Mussolini.Notebook 1 December 02, 2008
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Compare and Contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology
1800944 Compare and contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology Fascism is an ideology that has often been left without a solid definition, and it has been interpreted in a variety of ways.1 Fascism has been interpreted as: capitalism’s response to Communism, totalitarian ultra-nationalism, and a community focused authoritarian system which holds contradictory Socialist and conservative values. 2 3 4 Within these differing interpretations’ fascism has been described as; ultra-nationalist, authoritarian, violent, imperialist, collectivist ideology, which holds populist tendencies. Different stands of fascism also tend to add different policies which are relevant to the socio-economic context in order to appeal to the target audience, the people. Italian Fascism evolved from ‘Italian national syndicalism’, ‘revolutionary syndicalism’, and Italian nationalism taking with it their shared beliefs of productivism, and nationalism; whilst also exhibiting conventional fascist traits such as authoritarianism, imperialism, and violence. 5 6 German Fascism evolved from socialism, but also from the issues that Germany was facing in the aftermath of World War Two. German Fascism exhibited typical fascist traits such being nationalist, authoritarian, and violent, but also demonstrated socialist policies, by focusing on the betterment of the community through national projects. 7 Italian and German fascism had varying traits that appeared in different strengths, but the two different versions of fascism were similar. Both Italian and German Fascism came -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Once Upon a Time... We Lived Together
Once upon a time... We lived together Joint work in a multiperspective approach 23 workshops 1900-1945 23 workshops ONCE UPON TIME... WE LIVED TOGETHER Joint work in a multiperspective approach implemented by: EUROCLIO-HIP BiH (History Teachers Association of Bosnia) HUNP (Croatian History Teachers Association) UDI-EUROCLIO (Serbian Association of History Teachers) Slovenian Association of History Teachers ANIM (Association of History Educators in Macedonia) HIPMONT (Association of History Teachers in Montenegro) SHMHK (History Teachers Association of Kosovo) 1900-1945 CONTENTS Introduction................................................4 Assasination as a political tool Rich & Poor 14 Melisa Foric Sarajevo Assassination..............................135 1 Edin Radušić, Bahrudin Beširević Apple of discord - The agrarian question - political and social life in Bosnia and Herzegovina 15 Kiti Jurica - Korda under Austro - Hungarian rule .......................................7 Shots in the Parliament .............................151 2 Arbër Salihu 16 Ivana Dobrivojevic, Goran Miloradovic Agrarian reform in Kingdom of SCS, Assassination as a political tool........... 161 and its influence in different parts of the state ........15 17 Mire Mladenovski 3 Irena Paradžik Kovačič, Vanja Zidar Šmic Endangered state? The Terrorism in Ekonomske razlike u prvoj Jugoslaviji ..............25 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.......................173 Everyday life of common people Conflict and cooperation 4 Emina Zivkovic 18 Mire Mladenovski Some Issues About -
Building Political Parties
Building political parties: Reforming legal regulations and internal rules Pippa Norris Harvard University Report commissioned by International IDEA 2004 1 Contents 1. Executive summary........................................................................................................................... 3 2. The role and function of parties....................................................................................................... 3 3. Principles guiding the legal regulation of parties ........................................................................... 5 3.1. The legal regulation of nomination, campaigning, and elections .................................................................. 6 3.2 The nomination stage: party registration and ballot access ......................................................................... 8 3.3 The campaign stage: funding and media access...................................................................................... 12 3.4 The electoral system: electoral rules and party competition....................................................................... 13 3.5: Conclusions: the challenges of the legal framework ................................................................................ 17 4. Strengthening the internal life of political parties......................................................................... 20 4.1 Promoting internal democracy within political parties ............................................................................. 20 4.2 Building -
Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation. -
Civic Associations and Authoritarian Regimes in Interwar Europe: Italy and Spain in Comparative Perspective
