DOCSLIB.ORG

Mussolini, 23.4.Notebook April 23, 2012

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 ITALY, MUSSOLINI AND THE RISE OF FASCISM • The united nationalstate Italy­1861. PROBLEMS; • Division wealthy north/poor south. • Illiteracy • Corruption, bureaucracy, limited confidence in the political system. • The Vatican state­papal ban • Constant violent friction landowners vs. landless peasants. • American emigration. • Cosa nostra (maffia) • Nationalists vs. socialists nov 17­18:55 PROBLEMS IN ITALY BEFORE THE GREAT WAR: • The power in the hands of a small elite. • Italian national identity only superficially established in rural areas (especially in the backward South). • Illitteracy, no welfare. • Hostile and powerful Catholic Church. • No popular Press, political corruption. • A giant gap between cities and countryside, between North and South. apr 23­19:52 1 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 THE GREAT WAR • Declaration of neutrality • The popular opinion divided­violent clashes between nationalists and socialists. Catholics and Socialists opposed it. • Benito Mussolini • Declaration of war, 26.4.1915 (Treaty of London ­ secret promises of land areas). • Massive casualties and suffering nov 17­19:17 THE MUTILATED VICTORY • High hopes as Italy was on the winning side. • 600 000 dead, 950 000 wounded • 250 000 crippled for life • National bancrupcy, warinflation • Returning soldiers unemployed • Italy disapointed and humiliated in the peaceconference nov 17­19:31 2 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 Economic disaster: • many firms geared to the demands of war ­ bankrupt. • During 1919 the lira lost 2/3 of its value. • many middle­class savings wiped out. • Strikes, factory occupations, food riots. nov 27­19:32 FASCISM • 'Arditi' ­ special forces during the war organised themselves. Mussolini became a leading member. • In 1919 he reorganised his group into the 'Fascio di Combattimento'. • The objective was to fight communism. Violent clashes, landowners and industrialists supported the fascists. nov 17­19:45 3 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 • Fascism was specifically an Italian term in origin. • The 'Fasces' were a bundle of rods which were signs of power from the time of the Etruscians. • Central to Mussolini's view was the idea of the all­powerful state. Each individual should work for the good of the state which would result in strength and glory. • Fascism wasn't conservative, as it favoured radical changes. • Violently anti­Marxist. apr 23­20:05 apr 23­20:14 4 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:14 apr 23­20:15 5 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:15 apr 23­20:18 6 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:18 apr 23­20:19 7 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:19 apr 23­20:19 8 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:20 apr 23­20:21 9 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:22 apr 23­20:22 10 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:23 D'ANNUNZIO AND FIUME • Annoyed after the war Gabriele D'Annunzio organised a private army and invaded Fiume. He ruled the town as a dictator for more than a year. A pirate state. • The town attracted young italians who enjoyed excitement. • The international opinion finally forced Italy to take action and force D'Annunzio out of Fiume. • Mussolini admired D'Annunzio and became convinced he could make his way to power with direct force. nov 17­20:19 11 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 FASCIST MOBILISATION • The clashes between socialists and fascists escalated 1920. The state was on the edge to civil war. • Landowners, industrialists, bankers but also middle and lowered middle classes rallied behind the fascist party in their fear of communism. • Economic fundament of the movement. • The police usually didn't intervene with fascist violent expeditions. • In the parliamentary elections 1921 the fascists succeeded in getting 35/535 seats. 1900, how to Battle Communism http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OMpqzwJkK8Q nov 17­21:26 apr 23­20:24 12 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:25 apr 23­20:26 13 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:27 AGRARIAN AND URBAN FASCISM It was the furious escalation of the class war that consolidated the partnership between fascism and property. First in this process was the employment during the winter of 1920 of Fascist paramilitary SQUADRISTI by the big landowners who were determined to break the power of the peasant leagues and cooperatives. This Agrarian fascism differed markedly from the Urban fascism; it was more terroristic and antidemocratic. Fascism the servant of a brutal right. The year 1920 ­ the establishment of a general confederation of industry (Confindustria) whose purpose was to counter working­class agitation by force if necessary. nov 24­10:19 14 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 Italy's capitalists expected Fascism to speed up modernization by authoritarian means and a violent suppression of the left. The deliberate stimulation of anarchy served to keep propertied interests in a state of alarm. With the government unable or unwilling to intervene, Fascism seemed the only safeguard; in effect, it acquired a monopoly of antibolshevism. nov 24­13:13 THE ELECTION OF 1921 Because his party offered action Mussolini gained from the weakness of the shifting governments and from the unrest in the country. Giolitti (p.m.) was searching for allies against the socialists in 1921 and he decided to use the fascists. He believed he could easily dominate Mussolini. He made a sad mistake and he must be held responsible for giving Mussolini another chance. To bring the fascists into Giolitti's parliamentary coalition, it was first necessary to include them in the national list of government­backed candidates. During the 1921 election the government used Fascist support to unseat Socialists deputies. The Fascists beat up opponents. The police remained neutral or actively aided them. 35 fascists out of a total of 535 seats were elected. nov 24­13:15 15 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:27 1921 ­ 22 Giolitti failed to hold his coalition together (Mussolini did his best to break up the government. The fascists immediately took their seats with the Nationalists on the extreme right of the chamber in opposition to Giolitti). Giolitti was replaced by Bonorni and he, in his turn, with Facta. None of them were able to build up a stable government. At the same time local fascist leaders did their best to cause unrest in the country. nov 24­13:17 16 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 apr 23­20:28 Aristocratic nationalists provided an entry for Fascism into court circles. This was also helped by the fact that Mussolini declared being a monarchist that same year. The aristocracy and the upper­bourgeoise tolerated fascism as long as it performed certain tasks for them. It was a dangerous game to play. The new pope Pius XI (1922) and Mussolini were on good terms. Liberals turned an blind eye to Fascist brutalities. Liberal journals saw fascist assault on the most elementary rights as justified as the only alternative to anarchy. 'Fascism would grew tamer as times went by'. Numerous italian intellectuals thought the same way, Fascism could be made law­abiding. The army was loyal to king Victor Emmanuel III who feared a civil war. As a result he made no effort to co­operate with the government against the growing Fascist­movement. A movement which was supported by many property owners who feared disorder and Communism. The bulk of Fascism's popular support came from the petty bourgeoise or lower middle­class (small shopkeepers, clerical workers, teachers). These were the ones who were not very poor but who didn't escape harm in the postwar slump. The ones who dreamed of climbing up the ladder and at the same time were terrified by the thought of workers reaching the same hierarchial status as themselves. nov 24­13:21 17 mussolini, 23.4.notebook April 23, 2012 MUSSOLINIS WAY TO POWER The more the Fascists enjoyed the confidence of the power structure, the less they needed a violent coup to obtain power. Eager to create the impression of fascism as a revolutionary movement, Fascist propaganda later asserted that power was taken by force in 1922. The truth was somewhat different. On 12 May 1922 the Fascists (63.000) took over the town of Ferrara and didn't leave before the government promised to carry out a scheme of public works there. Mussolini was constantly terrified by the thought the government would use arms against fascist massactions, but they didn't. On 1 August 1922 the Socialists proclaimed a general strike as a protest against fascist actions in Romagna. This played into Mussolinis hands for he could offer to break the strike when the government did nothing. He could appear as the man to restore order while making use of his disorderly supporters. It provided an excuse for further Fascist lawlessness. The strike collapsed after a day and Mussolini and his Fascists gained increasing support. People began to feel that the Fascists might bring a return to order. On August 3, the fascist Squadristi invaded the city hall of Milan and expelled its socialist administration. Now it was only a matter of time before an attack on the legal capital, Rome. nov 24­13:24 THE MARCH ON ROME 1922 The Italian government had virtually broken down by October 1922. P.M. Facta suggested that the entire cabinet should resign and when this idea was turn down by his colleagues he began to think in terms of a coalition with the fascists.
Recommended publications
  • Chapter One: Introduction

