Inter-ethnic relations in (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

Oľga Šrajerová, , Opava, , [email protected]

ŠRAJEROVÁ, Oľga. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava). Človek a spoločnosť, 2017, roč. 20, č. 1, s. 1-21.

Abstract: Silesia has never constituted a consistent and stable state or territorial administrative unit; it has been a traditional object of international and inter-state relations, a subject of international confrontation. The area of our research is Czech Silesia, the third historical land of the Czech Republic, lying along the borders with Poland and representing a traditionally ethnically mixed area. The cornerstones of its today’s ethnic structure are the Czechs, the Poles, the Slovaks and less numerous groups of Germans, Hungarians, Ukrainians and Romani. The ethnic mixture of the area anticipates the relations of people of different ethnic groups in various life situations at different levels - personal relations in everyday life in the families, relations with friends and neighbours, inter-group relations at the working process with the colleagues, relations at cultural, social and leisure activities. The question of national consciousness, the mother tongue, the legal status of ethnic minorities and their perception by the majority, the questions associated with bilingualism in the region of Těšín, as well as opinions on the homeland, etc., form an integral part of this issue. We paid attention to this extensive range of issues within our sociological research. We focused on the issues of Silesian identity and the collective memory of the inhabitants of the region of Silesia, which we conducted in the Silesian Institute SZM in Opava, within the project of National and cultural identity (NAKI) from 2011 to 2015.The results of these extensive sociological research was an important source of information during the preparation of the submitted study. The study examines interethnic relations in the ethnically mixed area of Czech Silesia. The study introduces the ethnic composition of the researched region in the past and the present. We were interested in the national composition of both the respondents of our survey and their families. We looked closer at the ethnic heterogamy, the questions of national consciousness and the issue of the mother tongue. The study also tracks the cultural and social life of Silesian citizens of different nationalities. The main attention is paid to the issues of interethnic relations between the citizens of different nationalities, mostly to the relation between the Czech majority and the ethnic minorities – Polish and Slovak. As an ethnically mixed region, Silesia is very interesting for its complex of mutual interethnic relations, so we can investigate the contacts between the people of different nationalities at various levels – families, friends, neighbours, workplace, etc. The co-existence of people of different nationalities conditions the formation of the relations of the local inhabitants to their region and to the issues associated with the above-mentioned co- existence. Our research revealed that the people from Silesia are able to accept and to reflect the fact that they live in an ethnically mixed area. The extent, into which they accept the inhabitants of different nationalities, seems to be a significant aspect of the interethnic relations. The ethnic diversity of the region of Silesia determined not only the relationships between the inhabitants themselves, but also towards the region - formation of the regional identity. It was different with the original inhabitants who realized the specificity and diversity of this area from the other parts of the Czech Republic, and different it was with the inhabitants of the immigrant origin with whom the relationship to the region was formed gradually and did not have such intensity as with the original inhabitants. Compared to the pre-war period, the ethnic structure of the population of Silesia is homogeneous, but is still highly varied. The Czech and Polish (exceptionally also German) original inhabitants live here. The immigrants are mostly the Czechs, but also the Slovaks and the Romani, and there are also small groups of the Hungarians, the Greeks, the Bulgarians, the Romanians, the Rusyns and members of other nationalities.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

This factor is reflected in the ethnic relations between the inhabitants of this region. Some of them lived in ethnically mixed families, which significantly determines the choice of national affiliation of their children, as well as the linguistic communication and the formation of language consciousness. They often used the bilingual linguistic communication. They were also interested in the culture of other ethnic minorities living in Silesia; they are bi- or multi-cultural. Some of them are actively involved in the cultural and social life of the ethnic minorities. They also encountered members of other nationalities, in public places or at the workplace, and their friends were of other nationalities as well. Regarding the inter-ethnic relations, the respondents of our research put main emphasis on personal qualities rather than ethnic affiliation. A crucial role in the formation of national identity and the mother tongue was attributed to their parents. A vast majority of the surveyed inhabitants of Silesia were not only aware of the ethnic heterogeneity of the region they lived in and oriented themselves well in it, but they had quite a tolerant approach to it, they did not mind it and, on the contrary, they considered it as a significant enriching aspect. Greater tolerance to the ethnic mixture was traditionally shown by the members of the ethnic minorities rather than the members of the Czech majority. Reservations regarding the inhabitants of other ethnic groups were pointed most often to the Romani for their maladjustment. Also, the situation in the relations between the people of different nationalities in Silesia after 1989 was rated by the participants our research as good. Generally, based on the research findings, we can conclude that Silesia, as an ethnically mixed region, is very interesting for its complexity of interethnic relations, so we can investigate the contact between people of different nationalities at various levels – families, friends, neighbours, and workplace. The co-existence of people of different nationalities conditions the formation of the relations of the local inhabitants to their region and to the issues associated with the above-mentioned co-existence. Our research revealed that the people from Silesia are able to accept and to reflect the fact that they live in an ethnically mixed area and the extent, into which they accept the inhabitants of different nationalities, seems to be a significant aspect of the interethnic relations.

