Analysis of Platforms in Lebanon's 2018 Parliamentary Election
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Report on Fact-Finding Mission to Lebanon 2 - 18 May 1998
The Danish Immigration Service Ryesgade 53 DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø Phone: + 45 35 36 66 00 Website: www.udlst.dk E-mail: [email protected] Report on fact-finding mission to Lebanon 2 - 18 May 1998 List of contents Introduction 1. Political situation A. General political situation in Lebanon at present Continued Israeli presence Taif agreement and Syrian influence Main political issues and events B. Presence of Syrians C. Main Palestinian organisations in Lebanon and their significance D. Lebanese view of Palestinians at present and in future Official position Views of independent sources Palestinian comments Conditions for Palestinians in Syria and Jordan 2. Security conditions A. General security situation in Lebanon at present, including southern Lebanon Territory under the authorities' control Situation in southern Lebanon Security in the camps B. Palestinians' relationship with Lebanese C. Palestinians' relationship with Syrians D. Inter-Palestinian conflicts 3. Palestinians' legal status A. Residence status Legal basis Types of residence status B. Obtaining of identity papers and travel documents, including renewability etc. Travel documents and laissez-passers C. Naturalisation legislation D. Lebanese legal system E. Law enforcement Crime trends Report on fact-finding mission to Lebanon Syrian authority 4. Social and economic conditions A. General living conditions B. Palestinians' access to and entitlement to take up employment and self-employment Legal basis Actual access to employment Self-employment C. Palestinians' entitlement and access to education and training D. Palestinians' access to housing and right to own property E. Other civil rights and duties for Palestinians F. Freedom of movement for Palestinians 5. UNRWA A. UNRWA's role and activities Health Education Social and emergency aid B. -
Lebanon: Military Activities in the Chouf District That Might Have Involved the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF); Links Between
Response to Information Request LBN101023.E Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Home > Research > Responses to Information Requests RESPONSES TO INFORMATION REQUESTS (RIRs) New Search | About RIRs | Help The Board 12 April 2006 About the Board LBN101023.E Biographies Organization Chart Lebanon: Military activities in the Chouf district that might have involved the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF); links between the IDF and the Druze in Lebanon (January Employment 1980 - April 2006) Legal and Policy Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa References Publications According to the Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities, published in 2005, Lebanon's roughly 200,000 Druze form seven percent of the nation's population Tribunal and are mostly concentrated in the Chouf (also spelled Shuf [Mackey 1989, 187]) Refugee Protection mountains south of Beirut (410). Division Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) - Druze Relations During the Lebanese Civil Immigration Division War Immigration Appeal Division In 14 March 2006 correspondence sent to the Research Directorate, a Decisions professor of political science at the American University of Beirut provided the following information: Forms Statistics The IDF [Israeli Defense Forces] occupied the Chouf district in June 1982, during Research their invasion of Lebanon. They completely evacuated the area by the beginning of 1984. Most IDF troops stationed in the Chouf district were Israeli Druze. Apart from Research Program driving the PLO and the Syrian army from the district, the IDF had no military National activity. The IDF achieved its military objective in the Chouf district within a few Documentation days in June 1982... -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Envisioning and Contesting a New Lebanon? Actors, Issues and Dynamics Following the October Protests About International Alert
Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Actors, issues and dynamics following the October protests About International Alert International Alert works with people directly affected by conflict to build lasting peace. We focus on solving the root causes of conflict, bringing together people from across divides. From the grassroots to policy level, we come together to build everyday peace. Peace is just as much about communities living together, side by side, and resolving their differences without resorting to violence, as it is about people signing a treaty or laying down their arms. That is why we believe that we all have a role to play in building a more peaceful future. www.international-alert.org © International Alert 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without full attribution. Layout: Marc Rechdane Front cover image: © Ali Hamouch Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Actors, issues and dynamics following the October protests Muzna Al-Masri, Zeina Abla and Rana Hassan August 2020 2 | International Alert Envisioning and contesting a new Lebanon? Acknowledgements International Alert would like to thank the research team: Muzna Al-Masri, Zeina Abla and Rana Hassan, as well as Aseel Naamani, Ruth Simpson and Ilina Slavova from International Alert for their review and input. We are also grateful for the continuing support from our key funding partners: the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency. -
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah's Communication