    Chapter One: Introduction

    CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways.
  • Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930S to the Present

    Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930S to the Present

    Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930s to the Present Undergraduate Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors research distinction in Spanish in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Benjamin Chiappone The Ohio State University April 2020 Project Advisor: Professor Eugenia Romero, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Co-Advisor: Professor Ignasi Gozalo-Salellas, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………3 1. The Franco Regime • Francoism & Fascist European Counterparts…………………………………………6 • Franco & the Coup d’état……………………………………………………10 • Memory of the Dictatorship…………………………………………………...12 2. Left-Wing Reactions • CNT & Anarchist Traditions…………………………………………14 • ETA’s Terrorism………………………………………………………………21 • The Catatonia Crisis…………………………………………………………31 • Catalonia & Protest Through the 1992 Olympic Games…………………..35 3. VOX: a Right-Wing Reaction • VOX’s Success & Politics……………………………..…………………...41 Conclusion……………………………………………………..……………..50 2 Introduction George Santayana, a 20th century philosopher once said, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” In Spain’s Pacto de Olvido, the goal was just that, to forget. The pact was initially a political decision, but was given legal legitimacy in the Ley De Amnistía. The decree prevented any accountability for the people who were killed, tortured, and exiled during the civil war. It pardoned those (even far-right military commanders) who were involved in the regime, allowed those who were exiled to return to Spain, and has prevented the nation from investigating human rights violations under the dictatorship. Further, the pact prevented any observation of the war or any commission to look into who bore responsibility for the war (Encarnación). Regardless, memory is crucial in order to understand the past of a nation and its trajectory moving forward.
  • From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: the Italian Economic and Military Expansion Endeavour in the Balkan-Danube Area

