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Notes and Observations, Critical and Explanatory, on the Papers Relative to the Internal State of the Country

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Notes and Observations, Critical and Explanatory, on the Papers Relative to the Internal State of the Country Glass Book ! , : NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS, fflrttt'cal anlj^xplanatorg, ON THE PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE INTERNAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY, RECENTLY PRESENTED TO PARLIAMENT To which is appended, TO MR. FRANCIS PHILIPS'S (t Exposure of the Calumnies circulated by the Enemies of Social " Order, and reiterated by their Abettors, against the Magis- ** trates and the Yeomanry Cavalry of Manchester and " Salfordr BY A MEMBER OF THE MANCHESTER COMMITTE Tor relieving the Sufferers of the I6lh of August, 1819. Et errat longe mea quidem sententia Qui imperium credat gravius esse aut stabilius Vi quod fit, quara illud quod amicitia adjungitur. Ten Addphi. Id quidem, ego, etsi tu neges, certe scio Te inscientem atque imprudentem, dicei-e ac f'acere omnia Tot peccata in hac re ostendis. Ter. Heaut. LONDON; PUBL1SHEDBY EFFINGHAM WILSON, ROYAL EXCHANGE. 1820. TO THE HON. HENRY GREY BENNET, M. P. Sir, In dedicating to you the ensuing pages, I take a liberty, to which I am only encouraged from knowing the anxiety you feel, that the pre- vailing disposition to attribute to the labouring classes, designs wrhich they have never enter- tained, and to misrepresent their actual conduct, should be exposed, and its mischievous tendency counteracted. Within the walls of the House of Commons, no one has exerted himself more laudably, or with greater effect, for this purpose, than you ; and if I succeed in giving to your powerful arguments any additional confirmation, my hopes will be sa- tisfied—- my intentions fulfilled. You, Sir, upon a recent occasion well observed, that " the people of England were not now to be governed in the same manner as a century ago ;" and in the true spirit of this declaration, you have endeavoured to expose and to put down that strange anomalous system of local government to VI which circumstances have here long subjected us, and of the existence of which, the events of the 16th of August were a mere manifestation. The restrictive Bills, which are now passing through the British Parliament, 1 believe owe their existence to a determination to maintain and uphold that system in this neighbourhood, the previous operation of which has created every pretence that can be urged in their favour, and which, if I am not deceived, will, in its future proceedings, far transcend all that the most stre- nuous opposers of those military measures had considered within the probable range of their mis- chiefs. INo friend to the maintenance of well-regulated freedom can regard, without great jealousy and suspicion, the investing of any Magistrates with such discretionary powers, as are conferred by the " Seditious Meetings Bill," and the " Search for Arms Bill ;" and no one who knows the natural tendency of uncontrolled power to degenerate into gross abuse, or who understands the constitution and the character of a great part of the magis- tracy of this district, can look forward to the ex- ecution of those acts without considerable appre- hension and alarm. It is satisfactory however to reflect, that though the Magistrates may receive ministerial thanks and parliamentary sanction, there is another bar at Vll which they must plead—another tribunal before which they will be summoned, whose decisions, influence cannot guide, nor power overawe. Pub- lic opinion has stamped an indelible character on the transactions of the 16th of August, and will rigidly scrutinize the future conduct of those with whom originated the proceedings of that day. The dreadful mass of misery which the disper- sion of the meeting by military violence has caused, cannot be conceived of, by those whose know- ledge of the subject is wholly gathered from Newspaper details. If I were to relate but a small part of what I have personally witnessed, the public would feel, that, though there may have been errors or misrepresentation in individual cases, there is no ground for imputing to those who have written or spoken upon the affair, a general disposition to exaggerate. Your private virtues and your political indepen- dence are well known to, and correctly appreciated by, the most enlightened portion of your fellow countrymen. And I am persuaded that those whose good opinion you would most value, fully concur with you in thinking, that on that melancholy occa- sion, to which the following pages owe their origin, the outrage offered to common humanity, and to constitutional law, was equally undeniable and alarming. Vlll That you may Jong continue to maintain that high station amongst the friends of public liberty, which an honest estimation of your talents and your exertions has assigned to you, is my anxious wish. Entreating your pardon for this intru- sion, I have the honor to be, Sir, With great respect, Your most obedient Servant, THE AUTHOR. Manchester', 18th