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah’s Communication Strategies in the Syrian Civil War Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in International Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Maxwell Scurlock The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Jeffrey Lewis, International Studies Table of Contents Part 1 – Background Information and Historical Context Introduction – 1 1. Historical and Contextual Background – 6 a. Shi‘ism in Historical Context – 9 b. French Mandatory Period, 1920-1945 – 10 c. Independence to Black September, 1945-1970 – 14 d. The Early Years of the Lebanese Civil War and the Emergence of Hezbollah, 1970-1982 – 17 e. Hezbollah’s Formation – 21 f. Hezbollah’s Early Ideological Framework – 23 g. Syrian and Israeli Occupations of Lebanon, 1982-2005 – 24 h. Political Turmoil, 2006 Lebanon War, and 2008 Lebanese Political Crisis – 29 i. Hezbollah’s 2009 Manifesto – 31 j. The Syrian Civil War – 32 k. Sunni Islamists in Lebanon and Syria – 34 l. Lebanese Christians – 37 Part 2 – Analysis of Hezbollah’s Communications 2. Theoretical Approach to Hezbollah’s Communications – 40 3. Hezbollah in Syria – 44 a. Hezbollah’s Participation in Syria – April 30th, 2013 – 44 b. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part One – May 9th, 2013 – 48 c. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part Two – May 25th, 2013 – 50 4. Hezbollah’s Responses to Terrorism – 54 a. An Attack in al-Dahieh – August 16th, 2013 – 54 b. The Bombing of Iran’s Embassy – November 19th, 2013 – 56 5. Further Crises – 62 a. The Assassination of Hezbollah Commander Hassan al-Laqqis – December 3rd, 2013 – 62 b. -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire: Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures Ishac Diwan, Paris Sciences et Lettres Youssef Chaitani, UN ESCWA Working Paper for Discussion The purpose of this paper is to examine the weaknesses and strengths of Lebanon amidst the tensions created by the Syrian conflict that started in 2011. Lebanon’s sectarian governance system has been over 150 years in the making. But the Syrian fire next door, which has taken an increasing sectarian nature, is likely to burn for a long time. With such dire prospects, what is the fate of Lebanon’s governance system? Will it lead the country inexorably towards civil strife? The Lebanese governance system could be described as a horizontal deal among communal oligarchs, supported by vertical organizations within each community. While oligarchs have changed over time, the system itself survived devastating civil wars, endured extensive global and regional influences, and was also undeterred by the projection of power by many external forces, including the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, Iran and Israel. What are the forces at work that make the Lebanese governance system both resilient and resistant to change? In the paper, we use as an analytical framework, which is introduced in section one, the model of limited orders developed by Douglas North and his associates. In section two, we argue that the Syrian civil war is likely to be long lasting. Section three examines the weaknesses and fault-lines of the Lebanese system in light of the Syrian war. Section four explores the factors that continue to contribute to the strength and resilience of Lebanon in spite of the rise in extremist Islamic militancy. -
The Genesis of Hezbollah
POSITION PAPER The Genesis of Hezbollah June 12, 2016 Rachel Naguib INTRODUCTION In the late twentieth century, the Middle East has witnessed a rise of Arab nationalism and a resurgence of Islamic wave that is prominent in both its strength and scope. After being known as “the Switzerland of the Middle East”, Lebanon plunged into the law of the jungle. More specifically, the Islamic movement became the powerful resistance to the existent order, politically and socially that undermine the Lebanese state’s sovereignty. A Shiite movement such as Hezbollah in Lebanon is a clear example of this phenomenon. In the rural region of South Lebanon, 85% of the Shiites were over- represented among the poor working classes.1 Hezbollah began by the transition from groundwork preparation and being marginalized to not only having an organized institution based on norms and rules but also its members serve in both legislature and the cabinet, while simultaneously maintaining an armed militia. In this paper I will analyze what is particular about Hezbollah and what are the circumstances that made it possible for Hezbollah to become a local, regional and international player in the political arena. I will discuss the historical dynamics of the ‘Party of God’ emergence locally, regionally and internationally and its ideology. THE EMERGENCE OF HEZBOLLAH To begin with, the unique characteristics of Hezbollah’s emergence are influenced by numerous factors internally and regionally. The socio-economic and political conditions in Lebanon created by the ongoing Civil War (1975-90), Syria and Iran’s Islamic 1 Hamzeh, Ahmad Nizar. In the Path of Hizbullah. -
Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War and Hezbollah by Megan
Momentary Memorials: Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War and Hezbollah By Megan Elizabeth Miller Department of Art and Art History, University of Colorado Boulder Defended on 4 November, 2014 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Kira van Lil Defense Committee: Dr. Kira van Lil, Department of Art and Art History Dr. Robert Nauman, Department of Art and Art History Frances Charteris, Program for Writing and Rhetoric Miller 2 Abstract The Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) is a product of its diverse participating factions. With more than a dozen political, religious, and social parties, the streets of Lebanon became flooded with contradicting political imageries, influencing public perception of the ‘other’ and inciting military action. Their unique role in Lebanon’s political atmosphere allows such graphics to transcend mere propaganda to become physical sites of memorialization, despite their ephemerality. Posters exhibiting martyrs, political icons, and spiritual references control viewers’ field of vision and prompt their physical accumulation around the images, much like one would see at a funeral or sculptural memorial. These images give cause for public commemoration. Though several militias are disbanded at the end of the civil war, Hezbollah gains notoriety for its rapid advancement, made possible, in part, by the party’s media strategies. Once dominated by images of martyrs, Hezbollah posters begin to memorialize moments in time – their subject matter as ephemeral as their medium. This thesis is an examination of political poster aesthetics and how such is situated within the larger discourses of art history and graphic design, ultimately arguing for Lebanon’s prominent role as an artistic hub in the Middle East. -
