DOCSLIB.ORG

Mussolini.Notebook 1 December 02, 2008

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mussolini.Notebook 1 December 02, 2008 mussolini.notebook December 02, 2008 ITALY, MUSSOLINI AND THE RISE OF THE GREAT WAR FASCISM • Declaration of neutrality • The united nationalstate Italy­1861. • The popular opinion divided­violent PROBLEMS; clashes between nationalists and • Division wealthy north/poor south. socialists. • Illiteracy • Benito Mussolini • Corruption, bureaucracy, limited • Declaration of war, 26.4.1915 confidence in the political system. (Treaty of London ­ secret promises • The Vatican state­papal ban of land areas). • Constant violent friction landowners • Massive casualties and suffering vs. landless peasants. • American emigration. • Cosa nostra (maffia) • Nationalists vs. socialists nov 17­18:55 nov 17­19:17 THE MUTILATED VICTORY • High hopes as Italy was on the Economic disaster: • many firms geared to the demands winning side. • 600 000 dead, 950 000 wounded of war ­ bankrupt. • • 250 000 crippled for life During 1919 the lira lost 2/3 of its • National bancrupcy, warinflation value. • • Returning soldiers unemployed many middle­class savings wiped • Italy disapointed and humiliated in out. • the peaceconference Strikes, factory occupations, food riots. nov 17­19:31 nov 27­19:32 FASCISM D'ANNUNZIO AND FIUME • 'Arditi' ­ special forces during the • Annoyed after the war Gabriele war organised themselves. Mussolini D'Annunzio organised a private army became a leading member. and invaded Fiume. He ruled the town • In 1919 he reorganised his group as a dictator for more than a year. A into the 'Fascio di Combattimento'. pirate state. • The objective was to fight • The town attracted young italians communism. Violent clashes, who enjoyed excitement. landowners and industrialists • The international opinion finally supported the fascists. forced Italy to take action and force D'Annunzio out of Fiume. • Mussolini admired D'Annunzio and became convinced he could make his way to power with direct force. nov 17­19:45 nov 17­20:19 1 mussolini.notebook December 02, 2008 FASCIST MOBILISATION Reasons for the rise of the Fascists (1920­22) • The clashes between socialists and fascists escalated 1920. The state Disgust in Italy at the terms of the peace treaties (didn't obtain was on the edge to civil war. A.H. territory) • Landowners, industrialists, bankers The Fascists represented a means to stop the socialists and the but also middle and lowered middle communists (in the eyes of conservative politicians, who sought to classes rallied behind the fascist moderate and control Fascism to their purposes) party in their fear of communism. • Economic fundament of the Mussolini was backed by wealthy industrialists and landowners movement. (b/c of their fear of socialist reforms) • The police usually didn't intervene Support from Pope Pius XI and the Vatican (who saw the with fascist violent expeditions. Fascists as an opportunity to normalize State­Church relationships) • In the parliamentary elections 1921 Lack of faith in Italy's institutions (failures of WWI, post­war the fascists succeeded in getting violence, high U?) 35/535 seats. After the March on Rome (October 22) the King offered the post of Prime Minister to Mussolini The violence of the Fascists (i.e.: blackshirts) intimidated opponents The complicity of the police and the army (who didn't suppress Fascist violence) nov 17­21:26 nov 18­09:05 AGRARIAN AND URBAN FASCISM Italy's capitalists expected Fascism to speed up modernization by authoritarian It was the furious escalation of the class war that consolidated the partnership means and a violent suppression of the left. between fascism and property. First in this process was the employment during The deliberate stimulation of anarchy served to keep propertied interests in a the winter of 1920 of Fascist paramilitary SQUADRISTI by the big landowners state of alarm. With the government unable or unwilling to intervene, Fascism who were determined to break the power of the peasant leagues and seemed the only safeguard; in effect, it acquired a monopoly of antibolshevism. cooperatives. This Agrarian fascism differed markedly from the Urban fascism; it was more terroristic and antidemocratic. Fascism the servant of a brutal right. The year 1920 ­ the establishment of a general confederation of industry (Confindustria) whose purpose was to counter working­class agitation by force if necessary. nov 24­10:19 nov 24­13:13 THE ELECTION OF 1921 1921 ­ 22 Because his party offered action Mussolini gained from the weakness of the Giolitti failed to hold his coalition together (Mussolini did his best to break up shifting governments and from the unrest in the country. Giolitti (p.m.) was the government. The fascists immediately took their seats with the Nationalists searching for allies against the socialists in 1921 and he decided to use the on the extreme right of the chamber in opposition to Giolitti). Giolitti was fascists. He believed he could easily dominate Mussolini. He made a sad replaced by Bonorni and he, in his turn, with Facta. None of them were able to mistake and he must be held responsible for giving Mussolini another chance. build up a stable government. At the same time local fascist leaders did their To bring the fascists into Giolitti's parliamentary coalition, it was first necessary best to cause unrest in the country. to include them in the national list of government­backed candidates. During the 1921 election the government used Fascist support to unseat Socialists deputies. The Fascists beat up opponents. The police remained neutral or actively aided them. 