#2172-ASR 70:2 filename:70205-riley Civic Associations and Authoritarian Regimes in Interwar Europe: Italy and Spain in Comparative Perspective Dylan Riley University of California, Berkeley What is the relationship between civic associations and authoritarian regimes? While Tocquevillian theories have concentrated mostly on the connection between civic associationism and democracy, this article develops a Gramscian approach, suggesting that a strong associational sphere can facilitate the development of authoritarian parties and hegemonic authoritarian regimes. Two countries are used for comparison, Italy from 1870 to 1926 and Spain from 1876 to 1926. The argument here is that the strength of the associational sphere in north-central Italy provided organizational resources to the fascist movement and then party. In turn, the formation of the party was a key reason why the Italian regime developed as a hegemonic authoritarian regime. The absence of a strong associational sphere in Spain explains why that regime developed as an economic corporate dictatorship, despite many similarities between the two cases. ontemporary work on civic associationism regime and the Spanish dictatorship of Miguel Delivered by Ingenta to : Cfocuses mostly on democracyUniversity (Arato 1981; of California,Primo Berkeley de Rivera (1870–1930). By hegemony I Paxton 2002; Putnam 1993; WuthnowFri, 311991). Aug 2007mean 23:19:37 the extent to which a regime politicizes the This analysis investigates instead the relation- associational sphere in accordance with its offi- ship between associationism and authoritarian- cial ideology. A hegemonic authoritarian regime ism. I explore how the strength of the exists to the extent that official regime unions, employers’organizations, and professional asso- associational sphere influenced the degree of ciations exist. -
Anglo-American Motives and Personnel Behind Germany's Neo
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 20, Number 43, November 5, 1993 Anglo-AInerican fllotives and personnel behind Gentlany's neo-Nazi gangs by an EIR Investigative Team The breakup of the Soviet bloc and the reunification of Ger that the burden of Germany's virtliIes might bear down upon many were not greeted with universal enthusiasm in the Britain even more heavily than the burden of Germany's West. Both before and afterthe fall of the Berlin Wall, certain vices." commentators in Britain, and Americans who think like Bri Montagu Norman was the pripcipal architect of British tons, declared that a Hitlerian "Fourth Reich" would arise support for the Adolf Hitler dictatorship over Germany from from the collapse of communism and the end of the division 1933-39. Norman was the mentor and world banking coordi of Europe. nator for Nazi Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht, and Perhaps the most candid public statements of this view was the British anchor for certain i 930s Wall Street backers point were made by London Sunday Telegraph editor Pere of the Hitler ascendancy. And at tlileend of World War II, in grine Worsthorne.The stepson of Montagu Norman, who order to cover up their own enthusiastic financialand political from 1920 to 1944 was governor of the Bank of England, backing for Hitler in the 1920s and '30s, it was Norman Worsthorne praised and reiterated the strategy of his stepfa and his collaborators who initiated the theory that the entire ther, who was notorious as the chief of the pro-Hitler faction German population was guilty forthe crimes of the Nazis. -
Dissent and the Militant Democracy: the German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party Judith Wise
The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 11 1-1-1998 Dissent and the Militant Democracy: The German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party Judith Wise Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/roundtable Recommended Citation Wise, Judith (1998) "Dissent and the Militant Democracy: The German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party," The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article 11. Available at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/roundtable/vol5/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in The nivU ersity of Chicago Law School Roundtable by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dissent and the Militant Democracy: The German Constitution and the Banning of the Free German Workers Party JUDITH WISE1 "This will always remain one of "[I]n a democracy, the govern- the best jokes of democracy, that ment should make use of all it gave its deadly enemies the available legal measures to pro- means by which it was de- tect the liberal democratic basic stroyed." order." -Joseph Goebbels1 -Manfred Kanther I. Introduction More than 30 people have been killed in racist attacks by right-wing extremists in Germany since reunification in November 1989.? In 1990, incidents of right-wing violence in Germany surpassed incidents of left-wing t. Judith Wise received her J.D. from the University of Chicago in 1997. She received her M.A. -
Institute F*Q8 Social Us3ary
8341 INSTITUTE F*Q8 SOCIAL US3ARY RELIGION AND CLASS IN ITALIAN ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR Samuel H. Barnes Professor of Political Science and Program Director, Center for Political Studies, Institute for Social Research The University of Michigan FINAL DRAFT chapter for Richard Rose (ed.), Comparative Electoral Behavior: An Introduction New York: Free Press. DRAFT: Please do not quote without explicit permission from the author. December 1970 Religion and Class in Italian Electoral Behavior I. Historical Background A. Social Structure since 1861 B. The Electoral System in the Twentieth Century C. The Party System in the Twentieth Century D. Competition for Seats E. Continuities and Discontinuities II. The Act of Voting Today A. Elections and Ballots B. The Legal Facilitation of Voting C. Elections Since the Fall of Fascism III. Data for