21St May 2020 Lebanon Abroad Australia Sydney Website
21st May 2020 Lebanon Abroad Australia Sydney Website: www.lebanonabroad.org Email: [email protected] Phone: +61 400 777 773 Committee Secretariat Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade P.O.Box 6021 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600, Australia Re: Enquiry into Australia to examine and implement sanctions based on Magnitsky Act. Dear Honourable Members of the Committee, Lebanon abroad is an NPO based in Sydney Australia that fully supports the Magnitsky sanction Act to sanction or ban any human rights abuses in all shape and form. "Corruption and terrorism violate and destroy all human rights in society." Political corruption and terrorism in Lebanon are taking place as you read this submission. Both occupy a dominant place to such an extent that it has become an integral part of governance and administration policies that have had an impact and affecting the Lebanese society economically, socially and in environmental terms and has been taking place for decades. All politicians in Lebanon (without exception) abuse their power and their dominant position for private gain. The practice of corruption, terrorism, clientelism, embezzlement of public funds, lobbying, conflicts of interest, favoritism, Ponzi schemes, fuel smuggling, violence, murder, nepotism, unlawful arrests and torture, money laundering and all kinds of unhealthy pressures and influences practiced in all public sectors from the highest hierarchy to the most subordinate function. Bribery has become commonplace and official practice to facilitate business in Lebanon. Many laws against corruption have been enacted but never implemented, either because the necessary decree or law of the application were never issued or because the stipulations of the law made its application impossible (law against illicit enrichment) or because relevant authorities never exercised competences in applying the law. -
Minority Rights Group International : Lebanon : Druze
Minority Rights Group International : Lebanon : Druze World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Lebanon –> Druze Druze Profile There are about 234,000 Druze in Lebanon, located mainly in the Matn, Gharb and Shuf, and smaller communities in Wadi al-Taym in southern Lebanon and in Beirut. Druze are ethnically Arab and Arabic speaking. Their monotheistic religion incorporates many beliefs from Islam, Judaism and Christianity, and is also influenced by Greek philosophy and Hinduism. Druze have not proselytized since the 11th century, and the religion remains closed to outsiders. Historical context The Druze faith emerged from the batini or esoteric tradition of the Isma'ili faith in the early eleventh century, when a small group of Isma'ilis hailed the Fatimid Caliph, al-Hakim (996-1021), as the mahdi (or Guided One) and manifestation of God in his unity; hence they call themselves al-muwahhidun (Unitarians). Persecuted in Egypt, they gained footholds in the Shuf and Wadi al-Taym. Politically, Druze enjoyed supremacy in the Gharb and neighbouring areas from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries, when certain Druze clans gained ascendancy in Mount Lebanon and the Ma'an dynasty was acknowledged by the Ottomans as the family through which to control an unruly region. Druze hegemony over Mount Lebanon declined in the eighteenth and disintegrated in the nineteenth century, the result of internal conflict between ascriptive kinship groups, later exploited by external rulers, who sought to introduce taxation. Decline also reflected progressive demographic and economic ascendancy by the Maronite and Greek Catholic communities, mainly from inland Syria, and the failure of the religious leadership to provide cohesive direction to the community. -
Lebanon's Catalyst for Renewal
LEBANON’S CATALYST FOR RENEWAL BILAL Y. SAAB FEBRUARY 2021 Photo above: Lebanese President, Michel Aoun (C) meets Former Prime Minister of Lebanon, Saad Hariri (R), and Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri (L) in Beirut, Lebanon on October 22, 2020. Photo by Lebanese Presidency/Handout/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images. The Arab uprisings of the past decade have produced some of the most glorious and memorable phrases. From al-shaab yurid isqat al-nizam (“the people want to topple the regime”) and irhal! (“leave!”) to thawra! (“revolution!”) and Killon yaani killon silmiya, silmiya (“peaceful, peaceful”), Arabs from various parts (“all of them means of the region and all walks of life have joined together in chant expressing their desire for justice, dignity, and opportunity. all of them”) is an incredibly heavy Though revolutionary slogans by definition are imbued with lift. Probably an idealism, one seemed to stand out from the rest for its boldness impossible one too. and rejection of compromise. Killon yaani killon (“all of them means all of them”)1 was heard across Lebanon in 2019 when thousands of Lebanese took to the streets demanding the removal of not just a political leader or a government but the entire political class for its systematic corruption and direct role in leading the country to financial ruin and humanitarian catastrophe. 2 “What might serve as a catalyst for change is civil society and reform- oriented political parties coming together to form a larger political force that can … gradually alter the political rules of the game.” Though this wasn’t the first time the Lebanese fought for their rights change in the country because on its own, it’s unlikely it will be — they did it in spectacular fashion on March 14, 2005 when they able to drastically reform what is a deeply entrenched sectarian and called for the ousting of Syrian troops from the country and again feudal system. -
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon
The Specter of Sunni Military Mobilization in Lebanon Patricio Asfura-Heim • Chris Steinitz with contributions by Ghassan Schbley Cleared for public release DOP-2013-U-006349-Final November 2013 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the glob- al community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “prob- lem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the follow- ing areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr.