher in the Court ceremonies than any other ants to Nurhaci in the direction of national prince. affairs. Five years later, when Nurhaci died, Daisan had eight sons. The seventh, Manda­ Daisan used his influence to make the princes hai, inherited the first degree princedom which and generals agree to Abahai's accession to the passed to his son. But in 1659 the princedom throne. However, he and Manggultai and was taken from Mandahai's branch of the family Amin continued to take turns as assistant and given to Daisan's grandson, Giyesu, whose administrators until 1629. Thereafter their descendants held it till the close of the dynasty power was gradually curtailed (see under (see under Chao-lien). Of the other sons of Abahai). Daisan the eldest, Y oto, founded the prince­ In the meantime Daisan took part in most of dom, K'o-ch'in C{imbtf!EE.), and the third, the campaigns of Abahai against China (1629- Sahaliyen, held the rank of Prince Ying emil 34). By 1636 Abahai assumed the title of ::E.). Sahaliyen's son, Lekedehun, was the emperor-so successful was he in centralizing founder of the princedom, Shun-ch'eng nlfi:Jk. the power in his own hands. Daisan was given Daisan's fourth son, Wakda XR:3$ (d. 1652), the rank of a prince of the first degree with the held the rank of a prince of the second degree designation Li (see above) plus the title "Elder with the designation, Ch'ien (ifltffS::E.).
Recommended publications
  • Hwang, Yin (2014) Victory Pictures in a Time of Defeat: Depicting War in the Print and Visual Culture of Late Qing China 1884 ‐ 1901
    Hwang, Yin (2014) Victory pictures in a time of defeat: depicting war in the print and visual culture of late Qing China 1884 ‐ 1901. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18449 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. VICTORY PICTURES IN A TIME OF DEFEAT Depicting War in the Print and Visual Culture of Late Qing China 1884-1901 Yin Hwang Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the History of Art 2014 Department of the History of Art and Archaeology School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 2 Declaration for PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the School of Oriental and African Studies concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613-1795
    Copyright © 2002 Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 57.2 (2002) 177-197 [Access article in PDF] Disease And its Impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (1613–1795) Chia-Feng Chang One of the most dramatic events in Chinese history was the rise of the Qing dynasty in 1644. Scholars have suggested various reasons why the Manchus successfully conquered Ming China, but one important reason has long been neglected. An infectious disease, smallpox, played a key role in the story. Smallpox might have served as a barrier, preventing the success of the susceptible Manchus, both during the time of military conquest and in the years that followed. In this essay I explore how the Manchus responded to the danger of smallpox and how smallpox shaped the Manchu military, political, and diplomatic structures during the conquest and the first half of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). In the late Ming dynasty (1368–1644) smallpox was rare among the peoples who lived beyond the northern borders of China, including the Manchus. For example, Zhang Jiebin (1563–1640), an eminent physician, stated that the northern peoples did not develop the disease. 1 A government official of the time, Xie Zhaozhe, also remarked that the Tartars did not suffer from smallpox. 2 As late as the Qing [End Page 177] dynasty, Zhu Chungu (1634–1718?), who was appointed to practice variolation amongst the Mongols during the Kangxi period (1662–1722), asserted that it was their nomadic lifestyle which protected them.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of the Shamanic Empire of the Early Qing, Its Role in Inner Asian
    THE SHAMANIC EMPIRE AND THE HEAVENLY ASTUTE KHAN: ANALYSIS OF THE SHAMANIC EMPIRE OF THE EARLY QING, ITS ROLE IN INNER ASIAN HEGEMONY, THE NATURE OF SHAMANIC KHANSHIP, AND IMPLICATIONS FOR MANCHU IDENTITY A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI’I AT MANOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY May 2020 By Stephen Garrett Thesis Committee: Shana Brown, Chairperson Edward Davis Wensheng Wang Keywords: Qing Dynasty, Manchu, Mongol, Inner Asia, Shamanism, Religion and Empire Acknowledgments: I would like to first and foremost show my deepest gratitude to my master’s thesis advisor, Dr. Shana Brown, whose ongoing uplifting support and instrumental advice were central to my academic success, without which I couldn’t have reached the finish line. I would also like to extend deepest thanks to my master’s thesis committee members Dr. Edward Davis and Dr. Wensheng Wang, who freely offered their time, efforts, and expertise to support me during this thesis project. Additionally, I would like to extend thanks to Dr. Mathew Lauzon and Dr. Matthew Romaniello, who both offered a great deal of academic and career advice, for which I am greatly appreciative. Special thanks to my peers: Ryan Fleming, Reed Riggs, Sun Yunhe, Wong Wengpok, and the many other friends and colleagues I have made during my time at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. They have always been a wellspring of academic advice, discussion, and support. While writing my master’s thesis, I have had the pleasure of working with the wonderful professional staff and faculty of the University of Hawaii at Manoa, whose instruction and support were invaluable to my academic success.