    From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: the Italian Economic and Military Expansion Endeavour in the Balkan-Danube Area

    Studies in Political and Historical Geography Vol. 8 (2019): 117–137 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.07 Corrado Montagnoli From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: The Italian economic and military expansion endeavour in the Balkan-Danube area Abstract: During the years that followed the end of the Great War, the Adriatic area found itself in a period of deep economic crisis due to the emptiness caused by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The ancient Habsburg harbours, which had recently turned Italian, had lost their natural positions of Mitteleuropean economic outlets toward the Mediterranean due to the new political order of Central-Eastern Europe. Rome, then, attempted a series of economic manoeuvres aimed at improving Italian trade in the Julian harbours, first of all the port of Trieste, and at encouraging Italian entrepreneurial penetration in the Balkans. Resolved in a failure, the desire for commercial boost toward the oriental Adriatic shore coincided with the Dalmatian Irredentism and became a topic for claiming the 1941 military intervention across the Balkan peninsula. Italian geopoliticians, who had just developed the geopolitical discipline in Italy, made the Adriatic-Balkan area one of their most discussed topics. The fascist geopolitical project aimed at creating an economic aisle between the Adriatic and the Black Sea, in order to bypass the Turkish straits and become completion and outlet toward the Mediterranean of the Nazi Baltic-Mitteleuropean space in the north. Rome attempted the agreement with the other Danubian States, which subscribed the Tripartite Pact, in order to create a kind of economic cooperation area under the Italian lead.
  • Sicily and the Surrender of Italy

    Sicily and the Surrender of Italy

    United States Army in World War II Mediterranean Theater of Operations Sicily and the Surrender of Italy by Albert N. Garland and Howard McGaw Smyth Assisted by Martin Blumenson CENTER OF MILITARY HISTORY UNITED STATES ARMY WASHINGTON, D.C., 1993 Chapter XIV The Climax Sardinia Versus the Mainland The successful invasion of Sicily clarified strategic problems and enabled the Allies to turn from debate to decision. The Combined Chiefs of Staff at the TRIDENT Conference in May had directed General Eisenhower to knock Italy out of the war and contain the maximum number of German forces, but they had not told him how. Preparing to launch operations beyond the Sicilian Campaign, AFHQ had developed several outline plans: BUTTRESS, invasion of the Italian toe by the British 10 Corps; GOBLET, a thrust at the ball of the Italian foot by the British 5 Corps; BRIMSTONE, invasion of Sardinia; and FIREBRAND, invasion of Corsica. But a firm decision on the specific course of action to be taken was still lacking.1 The four plans, Eisenhower had explained to Churchill during the Algiers meetings in June, pointed to two broad alternative courses. If the Axis resisted vigorously in Sicily, thereby forecasting high Italian morale and a bitter and protracted struggle for the Allies, then BRIMSTONE and FIREBRAND, insular operations, were preferable. Otherwise, operations on the Italian mainland were more promising. Despite Churchill's articulate enthusiasm for the latter course, Eisenhower had made no commitment. He awaited the factual evidence to be furnished in Sicily. Meanwhile, the Americans and British continued to argue over strategy.
  • Compare and Contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology

    Compare and Contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology

    1800944 Compare and contrast Italian and German Nazi Ideology Fascism is an ideology that has often been left without a solid definition, and it has been interpreted in a variety of ways.1 Fascism has been interpreted as: capitalism’s response to Communism, totalitarian ultra-nationalism, and a community focused authoritarian system which holds contradictory Socialist and conservative values. 2 3 4 Within these differing interpretations’ fascism has been described as; ultra-nationalist, authoritarian, violent, imperialist, collectivist ideology, which holds populist tendencies. Different stands of fascism also tend to add different policies which are relevant to the socio-economic context in order to appeal to the target audience, the people. Italian Fascism evolved from ‘Italian national syndicalism’, ‘revolutionary syndicalism’, and Italian nationalism taking with it their shared beliefs of productivism, and nationalism; whilst also exhibiting conventional fascist traits such as authoritarianism, imperialism, and violence. 5 6 German Fascism evolved from socialism, but also from the issues that Germany was facing in the aftermath of World War Two. German Fascism exhibited typical fascist traits such being nationalist, authoritarian, and violent, but also demonstrated socialist policies, by focusing on the betterment of the community through national projects. 7 Italian and German fascism had varying traits that appeared in different strengths, but the two different versions of fascism were similar. Both Italian and German Fascism came
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)

    Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)

    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
  • Buddhism from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump To: Navigation, Search

    Buddhism from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump To: Navigation, Search

    Buddhism From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search A statue of Gautama Buddha in Bodhgaya, India. Bodhgaya is traditionally considered the place of his awakening[1] Part of a series on Buddhism Outline · Portal History Timeline · Councils Gautama Buddha Disciples Later Buddhists Dharma or Concepts Four Noble Truths Dependent Origination Impermanence Suffering · Middle Way Non-self · Emptiness Five Aggregates Karma · Rebirth Samsara · Cosmology Practices Three Jewels Precepts · Perfections Meditation · Wisdom Noble Eightfold Path Wings to Awakening Monasticism · Laity Nirvāṇa Four Stages · Arhat Buddha · Bodhisattva Schools · Canons Theravāda · Pali Mahāyāna · Chinese Vajrayāna · Tibetan Countries and Regions Related topics Comparative studies Cultural elements Criticism v • d • e Buddhism (Pali/Sanskrit: बौद धमर Buddh Dharma) is a religion and philosophy encompassing a variety of traditions, beliefs and practices, largely based on teachings attributed to Siddhartha Gautama, commonly known as the Buddha (Pāli/Sanskrit "the awakened one"). The Buddha lived and taught in the northeastern Indian subcontinent some time between the 6th and 4th centuries BCE.[2] He is recognized by adherents as an awakened teacher who shared his insights to help sentient beings end suffering (or dukkha), achieve nirvana, and escape what is seen as a cycle of suffering and rebirth. Two major branches of Buddhism are recognized: Theravada ("The School of the Elders") and Mahayana ("The Great Vehicle"). Theravada—the oldest surviving branch—has a widespread following in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, and Mahayana is found throughout East Asia and includes the traditions of Pure Land, Zen, Nichiren Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, Shingon, Tendai and Shinnyo-en. In some classifications Vajrayana, a subcategory of Mahayana, is recognized as a third branch.
  • Once Upon a Time... We Lived Together

    Once Upon a Time... We Lived Together

    Once upon a time... We lived together Joint work in a multiperspective approach 23 workshops 1900-1945 23 workshops ONCE UPON TIME... WE LIVED TOGETHER Joint work in a multiperspective approach implemented by: EUROCLIO-HIP BiH (History Teachers Association of Bosnia) HUNP (Croatian History Teachers Association) UDI-EUROCLIO (Serbian Association of History Teachers) Slovenian Association of History Teachers ANIM (Association of History Educators in Macedonia) HIPMONT (Association of History Teachers in Montenegro) SHMHK (History Teachers Association of Kosovo) 1900-1945 CONTENTS Introduction................................................4 Assasination as a political tool Rich & Poor 14 Melisa Foric Sarajevo Assassination..............................135 1 Edin Radušić, Bahrudin Beširević Apple of discord - The agrarian question - political and social life in Bosnia and Herzegovina 15 Kiti Jurica - Korda under Austro - Hungarian rule .......................................7 Shots in the Parliament .............................151 2 Arbër Salihu 16 Ivana Dobrivojevic, Goran Miloradovic Agrarian reform in Kingdom of SCS, Assassination as a political tool........... 161 and its influence in different parts of the state ........15 17 Mire Mladenovski 3 Irena Paradžik Kovačič, Vanja Zidar Šmic Endangered state? The Terrorism in Ekonomske razlike u prvoj Jugoslaviji ..............25 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.......................173 Everyday life of common people Conflict and cooperation 4 Emina Zivkovic 18 Mire Mladenovski Some Issues About
  • Congressional R.Ecor.D-House 1973

