DOCSLIB.ORG

Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties FOREIGN SPONSORSHIP AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF REBEL PARTIES Michael C. Marshall Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS December 2015 APPROVED: John Ishiyama, Major Professor Idean Salehyan, Committee Member Jacqueline DeMeritt, Committee Member T. David Mason, Committee Member Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, Chair of the Department of Political Science Marshall, Michael C. Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties. Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science), December 2015, 208 pp., 17 tables, 6 figures, references, 287 titles. This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one. Copyright 2015 By Michael C. Marshall ! ii! ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am eternally indebted to the following individuals and institutions for their assistance: I wish to thank my family. I would not have succeeded without your unwavering support. I am grateful to the Department of Political Science, American Political Science Review, and the Toulouse Graduate School. I could not have completed this project without your generous financial support. Lastly, I am grateful to the members of my dissertation committee: Dr. John Ishiyama, Dr. Idean Salehyan, Dr. T. David Mason, and Dr. Jacqueline DeMeritt. Each of these remarkable scholars played an instrumental role in training me to think, teach, and conduct research like a political scientist. I am eternally grateful for your guidance and patience. For George, Carmela, and Nicole. ! iii! TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………..………………………………………….....iii LIST OF TABLES…………………...…………………………………………………………viii LIST OF FIGURES…………………………….………………………………………………...ix CHAPTER 1: Variations in Rebel-to-Party Transformations……………………………….....…1 1.1 Developing Organizational Skills and Capacity 1.2 Developing Ties to Constituencies 1.3 Legitimacy or Sponsorship? 1.4 Summary of the Dissertation CHAPTER 2: Determinants of Rebel Party Development………………………………………13 2.1 Constraints 2.1.1 Institutional Constraints 2.1.2 Social Constraints 2.1.2.1 Economic Inequality 2.1.2.2 Ethnic Cleavages 2.1.2.3 Religious Cleavages 2.2 Internal Features 2.2.1 Ideational Appeals 2.2.2 Identity Appeals 2.2.3 Resource Mobilization 2.2.4 Domestic Support 2.3 Discussion CHAPTER 3: Foreign Sponsorship……………………………………………………..............31 3.1 Different types of foreign sponsors have different effects on transformation 3.1.1 Democratic Sponsors focus on electoral processes 3.1.2 Authoritarian Sponsors focus on electoral outcomes 3.2 Sponsorship and Protégé Party Persistence 3.3 Sponsorship and Protégé Party Performance 3.4 The National Impacts of Rebel Parties 3.5 Discussion ! iv! CHAPTER 4: Research Design………………………………………………………….…..….48 4.1 Using Panel Data to study Party Development and Impact 4.1.1 Emergence 4.1.2 Electoral Performance and Executive Power 4.1.3 Democratization and Consolidation 4.2 Using Duration Data to study Party Development and Impact 4.2.1 Party Persistence 4.2.2 Peace Duration 4.3 Explanatory Variables 4.3.1 Percentage of Autocratic Sponsorship 4.3.2 Mobilization Capacity 4.3.3 Party Origins 4.3.4 Party Ideology 4.3.5 Party Fragmentation 4.3.6 Incumbent Advantage 4.3.7 United Nations Peacekeeping 4.3.8 Settlement Implementation 4.3.9 Number of Rebel Parties 4.3.10 Socio-Economic Factors 4.3.11 Electoral Institutions 4.4 Quantitative Models 4.5 Case Study Selection 4.5.1 Guatemalan Civil War 1964 – 1996 4.5.2 Lebanese Civil War 1972 – 1992 and Cedar Revolution 2005 – 2008 4.6 Discussion CHAPTER 5: Rebel Party Emergence..