    [Show full text]
  • Mongolian Voices of Discontent in Lifanyuan Records of the Early Qing-Period
    Mongolian Voices of Discontent in Lifanyuan Records of the early Qing-period Dorothea Heuschert-Laage (Universität Bern) 1 Introduction Over the recent decades, an enormous amount of Manchu and Mongolian lan- guage archival material from the Qing period (1636–1911) has been published in China and in Mongolia. This ushered in a new era of research on the so-called outer regions of the Qing Empire. However, as other archival collections in the world, Qing archives can only preserve fragments and the historian will find that some voices have been silenced.1 According to Beatrice Bartlett, the Manchu court used archives as an instrument of its power. In order to portray the government as all-powerful and effective, anything which did not fit in with this picture was omit- ted and, “for the Qing archivists, protecting the imperial face was the all-important goal”2 In order to ensure that nothing damaging would be on file in the archives, documents were not only destroyed, but sometimes files were classified in the wrong order and events retold in a different context.3 For this reason, evidence of disrespect for imperial authority or expression of local autonomy was – in most cases – eclipsed. When archival material was later used for the compilation of official court his- tories, it was again subjected to a process of selection and adjustment. All infor- 1 Ladwig, Roque, Tappe, Kohl, Bastos, “Fieldwork between Folders”, pp. 20/21. 2 Bartlett, “Qing Statesmen, Archivists, and Historians and the Question of Memory”, p. 423. 3 Weiers, “Die Historische Dimension des Jade-Siegels”, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (–)
    Disease and Its Impact on Politics, Diplomacy, and the Military: The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus (–) CHIA-FENG CHANG NEof the most dramatic events in Chinese history was the rise of the Qing dynasty in . Scholars have suggested various reasons why the Manchus O successfully conquered Ming China, but one impor- tant reason has long been neglected. An infectious disease, smallpox, played a key role in the story. Smallpox might have served as a barrier, preventing the success of the susceptible Manchus, both during the time of military conquest and in the years that followed. In this essay I explore how the Manchus responded to the danger of smallpox and how smallpox shaped the Manchu military, political, and diplomatic structures during the con- quest and the first half of the Qing dynasty (–). In the late Ming dynasty (–) smallpox was rare among the peoples who lived beyond the northern borders of China, includ- ing the Manchus. For example, Zhang Jiebin (–), an eminent physician, stated that the northern peoples did not develop the dis- ease.1 A government official of the time, Xie Zhaozhe, also remarked that the Tartars did not suffer from smallpox.2 As late as the Qing . Zhang Jiebin (–), Jingyue quanshu (Zhang Jingyue’s Collected Treatise) (Taipei: Xinwenfeng Chuban Gongsi [rprt.], ), juan , p. Xie Zhaozhe was an official in the Wanli period (–). At that time, Tartar (Dada) was widely used as the name for the peoples who lived in the north and northwest I am grateful for Dr. Christopher Cullen’s valuable comments on my draft and also for the criticism of Joanna Grant, Angela K.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing Political Order and Universal Empire in Early Modern China Macabe Keliher, Ph.D
    Constructing Political Order and Universal Empire in Early Modern China Macabe Keliher, Ph.D. In the summer of 1633, state-makers of the emergent Qing empire (1636-1912) faced a dilemma. Two Chinese generals offered to surrender with thousands of their troops. A successful agreement would not only relieve pressure on the southeastern flank in skirmishes with the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) to the south, but if played right could aggrandize control of northeastern Eurasia and alleviate economic difficulties. Yet what to do with these political and cultural outsiders? The polity that would become the Qing initially consisted only of Manchu military families—groups of semi-nomadic peoples living in northeastern Eurasia, or what is sometimes today referred to as Manchuria. In the beginning, state-makers placed the surrendered into socio-military units called banners, which structured all aspects of life, and grouped them by clan affiliation, with the tribal chief being made captain of the unit. While new tribes were easily absorbed into this structure, settled agrarian communities under the Ming were not. In fact, conquered agrarian populations were often enslaved or forced to migrate south to areas of Ming control. In effect, there was no political or social space in the nascent Qing state for outsiders.1 The generals’ offer of surrender presented a new twist. The generals were not defeated, only exhausted and gambling on one side emerging victorious in an increasingly intense frontier conflict. Under such circumstances, the generals and their armies would certainly not accept terms of enslavement. Furthermore, the Manchu leader, Hong Taiji, was locked in a 1 Throughout this article I use “Chinese” to refer to settled agrarian peoples that lived under the Ming tax-office state, and “Manchu” to refer to groups of formerly dispersed peoples called Jurchens, who lived in northeastern Eurasia and engaged in migratory trade, hunting and gathering, or light agriculture.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World