Dec. 1819. PREFACE. I HAD determined to publish Observations and Notes, on the papers presented by Ministers to Parliament, rela- tive to the internal state of the country, before Mr. Francis Philips's Pamphlet came out. For it seemed to me of im- portance, that the public should be aware, upon what insuf- ficient and how frequently upon what false statements, the good character and loyalty of the inhabitants of this exten- sive and populous district had been impeached. A Reply to Mr. Philips's " Exposure," &c. was a not unnatural addition to my original plan ; and I decided more readily upon noticing that pamphlet, because I might there- by have an opportunity of introducing facts and reasonings, which could not be easily connected with mere comments upon the parliamentary papers, but with which, in order to furnish the means of forming a just conclusion upon sub- jects that have created such unexampled interest, it was necessary that the Nation should be acquainted. I cannot pretend to view recent events here, merely as a citizen of the world. I cannot undertake to assert, that my judgment has been wholly freed from die influence of my political opinions. But I hope I know myself sufficiently to render it neither unsafe nor presumptuous for me to say, b X PREFACE. I am not capable of wilfully suppressing any fact, whatever might be its operation, even upon an argument I desired to establish ; and that no local occurrence, sufficiently authen- tic and important to influence public proceedings, would be likely to escape my notice. I wish it to be distinctly understood, that whatever I may say in the subsequent pages, respecting Mr. Francis Philips, will be meant to apply to him exclusively as a writer and a politician. I disclaim all intention of treating him with personal disrespect. But it affords little prospect of ulti- mate agreement with a writer, when the first page of his Preface contains a statement, not to be disputed as matter of opinion, but to be directly contradicted as untrue. I am not about to charge Mr. Philips with designed mis- statements, but they who undertake the " exposure of ca- lumnies," should take care to be free themselves ; not merely from the imputation of calumny, but of ignorance. Mr. Philips says, in reference to the " declaration and protest," that, " notwithstanding the persuasive arguments of the leaders, whose exertions were indefatigable, the total num- ber of signatures amounted only to ^80 names." It is true, that the number of names advertized in the Manchester papers, was not more than Mr. Philips has mentioned; but the number of persons by whom the " declaration and pro- test" were signed, was more than ten times as great ; in other words, between five and six thousand : and it is further true, that the document itself, with the whole of the names subjoined, was printed and published in the shape of a small pamphlet, long before Mr. Philips's " Exposure" came out. It is, however, certainly possible, that Mr. Philips may have been unacquainted with this fact. Should it be asked, why the whole of the names were not advertized in the newspapers, I answer, it was thought better to put them into a more permanent shape ; and also, that as our political PREFACE. XI expenses are not paid out of the poor's rates, economy was necessarily kept in view. If I mistake not, Mr. Philips will understand my allusion. To the revilings, which Mr. Philips applies to those by whom the u declaration and protest " were signed, I consi- der it beneath me to reply. As the character of those gen- tlemen can be in no danger from his attacks, so, neither could I serve them by the obtrusion of a defence. But if it be matter of complaint in Mr. Philips's estima- tion, that at the time our document was signed, the u pas- sions excited at the instant " of the meeting, u could not have given way to reflection," what upon his own principle can be said in favour of the meeting at the Star Inn, held on the 19th of August, for the purpose of thanking the magistrates, military, &c. five days before the declaration and protest was drawn up ? Oh, that of course was " a most respectable and numerous meeting"—" the large room at the Star Inn was crowded. Since 1812, when the last public towrfs-meeting was held, and the Exchange windows and furniture destroyed, I do not recollect a fuller attend- ance (parish meetings of ley-payers excepted,) and in point of respectability, I never witnessed one superior to it." So, by its managers, this assembly was designated as " a nume- rous and highly respectable meeting of the inhabitants of Manchester and Salford, and their neighbourhood ;" they meaning thereby falsely to insinuate, that the inhabitants at large knew of, or recognized, the meeting, or would have been permitted to attend it ; when the fact is, that no pub- lic notice of it was given ; —that invitations were addressed exclusively to those who were supposed to be favourable to the object of it;—that those who did not approve of its views, were repeatedly requested to leave the room ; and that all deliberation or discussion on certain points was ex- clusively forbidden.
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