………………………………………………………79 5.1 Analyzing Rebel Party Emergence 5.2 Rebel Party Emergence in Guatemala and Lebanon 5.2.1 Emergence after Settlement 5.2.1.1 AMAL 5.2.1.2 Hizb al-Kata’eb [after the Doha Accords] ! v! 5.2.2 Emergence after Credible Commitment 5.2.2.1 Hezbollah 5.2.2.2 Hizb al-Kata’eb [after the Taif Accords] 5.2.2.3 URNG 5.2.3 Emergence after Party Fragmentation 5.2.3.1 URNG Party Failure: FDNG, DIA, ANN, and UNE 5.2.3.2 Phalangist Party Failure: LFP, SFM, and FPM 5.3 Discussion CHAPTER 6: Rebel Party Persistence……………………………………………………….98 6.1 Analyzing Rebel Party Persistence 6.2 Party Death in Guatemala and Lebanon 6.2.1 Death by Saliency 6.2.1.1 URNG 6.2.1.2 al – Kata’eb 6.2.2 Death by Spoiler 6.2.3 Death by Shocks in Sponsorship 6.2.3.1 URNG 6.2.3.2 al–Kata’eb 6.3 Party Persistence in Lebanon and Guatemala 6.3.1 AMAL 6.3.2 UNE 6.4 Discussion CHAPTER 7: Rebel Party Performance and National Impact……...………………….…118 7.1 Analysis of Rebel Party Performance 7.2 Analysis of National Impacts of Rebel Party Performance 7.3 Discussion CHAPTER 8: Rethinking Sponsorship and Rebel Party Inclusion……………………….138 8.1 Exporting Democracy through Revolutionary Vehicles 8.1.1 MODEL and ULIMO 8.1.2 UNITA and FDN 8.1.3 Policy Prescription ! vi! 8.2 Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Linkage Institutions 8.2.1 Mergers and Acquisitions 8.2.2 Interest Group Transformation 8.3 Dissertation Summary and Results TABLE OF APPENDICES………………………………………………………………150 A.1 Rebel Organizations and Parties A.2 Dyadic Robustness Checks using Geddes, Wright, and Frantz (2014) A.3 Robustness Checks using Marshall and Jaggers (2014) A.3.1 Sponsor Institutionalization as a Difference Variable A.3.2 Difference-in-Differencing A.3.3 Mean Differencing A.3.4 Sponsor Regime Type A.3.5 Sponsor Democratization A.4 Schoenfeld Proportional Hazard Assumption Tests BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………188 ! vii! LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1: Administrative Norms by Sponsor Regime Type………………………………….43 Table 5.1: Logistic Panel Analyses of Rebel Party Emergence……………………………….81 Table 6.1: Survival Analyses of Rebel Party Persistence…………………………………….101 Table 7.1 Analyses of Rebel Party Performance in Post-Conflict Elections…………………121 Table 7.2 Executive Power and Foreign Sponsorship by Legislative Share………………….125 Table 7.3 Analyzing National Impacts of Rebel Inclusion: Democratization & Consolidation………………………………………………………………………………….132 Table A.1 List of Rebel Organizations and Parties by State…………………………………..152 Table A.2.1 Robustness Analysis of Emergence using GWF Data…………………………...158 Table A.2.2 Robustness Analyses of Persistence using GWF Data…………………………..159 Table A.2.3 Robustness Analyses of Performance using GWF Data…………………………160 Table A.3.1 Robustness Analysis of Emergence using ∆!"#$%&'( Data……………………...166 Table A.3.2 Robustness Analysis of Persistence using ∆!"#$%&'( Data……………………...172 Table A.3.3 Robustness Analysis of Legislative Performance using ∆!"#$%&'( Data………...176 Table A.3.4 Robustness Analysis of Executive Performance using ∆!"#$%&'( Data………….179 Table A.3.5 Robustness Analysis of Presidential Performance using ∆!"#$%&'( Data………..183 Table A.4.1 Schoenfeld Proportional Hazard Tests: Peace Duration…………………………..192 Table A.4.2 Schoenfeld Proportional Hazard Tests: Party Lifespan…………………………...192 ! viii! LIST OF FIGURES Figure 4.1 Frequency of Negotiated Settlements and Party Formations Over Time……………52 Figure 4.2 Cox-Snell Residual Tests of Party Lifespans………………………………………..55 Figure 4.3 Smoothed and Nelson-Aalen Hazard Estimation: Party Persistence………………..56 Figure 4.4 Smoothed and Nelson-Aalen Hazard Estimation: Peace Duration………………….58 Figure 6.1 Kaplan-Meier Survival Estimation for Party Persistence…………………………..102 Figure A.4 The Impact of Autocratic Protégé Parties by Legislative Representation…………184 ! ix! CHAPTER 1 VARIATIONS IN REBEL-TO-PARTY TRANSFORMATION FOLLOWING NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT In August of 2003, the Second Liberian Civil War came to an end after seven years of insurrection by the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), the United Liberation