35 fascists out of a total of 535 seats were elected. nov 24­13:15 nov 24­13:17 2 mussolini.notebook December 02, 2008 Aristocratic nationalists provided an entry for Fascism into court circles. This MUSSOLINIS WAY TO POWER was also helped by the fact that Mussolini declared being a monarchist that The more the Fascists enjoyed the confidence of the power structure, the less same year. The aristocracy and the upper­bourgeoise tolerated fascism as long they needed a violent coup to obtain power. Eager to create the impression of as it performed certain tasks for them. It was a dangerous game to play. fascism as a revolutionary movement, Fascist propaganda later asserted that The new pope Pius XI (1922) and Mussolini were on good terms. power was taken by force in 1922. The truth was somewhat different. Liberals turned an blind eye to Fascist brutalities. Liberal journals saw fascist On 12 May 1922 the Fascists (63.000) took over the town of Ferrara and didn't assault on the most elementary rights as justified as the only alternative to leave before the government promised to carry out a scheme of public works anarchy. 'Fascism would grew tamer as times went by'. there. Mussolini was constantly terrified by the thought the government would Numerous italian intellectuals thought the same way, Fascism could be made use arms against fascist massactions, but they didn't. law­abiding. On 1 August 1922 the Socialists proclaimed a general strike as a protest against The army was loyal to king Victor Emmanuel III who feared a civil war. As a fascist actions in Romagna. This played into Mussolinis hands for he could offer result he made no effort to co­operate with the government against the growing to break the strike when the government did nothing. He could appear as the Fascist­movement. A movement which was supported by many property owners man to restore order while making use of his disorderly supporters. It provided who feared disorder and Communism. an excuse for further Fascist lawlessness. The strike collapsed after a day and The bulk of Fascism's popular support came from the petty bourgeoise or lower Mussolini and his Fascists gained increasing support. People began to feel that middle­class (small shopkeepers, clerical workers, teachers). These were the the Fascists might bring a return to order. On August 3, the fascist Squadristi ones who were not very poor but who didn't escape harm in the postwar slump. invaded the city hall of Milan and expelled its socialist administration. Now it The ones who dreamed of climbing up the ladder and at the same time were was only a matter of time before an attack on the legal capital, Rome. terrified by the thought of workers reaching the same hierarchial status as themselves. nov 24­13:21 nov 24­13:24 THE MARCH ON ROME 1922 But it takes two to fight and it was not at all certain that the liberal regime in The Italian government had virtually broken down by October 1922. P.M. Facta Rome would take up the challenge. suggested that the entire cabinet should resign and when this idea was turn Mussolini and his immediate followers had laid down plans for military action down by his colleagues he began to think in terms of a coalition with the but the army was still loyal to the King and it would have crushed any attempt fascists. to destroy the regime. At the same time the March on Rome was entrusted to a quadrumvirate (reflects Mussolini planned to take action on the 28 October with a massive Fascist the diverse elements within Fascism); march to Rome but he didn't want the fascist to threat the King or the Army. A General Emilio de Bono, the eldest, was a retired army officer and a nationalist clash with the army was to be avoided at all costs and army units were to be of the old school. treated with courtesy and friendliness. The main idea was to raise a ultimatum Italo Balbo, the youngest and typical of the extremist wing of Fascism (taste for to the government; violence). A NEW CABINET WITH AT LEAST 6 FASCIST MINISTERS IN IMPORTANT POSTS. Cesare De Vecchi was from the ultraconservative landowning class and a Facta decided to resign but his cabinet still ran the government until a new monarchist.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Compare and Contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology
    1800944 Compare and contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology Fascism is an ideology that has often been left without a solid definition, and it has been interpreted in a variety of ways.1 Fascism has been interpreted as: capitalism’s response to Communism, totalitarian ultra-nationalism, and a community focused authoritarian system which holds contradictory Socialist and conservative values. 2 3 4 Within these differing interpretations’ fascism has been described as; ultra-nationalist, authoritarian, violent, imperialist, collectivist ideology, which holds populist tendencies. Different stands of fascism also tend to add different policies which are relevant to the socio-economic context in order to appeal to the target audience, the people. Italian Fascism evolved from ‘Italian national syndicalism’, ‘revolutionary syndicalism’, and Italian nationalism taking with it their shared beliefs of productivism, and nationalism; whilst also exhibiting conventional fascist traits such as authoritarianism, imperialism, and violence. 5 6 German Fascism evolved from socialism, but also from the issues that Germany was facing in the aftermath of World War Two. German Fascism exhibited typical fascist traits such being nationalist, authoritarian, and violent, but also demonstrated socialist policies, by focusing on the betterment of the community through national projects. 7 Italian and German fascism had varying traits that appeared in different strengths, but the two different versions of fascism were similar. Both Italian and German Fascism came