    Congressional R.Ecor.D-House 1973

    1926 CONGRESSIONAL R.ECOR.D-HOUSE 1973 ~ Cliariie 'B. 'Starke, Holland. The Journal of' the proceedings of yesterday was read and Edmond\V. Corley, ·Humble. appro-ved. Albert L. Jennings, Kosse. ' \. LEAVE OF ABSENCE Hem·y B. Harrison, La Porte. By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to Mr. Ali de Schneider, Marion. MoRGAN, for five days, on account of important business. · Uae Sheen, Mertzon. Lucy Breen, Mineola. _ O.MNffiUS BUILDI:SG BILL ·· Mary L. Hardy, Newcastle. Mr. BUSBY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to ex­ Audry R. Redden, Ponta. -tend my remarks in the RECORD on H. R. 7182, relating to public Leland S. Howard, Roscoe. buildings. TIRGINIA The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Mississippi asks unani­ Cecil G. Wood, Ashland. mous consent to extend his remarks in the RECORD in the Creighton Angell, Boone Mill. manner indicated. Is there objection? Samuel T. Ranson, Bremo Bluff. There was no objection. 'Villard B. Alfred, Clarksville. Mr. BUSBY. .1\lr. Speaker, on Friday of last week, which Nancy E. Berry, Dahlgren. was January 8, I. introduced in the House H. R. 7182, which Daniel V. Richmond, Ewing. bill was in tbe nature of an omnibus building bill relating Bernard R. Powell, Franklin City. directly to post-office buildings throughout the country. Lewis B. Connelly, Lawrenceville. It includes ·altogether 418 building projects and the items Leonard G. Perh.'ins, Mineral. contained in the bill, designating places for buildings, are m~ William E. Hudson, Monroe. eluded in sections 1, 2, 3, and 4. Mary B. Wickes, New :Market. Tbe items in section 1 are listed by tbe Secretary of tb&o Fillie C.
  • Building Political Parties

    Building Political Parties

    Building political parties: Reforming legal regulations and internal rules Pippa Norris Harvard University Report commissioned by International IDEA 2004 1 Contents 1. Executive summary........................................................................................................................... 3 2. The role and function of parties....................................................................................................... 3 3. Principles guiding the legal regulation of parties ........................................................................... 5 3.1. The legal regulation of nomination, campaigning, and elections .................................................................. 6 3.2 The nomination stage: party registration and ballot access ......................................................................... 8 3.3 The campaign stage: funding and media access...................................................................................... 12 3.4 The electoral system: electoral rules and party competition....................................................................... 13 3.5: Conclusions: the challenges of the legal framework ................................................................................ 17 4. Strengthening the internal life of political parties......................................................................... 20 4.1 Promoting internal democracy within political parties ............................................................................. 20 4.2 Building
  • Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization

    Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization

    Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation.
  • Italian Studies) School of Humanities University of Western Australia 2011

    Italian Studies) School of Humanities University of Western Australia 2011

    European Languages and Studies (Italian Studies) School of Humanities University of Western Australia 2011 Catholic Women’s Movements in Liberal and Fascist Italy This thesis is presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia. Helena Aulikki Dawes BA (Hons) ANU, MA Monash, BEc UWA, GradDipA (Adv) UWA CONTENTS Abbreviations ii Note on Citations iii Preface iv Introduction 1 Chapter One The Italian State, the Catholic Church and Women 7 Chapter Two The Cultural, Political and Ideological Context of femminismo cristiano 56 Chapter Three Femminismo cristiano 88 Chapter Four Elisa Salerno’s Contribution to femminismo cristiano 174 Chapter Five The Conservative Catholic Women’s Movements 237 Conclusion 333 Bibliography 337 i ABBREVIATIONS ACV Archivi ecclesiastici della diocesi (Curia vescovile), Vicenza AEP Archivio Elena da Persico (Fondazione Elena da Persico), Affi, Verona AGOP Fondo Giustiniani Bandini (Archivum generale Ordinis praedicatorum), Rome ARM Archivio Romolo Murri (Fondazione Romolo Murri), Urbino BCB Biblioteca civica bertoliana, Vicenza FAC Fondo Adelaide Coari (Fondazione per le scienze religiose Giovanni XXIII), Bologna FES Fondo Elisa Salerno (Centro documentazione e studi “Presenza Donna”), Vicenza ii NOTE ON CITATIONS All citations are presented respecting the original spelling, accentuation, capitalization, punctuation and typefaces. Occasionally changes have been made to paragraphing. iii PREFACE The writing of this thesis has depended on access to published documents and archival material in Italy and Australia. I have been able to rely on the excellent interlibrary loans and reader services of the Reid Library of the University of Western Australia, and I am most grateful to its staff for the assistance and courtesy they have shown to me.