Movement for Democracy (ULIMO), and the Movement for Democracy and Equality in Liberia (MODEL). As a result of the Accra Peace Accords in 2003, LURD and MODEL were each given six permanent seats in the cabinet. This should have supplied significant incentives to transform these organizations into political parties supportive of the movements’ leaders who now held political office. On the one hand, MODEL and ULIMO chose to form political organizations in 20041 and ran candidates in the election of 2005. On the other hand, the LURD leadership chose not to form a separate label and run candidates—rather, members of the LURD leadership joined the rival Unity Party (UP) and the Progressive Democrat Party (PRODEM).2 Aside from the LURD, four other rebel organizations that participated in the second war did not choose to become political parties. The Second Liberian Civil War raises an interesting puzzle regarding rebel-to-party transformations. Why do some insurgent organizations choose to form a party and run candidates for election, whereas other groups do not, despite being signatories of the peace settlement, and 1MODEL officially reorganized and changed its party name in 2004 to the Congress for Democratic Change. It has 2 LURD is largely considered a defunct organization despite the incentives given to it in the Accra Peace Accords. Though the leadership became members of the Unity Party (dominant party) most of the LURD either became organized crime in Westpoint or dissolved back into the bush. 1 being allotted similar political opportunities by that settlement?3 As many scholars have noted, the transformation of armed groups into political parties is critical for peace and democracy (Manning 2004; 2007; Carothers 2006; Allison 2006; Reilly and Nordlund 2008).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Scott Gehlbach
    Scott Gehlbach University of Chicago https://scottgehlbach.net Department of Political Science [email protected] Harris School of Public Policy Twitter: @sgehlbach EDUCATION Ph.D. in Political Science and Economics, University of California{Berkeley, 2003 Mancur Olson Award for Best Dissertation in Field of Political Economy M.A. in Economics, University of California{Berkeley, 2000 M.A. in Political Science, University of California{Berkeley, 1998 M.B.A., University of Michigan, 1991, graduated with distinction B.S. in Agricultural Economics, University of Illinois, 1989, graduated summa cum laude PROFESSIONAL POSITIONS University of Chicago Professor, Department of Political Science and Harris School of Public Policy, 2019{ present Sciences Po Visiting Professor, Department of Economics, 2019{2020 University of Wisconsin{Madison Professor, Department of Political Science, 2011{2019 Director, Center for Russia, East Europe, and Central Asia, 2018{2019 Associate Chair, Department of Political Science, 2012{2015 Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, 2008{2011 Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, 2003{2008 Harvard University Visiting Professor, Department of Government, 2012 Senior Fellow, Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, 2011{2012 International Center for the Study of Institutions and Development, Higher School of Economics, Moscow Senior Research Fellow, 2011{2014 Centre for Economic and Financial Research, New Economic School, Moscow Visiting Scholar, 2001{2003, 2007{2008 University of California{Berkeley Research Assistant, Survey Research Center, 1999{2001 Central European University, Prague and Budapest Research Associate, CEU Labor Project, 1995{1997 Stanford University Visiting Fellow, Center for International Security and Arms Control, 1996 Research Assistant, Center for International Security and Arms Control, 1996 1 Institute of Sociology, Academy of Sciences{Czech Republic Visiting Scholar, 1995{1996 Central Europe Institute, Prague Senior Consultant, 1994{1995 Office of Congressman Thomas W.