    [Show full text]
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
    [Show full text]
  • Once Upon a Time... We Lived Together
    Once upon a time... We lived together Joint work in a multiperspective approach 23 workshops 1900-1945 23 workshops ONCE UPON TIME... WE LIVED TOGETHER Joint work in a multiperspective approach implemented by: EUROCLIO-HIP BiH (History Teachers Association of Bosnia) HUNP (Croatian History Teachers Association) UDI-EUROCLIO (Serbian Association of History Teachers) Slovenian Association of History Teachers ANIM (Association of History Educators in Macedonia) HIPMONT (Association of History Teachers in Montenegro) SHMHK (History Teachers Association of Kosovo) 1900-1945 CONTENTS Introduction................................................4 Assasination as a political tool Rich & Poor 14 Melisa Foric Sarajevo Assassination..............................135 1 Edin Radušić, Bahrudin Beširević Apple of discord - The agrarian question - political and social life in Bosnia and Herzegovina 15 Kiti Jurica - Korda under Austro - Hungarian rule .......................................7 Shots in the Parliament .............................151 2 Arbër Salihu 16 Ivana Dobrivojevic, Goran Miloradovic Agrarian reform in Kingdom of SCS, Assassination as a political tool........... 161 and its influence in different parts of the state ........15 17 Mire Mladenovski 3 Irena Paradžik Kovačič, Vanja Zidar Šmic Endangered state? The Terrorism in Ekonomske razlike u prvoj Jugoslaviji ..............25 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.......................173 Everyday life of common people Conflict and cooperation 4 Emina Zivkovic 18 Mire Mladenovski Some Issues About
    [Show full text]
  • Building Political Parties
    Building political parties: Reforming legal regulations and internal rules Pippa Norris Harvard University Report commissioned by International IDEA 2004 1 Contents 1. Executive summary........................................................................................................................... 3 2. The role and function of parties....................................................................................................... 3 3. Principles guiding the legal regulation of parties ........................................................................... 5 3.1. The legal regulation of nomination, campaigning, and elections .................................................................. 6 3.2 The nomination stage: party registration and ballot access ......................................................................... 8 3.3 The campaign stage: funding and media access...................................................................................... 12 3.4 The electoral system: electoral rules and party competition....................................................................... 13 3.5: Conclusions: the challenges of the legal framework ................................................................................ 17 4. Strengthening the internal life of political parties......................................................................... 20 4.1 Promoting internal democracy within political parties ............................................................................. 20 4.2 Building
    [Show full text]
  • Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
    Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Civic Associations and Authoritarian Regimes in Interwar Europe: Italy and Spain in Comparative Perspective
    #2172-ASR 70:2 filename:70205-riley Civic Associations and Authoritarian Regimes in Interwar Europe: Italy and Spain in Comparative Perspective Dylan Riley University of California, Berkeley What is the relationship between civic associations and authoritarian regimes? While Tocquevillian theories have concentrated mostly on the connection between civic associationism and democracy, this article develops a Gramscian approach, suggesting that a strong associational sphere can facilitate the development of authoritarian parties and hegemonic authoritarian regimes. Two countries are used for comparison, Italy from 1870 to 1926 and Spain from 1876 to 1926. The argument here is that the strength of the associational sphere in north-central Italy provided organizational resources to the fascist movement and then party. In turn, the formation of the party was a key reason why the Italian regime developed as a hegemonic authoritarian regime. The absence of a strong associational sphere in Spain explains why that regime developed as an economic corporate dictatorship, despite many similarities between the two cases. ontemporary work on civic associationism regime and the Spanish dictatorship of Miguel Delivered by Ingenta to : Cfocuses mostly on democracyUniversity (Arato 1981; of California,Primo Berkeley de Rivera (1870–1930). By hegemony I Paxton 2002; Putnam 1993; WuthnowFri, 311991). Aug 2007mean 23:19:37 the extent to which a regime politicizes the This analysis investigates instead the relation- associational sphere in accordance with its offi- ship between associationism and authoritarian- cial ideology. A hegemonic authoritarian regime ism. I explore how the strength of the exists to the extent that official regime unions, employers’organizations, and professional asso- associational sphere influenced the degree of ciations exist.