    The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World • Lynn A. Struve University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu © 2019 University of Hawai‘i Press This content is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means that it may be freely downloaded and shared in digital format for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. Commercial uses and the publication of any derivative works require permission from the publisher. For details, see https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. The Creative Commons license described above does not apply to any material that is separately copyrighted. The open-access version of this book was made possible in part by an award from the James P. Geiss and Margaret Y. Hsu Foundation. Cover art: Woodblock illustration by Chen Hongshou from the 1639 edition of Story of the Western Wing. Student Zhang lies asleep in an inn, reclining against a bed frame. His anxious dream of Oriole in the wilds, being confronted by a military commander, completely fills the balloon to the right. In memory of Professor Liu Wenying (1939–2005), an open-minded, visionary scholar and open-hearted, generous man Contents Acknowledgments • ix Introduction • 1 Chapter 1 Continuities in the Dream Lives of Ming Intellectuals • 15 Chapter 2 Sources of Special Dream Salience in Late Ming • 81 Chapter 3 Crisis Dreaming • 165 Chapter 4 Dream-Coping in the Aftermath • 199 Epilogue: Beyond the Arc • 243 Works Cited • 259 Glossary-Index • 305 vii Acknowledgments I AM MOST GRATEFUL, as ever, to Diana Wenling Liu, head of the East Asian Col- lection at Indiana University, who, over many years, has never failed to cheerfully, courteously, and diligently respond to my innumerable requests for problematic materials, puzzlements over illegible or unfindable characters, frustrations with dig- ital databases, communications with publishers and repositories in China, etcetera ad infinitum.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Administration at the Beginning of the Manchu Dynasty•
    Civil Administration at the Beginning of the Manchu Dynasty• A note on the establishment of the Six Ministries (Liu-pu) 111 By Piero Corradini (Rome) In the constitutional history of the :tv1anchu during the period which preceded the invasion and occupation of China (1644), we may distinguish three stages, viz. the original feudal stage, that of military administration based on the Bannersystem and that of civil administration on the Chinese pattern. The passage from the first to the second stage, culminating in 1606 when Nurhaci (T'ai-tsu 1559-1626) set up the first four Banners (ch'i) 121 and hereditary command disappeared almost completely, has been thoroughly studied by MichaeP. According to him, Nurhaci did nothing but re-model his people's organisation upon the pattern, affered by the Ming administration in the frontier areas, based on the wei 131, which were administrative and 2 military units at the same time • After the formation of the Banners, power passed automatically from the ancient feudal lord into the hands of the Aisin Gioro imperial clan (Chin. ai-hsin chiao-lo) 141 to which belonged the princes or Beile 151 placed at the head of every Banner with the rank of gusai ejen (Chin. ku-shan e-chen) 161a. However, when in 1615 the number of the Banners was brought from four to eight, at the same time there was established what might be called •) I deeply regret not to have been able to consult the Japanese sturlies bearing on this subject. Most of it is contained in periodicals or "Festschriften" that are not available to me at present.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles the Emperor's Coffer: the Qing Imperial Fiscal Separation Between Privy Purse and State T
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Emperor’s Coffer: The Qing Imperial Fiscal Separation Between Privy Purse and State Treasury (1644-1912) A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History by Jia Feng 2017 © Copyright by Jia Feng 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Emperor’s Coffer: The Qing Imperial Fiscal Separation Between Privy Purse and State Treasury (1644-1912) by Jia Feng Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Robert P. Brenner, Co-Chair Professor James Tong, Co-Chair This dissertation examines the imperial fiscal arrangement during the Qing dynasty that separated the privy or crown’s purse from the state treasury. In my dissertation, I argue that while the distinction between public and private finance has long been identified in European studies as an important sign of the rise of modernity, similar fiscal arrangements in China arose from the crown’s endeavor over several decades to consolidate authority first over the nobility and then over the Chinese state. I see dynamics of this separation as deeply rooted in China’s longstanding patrimonial bureaucratic rule. The continued functioning of the imperial state system into the Qing, a dynasty founded by non-Han rulers, thus suggests the remarkable resiliency of Chinese political traditions despite dramatic institutional changes brought by alien conquest. This dissertation is composed of an introduction, six chapters, and a conclusion. The ii introduction sets out the reasons why the public/private divide structure does not necessarily mean the rise of modernity and demonstrates how the separation was both indicative of and shaped by China’s longstanding patrimonial bureaucratic rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Kápolnás Olivér M