    [Show full text]
  • The Extreme Right Wing in Bulgaria
    INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right Wing in Bulgaria ANTONIY TODOROV January 2013 n The extreme right wing (also known as the far right) consists of parties and organi- sations ideologically linked by their espousal of extreme forms of cultural conserva- tism, xenophobia and, not infrequently, racism. They are strong advocates of order imposed by a »strong hand« and they profess a specific form of populism based on opposition between the elite and the people. n The most visible extreme right organisation in Bulgaria today is the Attack Party, which has been in existence since 2005. Since its emergence, voter support for the Attack Party has significantly grown and in 2006 its leader, Volen Siderov, made it to the run-off in the presidential election. After 2009, however, the GERB Party (the incumbent governing party in Bulgaria) managed to attract a considerable number of former Attack supporters. Today, only about 6 to 7 percent of the electorate votes for the Attack Party. n In practice, the smaller extreme right-wing organisations do not take part in the national and local elections, but they are very active in certain youth milieus and among football fans. The fact that they participate in the so-called »Loukov March«, which has been organised on an annual basis ever since 2008, suggests that they might join forces, although in practice this seems unlikely. ANTONIY TODOROV | THE EXTREME RIGHT WING IN BULGARIA Contents 1. Historical Background: From the Transition Period to Now ....................1 2. Ideological Profile ......................................................3 2.1 Minorities as Scapegoats ................................................3 2.2 The Unity of the Nation and the Strong State ................................3 2.3 Foreign Powers .......................................................4 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Envisioning and Contesting a New Lebanon? Actors, Issues and Dynamics Following the October Protests About International Alert
    Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Actors, issues and dynamics following the October protests About International Alert International Alert works with people directly affected by conflict to build lasting peace. We focus on solving the root causes of conflict, bringing together people from across divides. From the grassroots to policy level, we come together to build everyday peace. Peace is just as much about communities living together, side by side, and resolving their differences without resorting to violence, as it is about people signing a treaty or laying down their arms. That is why we believe that we all have a role to play in building a more peaceful future. www.international-alert.org © International Alert 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without full attribution. Layout: Marc Rechdane Front cover image: © Ali Hamouch Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Actors, issues and dynamics following the October protests Muzna Al-Masri, Zeina Abla and Rana Hassan August 2020 2 | International Alert Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Acknowledgements International Alert would like to thank the research team: Muzna Al-Masri, Zeina Abla and Rana Hassan, as well as Aseel Naamani, Ruth Simpson and Ilina Slavova from International Alert for their review and input. We are also grateful for the continuing support from our key funding partners: the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election
    ا rلeمtركnزe اCل لبeنsانneي aلbلeدرLا eساThت LCPS for Policy Studies r e p a 9 Analysis of Platforms 1 P 0 2 y a y M in Lebanon's 2018 c i l o Parliamentary Election P Nizar Hassan Founded in 1989, the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies is a Beirut-based independent, non-partisan think tank whose mission is to produce and advocate policies that improve good governance in fields such as oil and gas, economic development, public finance, and decentralization. Copyright© 2019 The Lebanese Center for Policy Studies Designed by Polypod Executed by Dolly Harouny Sadat Tower, Tenth Floor P.O.B 55-215, Leon Street, Ras Beirut, Lebanon T: + 961 1 79 93 01 F: + 961 1 79 93 02 [email protected] www.lcps-lebanon.org Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election 1 1 Nizar Hassan The author would like to thank Sami Nizar Hassan is a former researcher at the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. He Atallah, John McCabe, and Georgia Dagher for their contributions to this paper. holds an M.Sc. in Labour, Social Movements and Development from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. At LCPS, his work focused on Lebanese political parties and movements and their policy platforms. His master’s research examined protest movements in Lebanon and he currently researches political behavior in the districts of Chouf and Aley. Nizar co-hosts ‘The Lebanese Politics Podcast’, and his previous work has included news reporting and non-profit project management. 2 LCPS Policy Paper Introduction Prior to the May 2018 Lebanese Parliamentary Election, a majority of 2 2 political parties and emerging political groups launched electoral Henceforth referred to as 'emerging platforms outlining their political and socioeconomic goals and means groups'.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberia - Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 14 October 2010