Analysis A. Sample Surveys B. Secondary Analyses C. Ecological Analyses D. Non-Voting and Its Measurement E. Voting and its Measurement IV. Social Structure and Voting A. Sex B. Age C. Educa tion D. Religion E. Ethno-Linguistic Differences F. Region G. Urban-Rural H. Residential Mobility ii I. Mass Media J. Organizational Memberships K. Occupational Class L. Income M. Consumption Patterns arid Life Style N. Conditions of Employment 0. Subjective Class Assessment V. Social Psychological Influences A. Political Efficacy B. Interest in Politics C. Religious Influences VI. A Tree Analysis of Determinants of Italian Partisan Choice A. Some Contradictions in Italian Political Behavior B. Tree Analysis and the Variables Employed C. The Tree Analysis D. An Interpretation E. Behavioral Group Partisan Preferences VII. Conclusions A. Variables of Comparative Significance B. -
Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties
FOREIGN SPONSORSHIP AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF REBEL PARTIES Michael C. Marshall Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS December 2015 APPROVED: John Ishiyama, Major Professor Idean Salehyan, Committee Member Jacqueline DeMeritt, Committee Member T. David Mason, Committee Member Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, Chair of the Department of Political Science Marshall, Michael C. Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties. Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science), December 2015, 208 pp., 17 tables, 6 figures, references, 287 titles. This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one. Copyright 2015 By Michael C. Marshall ! ii! ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am eternally indebted to the following individuals and institutions for their assistance: I wish to thank my family. I would not have succeeded without your unwavering support. I am grateful to the Department of Political Science, American Political Science Review, and the Toulouse Graduate School. I could not have completed this project without your generous financial support. -
SELLING Soes and PRIVATIZING PUBLIC MONOPOLIES in FASCIST ITALY (1922-1925)
THE FIRST PRIVATIZATION: SELLING SOEs AND PRIVATIZING PUBLIC MONOPOLIES IN FASCIST ITALY (1922-1925) Germà Bel Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics (FORTHCOMING IN CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC JOURNAL ) Abstract: Italy’s first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatization policy between 1922 and 1925. The government privatized the state monopoly of match sale, eliminated the State monopoly on life insurances, sold most of the State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatized the largest metal machinery producer, and awarded concessions to private firms to build and operate motorways. These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatization episodes in the Western world. While ideological considerations may have had a certain influence, privatization was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista . Privatization also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase. Key Words : Privatization, Public Enterprise, Government. JEL Codes : G38, H11, L32, L33 Contact data: Germà Bel Dep. Política Econòmica i EEM. Torre 6, planta 3 Facultat d’Econòmiques – UB Avd. Diagonal 690, 08034 Barcelona – SPAIN Tel: 34.93.4021946 e-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: This research received financial help from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation under Project ECO2009-06946, and the Regional Government of Catalonia under project SGR2009-1066. Much of the work on the paper was done while I was Visiting Scholar at the European University Institute (Florence School of Regulation-RSCAS) in spring/summer of 2009. -
ESS6 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS6 - 2012 ed. 2.1 Albania 2 Belgium 3 Bulgaria 6 Cyprus 10 Czechia 11 Denmark 13 Estonia 14 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Israel 27 Italy 29 Kosovo 31 Lithuania 33 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 43 Russian Federation 45 Slovakia 47 Slovenia 48 Spain 49 Sweden 52 Switzerland 53 Ukraine 56 United Kingdom 57 Albania 1. Political parties Language used in data file: Albanian Year of last election: 2009 Official party names, English 1. Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë (PS) - The Socialist Party of Albania - 40,85 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Partia Demokratike e Shqipërisë (PD) - The Democratic Party of Albania - 40,18 % election: 3. Lëvizja Socialiste për Integrim (LSI) - The Socialist Movement for Integration - 4,85 % 4. Partia Republikane e Shqipërisë (PR) - The Republican Party of Albania - 2,11 % 5. Partia Socialdemokrate e Shqipërisë (PSD) - The Social Democratic Party of Albania - 1,76 % 6. Partia Drejtësi, Integrim dhe Unitet (PDIU) - The Party for Justice, Integration and Unity - 0,95 % 7. Partia Bashkimi për të Drejtat e Njeriut (PBDNJ) - The Unity for Human Rights Party - 1,19 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Socialist Party of Albania (Albanian: Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë), is a social- above democratic political party in Albania; it is the leading opposition party in Albania. It seated 66 MPs in the 2009 Albanian parliament (out of a total of 140). It achieved power in 1997 after a political crisis and governmental realignment. In the 2001 General Election it secured 73 seats in the Parliament, which enabled it to form the Government.