    [Show full text]
  • Anglo-American Motives and Personnel Behind Germany's Neo
    Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 20, Number 43, November 5, 1993 Anglo-AInerican fllotives and personnel behind Gentlany's neo-Nazi gangs by an EIR Investigative Team The breakup of the Soviet bloc and the reunification of Ger­ that the burden of Germany's virtliIes might bear down upon many were not greeted with universal enthusiasm in the Britain even more heavily than the burden of Germany's West. Both before and afterthe fall of the Berlin Wall, certain vices." commentators in Britain, and Americans who think like Bri­ Montagu Norman was the pripcipal architect of British tons, declared that a Hitlerian "Fourth Reich" would arise support for the Adolf Hitler dictatorship over Germany from from the collapse of communism and the end of the division 1933-39. Norman was the mentor and world banking coordi­ of Europe. nator for Nazi Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht, and Perhaps the most candid public statements of this view­ was the British anchor for certain i 930s Wall Street backers point were made by London Sunday Telegraph editor Pere­ of the Hitler ascendancy. And at tlileend of World War II, in grine Worsthorne.The stepson of Montagu Norman, who order to cover up their own enthusiastic financialand political from 1920 to 1944 was governor of the Bank of England, backing for Hitler in the 1920s and '30s, it was Norman Worsthorne praised and reiterated the strategy of his stepfa­ and his collaborators who initiated the theory that the entire ther, who was notorious as the chief of the pro-Hitler faction German population was guilty forthe crimes of the Nazis.
    [Show full text]
  • Dissent and the Militant Democracy: the German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party Judith Wise
    The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 11 1-1-1998 Dissent and the Militant Democracy: The German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party Judith Wise Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/roundtable Recommended Citation Wise, Judith (1998) "Dissent and the Militant Democracy: The German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party," The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article 11. Available at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/roundtable/vol5/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in The nivU ersity of Chicago Law School Roundtable by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dissent and the Militant Democracy: The German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party JUDITH WISE1 "This will always remain one of "[I]n a democracy, the govern- the best jokes of democracy, that ment should make use of all it gave its deadly enemies the available legal measures to pro- means by which it was de- tect the liberal democratic basic stroyed." order." -Joseph Goebbels1 -Manfred Kanther I. Introduction More than 30 people have been killed in racist attacks by right-wing extremists in Germany since reunification in November 1989.? In 1990, incidents of right-wing violence in Germany surpassed incidents of left-wing t. Judith Wise received her J.D. from the University of Chicago in 1997. She received her M.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Institute F*Q8 Social Us3ary
    8341 INSTITUTE F*Q8 SOCIAL US3ARY RELIGION AND CLASS IN ITALIAN ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR Samuel H. Barnes Professor of Political Science and Program Director, Center for Political Studies, Institute for Social Research The University of Michigan FINAL DRAFT chapter for Richard Rose (ed.), Comparative Electoral Behavior: An Introduction New York: Free Press. DRAFT: Please do not quote without explicit permission from the author. December 1970 Religion and Class in Italian Electoral Behavior I. Historical Background A. Social Structure since 1861 B. The Electoral System in the Twentieth Century C. The Party System in the Twentieth Century D. Competition for Seats E. Continuities and Discontinuities II. The Act of Voting Today A. Elections and Ballots B. The Legal Facilitation of Voting C. Elections Since the Fall of Fascism III. Data for Analysis A. Sample Surveys B. Secondary Analyses C. Ecological Analyses D. Non-Voting and Its Measurement E. Voting and its Measurement IV. Social Structure and Voting A. Sex B. Age C. Educa tion D. Religion E. Ethno-Linguistic Differences F. Region G. Urban-Rural H. Residential Mobility ii I. Mass Media J. Organizational Memberships K. Occupational Class L. Income M. Consumption Patterns arid Life Style N. Conditions of Employment 0. Subjective Class Assessment V. Social Psychological Influences A. Political Efficacy B. Interest in Politics C. Religious Influences VI. A Tree Analysis of Determinants of Italian Partisan Choice A. Some Contradictions in Italian Political Behavior B. Tree Analysis and the Variables Employed C. The Tree Analysis D. An Interpretation E. Behavioral Group Partisan Preferences VII. Conclusions A. Variables of Comparative Significance B.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties
    FOREIGN SPONSORSHIP AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF REBEL PARTIES Michael C. Marshall Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS December 2015 APPROVED: John Ishiyama, Major Professor Idean Salehyan, Committee Member Jacqueline DeMeritt, Committee Member T. David Mason, Committee Member Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, Chair of the Department of Political Science Marshall, Michael C. Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties. Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science), December 2015, 208 pp., 17 tables, 6 figures, references, 287 titles. This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one. Copyright 2015 By Michael C. Marshall ! ii! ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am eternally indebted to the following individuals and institutions for their assistance: I wish to thank my family. I would not have succeeded without your unwavering support. I am grateful to the Department of Political Science, American Political Science Review, and the Toulouse Graduate School. I could not have completed this project without your generous financial support.
    [Show full text]
  • SELLING Soes and PRIVATIZING PUBLIC MONOPOLIES in FASCIST ITALY (1922-1925)
    THE FIRST PRIVATIZATION: SELLING SOEs AND PRIVATIZING PUBLIC MONOPOLIES IN FASCIST ITALY (1922-1925) Germà Bel Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics (FORTHCOMING IN CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC JOURNAL ) Abstract: Italy’s first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatization policy between 1922 and 1925. The government privatized the state monopoly of match sale, eliminated the State monopoly on life insurances, sold most of the State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatized the largest metal machinery producer, and awarded concessions to private firms to build and operate motorways. These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatization episodes in the Western world. While ideological considerations may have had a certain influence, privatization was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista . Privatization also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase. Key Words : Privatization, Public Enterprise, Government. JEL Codes : G38, H11, L32, L33 Contact data: Germà Bel Dep. Política Econòmica i EEM. Torre 6, planta 3 Facultat d’Econòmiques – UB Avd. Diagonal 690, 08034 Barcelona – SPAIN Tel: 34.93.4021946 e-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: This research received financial help from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation under Project ECO2009-06946, and the Regional Government of Catalonia under project SGR2009-1066. Much of the work on the paper was done while I was Visiting Scholar at the European University Institute (Florence School of Regulation-RSCAS) in spring/summer of 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS6 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS6 - 2012 ed. 2.1 Albania 2 Belgium 3 Bulgaria 6 Cyprus 10 Czechia 11 Denmark 13 Estonia 14 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Israel 27 Italy 29 Kosovo 31 Lithuania 33 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 43 Russian Federation 45 Slovakia 47 Slovenia 48 Spain 49 Sweden 52 Switzerland 53 Ukraine 56 United Kingdom 57 Albania 1. Political parties Language used in data file: Albanian Year of last election: 2009 Official party names, English 1. Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë (PS) - The Socialist Party of Albania - 40,85 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Partia Demokratike e Shqipërisë (PD) - The Democratic Party of Albania - 40,18 % election: 3. Lëvizja Socialiste për Integrim (LSI) - The Socialist Movement for Integration - 4,85 % 4. Partia Republikane e Shqipërisë (PR) - The Republican Party of Albania - 2,11 % 5. Partia Socialdemokrate e Shqipërisë (PSD) - The Social Democratic Party of Albania - 1,76 % 6. Partia Drejtësi, Integrim dhe Unitet (PDIU) - The Party for Justice, Integration and Unity - 0,95 % 7. Partia Bashkimi për të Drejtat e Njeriut (PBDNJ) - The Unity for Human Rights Party - 1,19 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Socialist Party of Albania (Albanian: Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë), is a social- above democratic political party in Albania; it is the leading opposition party in Albania. It seated 66 MPs in the 2009 Albanian parliament (out of a total of 140). It achieved power in 1997 after a political crisis and governmental realignment. In the 2001 General Election it secured 73 seats in the Parliament, which enabled it to form the Government.
    [Show full text]