    Liberia - Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 14 October 2010 Information on the National Patriotic Front of Liberia including activities In July 1999 a paper published by Writenet states: “Taylor’s National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) became the National Patriotic Party (NPP); Kromah’s ULIMO became the All Liberian Coalition Party (ALCOP), while George Boley lined up behind the late President Doe’s (his kinsman) National Democratic Party of Liberia (NDPL).” (Writenet (1 July 1999) Liberia, Can Peace Be Consolidated?,p.17) A publication in April 2006 by the United Kingdom Office includes the following outlines organisations: “National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) Formed in 1989, it began the civil war under the leadership of Charles Taylor, with an invasion into Nimba county that led to its control of large parts of Liberia. It acquired largely Gio and Mano support. Between 1990 and 1994, it controlled much of Liberian territory, but ceased to be active in January 1997. In 1990, a substantial faction of the NPFL split from Taylor, forming the Independent National Patriotic Front of Liberia, but this group collapsed in 1992… National Patriotic Party (NPP) Was led by Charles Taylor. Founded 1997 from the former armed faction the National Patriotic Front of Liberia; won the majority of seats in legislative elections in July 1997. Leader Roland Chris Yarkpah Massaquoi.” (United Kingdom (April 2006) Country of Origin Information Report, Liberia,p.55) A report by the Danish Immigration Service in January 1999 states: “The elections, both presidential and parliamentary, were held a few months behind schedule, on 19 July 1997.
    [Show full text]
  • Compare and Contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology
    1800944 Compare and contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology Fascism is an ideology that has often been left without a solid definition, and it has been interpreted in a variety of ways.1 Fascism has been interpreted as: capitalism’s response to Communism, totalitarian ultra-nationalism, and a community focused authoritarian system which holds contradictory Socialist and conservative values. 2 3 4 Within these differing interpretations’ fascism has been described as; ultra-nationalist, authoritarian, violent, imperialist, collectivist ideology, which holds populist tendencies. Different stands of fascism also tend to add different policies which are relevant to the socio-economic context in order to appeal to the target audience, the people. Italian Fascism evolved from ‘Italian national syndicalism’, ‘revolutionary syndicalism’, and Italian nationalism taking with it their shared beliefs of productivism, and nationalism; whilst also exhibiting conventional fascist traits such as authoritarianism, imperialism, and violence. 5 6 German Fascism evolved from socialism, but also from the issues that Germany was facing in the aftermath of World War Two. German Fascism exhibited typical fascist traits such being nationalist, authoritarian, and violent, but also demonstrated socialist policies, by focusing on the betterment of the community through national projects. 7 Italian and German fascism had varying traits that appeared in different strengths, but the two different versions of fascism were similar. Both Italian and German Fascism came
    [Show full text]
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
    [Show full text]
  • The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon
    The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon Patricio Asfura-Heim • Chris Steinitz with contributions by Ghassan Schbley Cleared for public release DOP-2013-U-006349-Final November 2013 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon: Freedom in the World 2020