    ADATLAP a doktori értekezés nyilvánosságra hozatalához I. A doktori értekezés adatai A szerző neve: Kápolnás Olivér MTMT-azonosító: 10031845 A doktori értekezés címe és alcíme: A mandzsu birodalom megalapítása és a mongolok a Daicing gurun i fukjin doro neihe bodogon i bithe című mű alapján DOI-azonosító: 10.15476/ELTE.2016.183 A doktori iskola neve: Nyelvtudományi Doktori Iskola A doktori iskolán belüli doktori program neve:Mongolisztika Doktori Program A témavezető neve és tudományos fokozata: †Dr. Uray-Kőhalmi Katalin; Dr. Buyantegüs; Dr. Tatiana A. Pang II. Nyilatkozatok 1. A doktori értekezés szerzőjeként hozzájárulok, hogy a doktori fokozat megszerzését követően a doktori értekezésem és a tézisek nyilvánosságra kerüljenek az ELTE Digitális Intézményi Tudástárban. Felhatalmazom az ELTE BTK Doktori és Tudományszervezési Hivatal ügyintézőjét, Hevő Pétert, hogy az értekezést és a téziseket feltöltse az ELTE Digitális Intézményi Tudástárba, és ennek során kitöltse a feltöltéshez szükséges nyilatkozatokat. 2. A doktori értekezés szerzőjeként kijelentem, hogy a) az ELTE Digitális Intézményi Tudástárba feltöltendő doktori értekezés és a tézisek saját eredeti, önálló szellemi munkám és legjobb tudomásom szerint nem sértem vele senki szerzői jogait; b) a doktori értekezés és a tézisek nyomtatott változatai és az elektronikus adathordozón benyújtott tartalmak (szöveg és ábrák) mindenben megegyeznek. 3. A doktori értekezés szerzőjeként hozzájárulok a doktori értekezés és a tézisek szövegének Plágiumkereső adatbázisba helyezéséhez és plágiumellenőrző vizsgálatok lefuttatásához. Kelt: 2016. november 21. a doktori értekezés szerzőjének aláírása Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Bölcsészettudományi Kar DOKTORI DISSZERTÁCIÓ Kápolnás Olivér A mandzsu birodalom megalapítása és a mongolok a Daicing gurun i fukjin doro neihe bodogon i bithe című mű alapján Nyelvtudományi Doktori Iskola A Doktori Iskola vezetője: Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Manchu Widows and Ethnicity in Qing China Author(S): Mark C
    Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History Manchu Widows and Ethnicity in Qing China Author(s): Mark C. Elliott Reviewed work(s): Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Jan., 1999), pp. 33-71 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/179248 . Accessed: 16/02/2013 12:10 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Comparative Studies in Society and History. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Sat, 16 Feb 2013 12:10:34 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ManchuWidows and Ethnicity in Qing China MARK C. ELLIOTT Universityof California,Santa Barbara Like women in many parts of the world whose husbandspredeceased them, widows in Chinawere free electrons,unbound elements in the social chemistry. Economically vulnerable,ritually superfluous,and at the same time socially destabilizingand sexually threatening,they were archetypalliminal figures- marginalized,caricatured, and feared.This has made the widow a good subject for literarycritics, anthropologists,and historiansinterested in the way that so- cieties treatwomen and in the way that treatmentof widows in particularis in- tended to ward off or contain potential disturbanceto the status quo.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Asian Sources and Central Asian Research
    n October 2014 about thirty scholars from Asia and Europe came together for a conference to discuss different kinds of sources for the research on ICentral Asia. From museum collections and ancient manuscripts to modern newspapers and pulp fi ction and the wind horses fl ying against the blue sky of Mongolia there was a wide range of topics. Modern data processing and Göttinger data management and the problems of handling fi ve different languages and Bibliotheksschriften scripts for a dictionary project were leading us into the modern digital age. The Band 39 dominating theme of the whole conference was the importance of collections of source material found in libraries and archives, their preservation and expansion for future generations of scholars. Some of the fi nest presentations were selected for this volume and are now published for a wider audience. Central Asian Sources and Central Asian Research edited by Johannes Reckel Central Asian Sources and Research ISBN: 978-3-86395-272-3 ISSN: 0943-951X Universitätsverlag Göttingen Universitätsverlag Göttingen Johannes Reckel (ed.) Central Asian Sources and Central Asian Research This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Published as Volume 39 of the series “Göttinger Bibliotheksschriften” by Universitätsverlag Göttingen 2016 Johannes Reckel (ed.) Central Asian Sources and Central Asian Research Selected Proceedings from the International Symposium “Central Asian Sources and Central Asian Research”, October 23rd–26th, 2014 at Göttingen State and University Library Göttinger Bibliotheksschriften Volume 39 Universitätsverlag Göttingen 2016 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.
    [Show full text]