    4/8/2020 Lebanon | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Lebanon 44 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 14 /40 Civil Liberties 30 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 45 /100 Partly Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/lebanon/freedom-world/2020 1/20 4/8/2020 Lebanon | Freedom House Overview Lebanon’s political system ensures representation for its many sectarian communities, but suppresses intracommunity competition and impedes the rise of cross-sectarian or secularist parties. Residents enjoy some civil liberties and media pluralism, but grapple with the government’s inability to address pervasive corruption and inconsistent support for the rule of law. Lebanon has also struggled to support the refugees who make up over a quarter of its population, with refugees from Syria facing especially difficult circumstances as they face unemployment, restrictions on movement, and the risk of refoulement. Key Developments in 2019 Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned at the end of October, in the wake of massive antigovernment protests that erupted earlier that month when the government proposed an increase in the value-added tax (VAT) and implemented a new fee for mobile messaging services. The movement was marked by violent clashes between protesters and security forces resulting in dozens of injuries. The government introduced strict new curfews limiting the movement of Syrian refugees, as well as a stringent permit system restricting their access to employment. In May, authorities deported nearly 3,000 refugees, despite concerns that they could be detained and tortured in Syria. Political Rights A.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
    POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections and Democratic Participation a Thematic Collection of Innovative EU-Funded Research Results
    ISSN 2599-8293 CORDIS Results Pack on elections and democratic participation A thematic collection of innovative EU-funded research results May 2019 Understanding turbulent political times through innovative EU‑funded research Research and Innovation Editorial Understanding turbulent political times through innovative EU-funded research The 2019 European elections will possibly be viewed by future Contents historians as a landmark election for the EU due to the extraordinary political context in which they’re taking place and the challenges to democracy this involves. This is why innovative social sciences research is vital in helping us understand the shifting patterns of democratic participation in the 21st century. As such, this Results 3 Pack features 11 EU-funded projects that have been working to Junk news aggregator aims to restore trust in media help us better understand our complex political world and how and democracy citizens view their continually shifting place within it. 5 2019 is a busy year for democratic elections – in Europe alone, aside from the Bridging the gap between the EU and European youth European Parliament elections, various national elections (local, regional, parlia- mentary or presidential) will be taking place in at least 15 EU Member States. Further afield outside the EU, elections have already taken place or are still 7 scheduled in Argentina, Australia, Canada, India, Indonesia, Israel, South Africa, Civiciti: technology at the service of participative Switzerland and Ukraine to name but a few. The United States will be, by the end of democracy 2019, already gearing itself up for its 2020 showdown election between President Donald Trump and his Democratic opponent.
    [Show full text]
  • Once Upon a Time... We Lived Together
    Once upon a time... We lived together Joint work in a multiperspective approach 23 workshops 1900-1945 23 workshops ONCE UPON TIME... WE LIVED TOGETHER Joint work in a multiperspective approach implemented by: EUROCLIO-HIP BiH (History Teachers Association of Bosnia) HUNP (Croatian History Teachers Association) UDI-EUROCLIO (Serbian Association of History Teachers) Slovenian Association of History Teachers ANIM (Association of History Educators in Macedonia) HIPMONT (Association of History Teachers in Montenegro) SHMHK (History Teachers Association of Kosovo) 1900-1945 CONTENTS Introduction................................................4 Assasination as a political tool Rich & Poor 14 Melisa Foric Sarajevo Assassination..............................135 1 Edin Radušić, Bahrudin Beširević Apple of discord - The agrarian question - political and social life in Bosnia and Herzegovina 15 Kiti Jurica - Korda under Austro - Hungarian rule .......................................7 Shots in the Parliament .............................151 2 Arbër Salihu 16 Ivana Dobrivojevic, Goran Miloradovic Agrarian reform in Kingdom of SCS, Assassination as a political tool........... 161 and its influence in different parts of the state ........15 17 Mire Mladenovski 3 Irena Paradžik Kovačič, Vanja Zidar Šmic Endangered state? The Terrorism in Ekonomske razlike u prvoj Jugoslaviji ..............25 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.......................173 Everyday life of common people Conflict and cooperation 4 Emina Zivkovic 18 Mire Mladenovski Some Issues About
    [Show full text]