Key words: Silesia. Interethnic relations. National consciousness.

Introduction

From the geographical perspective, Silesia represents an extensive territorial structure extending in the upper and middle basin of the Odra River and its tributaries, of which 90% is situated in Poland. Silesia has never constituted a consistent and stable state or territorial administrative unit; it has been a traditional object of international and inter-state relations, and a subject of international confrontation. The area of our research is Czech Silesia, the third historical land of the Czech Republic, lying along the borders with Poland and representing a traditionally ethnically mixed area. The composition of its current ethnic structure is made up of Czechs, Poles, Slovaks and the less numerous groups of Germans, Hungarians, Ukrainians and Romani. The ethnic mixture of the area anticipates the relations of people of different ethnic groups in various life situations at different levels - personal relations in everyday life in the family, relationships with friends and neighbours, inter-group relations at the work with colleagues, relations in cultural, social and leisure activities. The question of national consciousness, mother tongue, the legal status of ethnic minorities and their perception by the majority, the questions associated with bilingualism in the region of Těšín, as well as opinions on the homeland, etc., form an integral part of this issue. We gave attention to this extensive range of issues within our sociological research focused on the issues of Silesian identity and the collective memory of the inhabitants of the region of Silesia, which we conducted at the Silesian Institute SZM in Opava, within the project of National and cultural identity (NAKI) from 2011 to 20151.

1 NAKI Project of National and Cultural Identity funded by the Ministry of Culture of the Czech Republic “Silesia: Memory – Iidentity – Region”, no. DF11P01OVV018 would solve the Silesian Museum in the years 2011 – 2015.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

In the study submitted, we are going to examine the inter-ethnic relations in the ethnically mixed area of Czech Silesia. We are going to focus on the ethnic composition of Czech Silesia in the past and the present. We are going to expound on the ethnic composition of the respondents of our survey and their families, the ethnic heterogamy, the questions of national consciousness and the issue of mother tongue. We are also going to deal with the cultural and social life of the inhabitants of Silesia of various nationalities, and the main part of attention is going to be paid to the very issues of the inter-ethnic relations of the inhabitants of the region of different nationalities; especially the relationship of the majority Czech population and the ethnic minorities - the Polish and the Slovak, as well as the relationship among the minority populations. Our interest was also drawn to the inhabitants of Silesian nationality, their national identification and connection to the region. When compiling the study, we relied not only on the available literature of domestic and foreign origin, but the main source of information for us was constituted by the results of the aforementioned extensive sociological research.2

1. The ethnic composition of the population of Czech Silesia

In the past, Silesia represented an ethnically heterogeneous region where, besides the Slavic population (Polish and Czech), there were also German and Jewish populations. Its ethnic development was immensely complicated. The nation-building process of Slavic ethnic groups in Silesia was enormously complicated by the fact that it belonged to a state formation of a different nation (Prussia and Austria) which were foreign to them ethnically and linguistically. The official language was German and, to communicate, the Slavic population used a local dialect. The national consciousness was often replaced with linguistic affiliation and the term of nationality with territorial affiliation.3 The entire area of Silesia is usually legitimately characterized as an intersection of three cultures. Until the mid-19th century, Silesia had a German character. The national awakening of the Czechs in the region of Opava occurred in the 1860s and, in the region of Těšín; the Czech character began to be organized even later, in the 1880s. 4 In the process of national revival of the Czech and Polish population in Silesia, specific features, characteristic for marginal and ethnically mixed areas remote from the national centres, appeared – a belated beginning, then a slow development and, after reaching a certain level, attenuation of cooperation of the oppressed national communities. Also, the social structure and the resulting low education and living standards of the Czech and Polish communities compared to the German one was disadvantageous. The belated awakening process was also complicated in the north of the region of Těšín, due to rapid industrialization with the decisive portion of Austrian and Prussian businessmen who supported Germanization. The industrialization also affected the ethnic structure of Silesia due to the fact that it prompted extensive labour migration (the Poles from Galicia, the Jews). 5 The statistical data on the trends in the ethnic structure of Czech Silesia have been available only since 1880 Moreover, they are not completely accurate and, rather than nationality, they indicate the community language and, in the region of Hlučín, the mother tongue.

2 ŠRAJEROVÁ, Oľga. K problematike sliezskej identity (z prvých výsledkov sociologického výskumu). In Slezský sborník, 2015, roč. 113, č. 3-4, s. 361-387. 3 PALLAS, Ladislav. Jazyková otázka a podmínky vytváŕení národního vědomí ve Slezsku. : Profil, 1970. s. 5-7. 4 JIRÁSEK, Zdeněk. Odraz národněpolitických postojů v dějepisectví českého Slezska. In Studia Slaskie, 1998, LVII, s. 195-204, KAPRAS, Jan. Jazykové a národnostní dějiny v České koruně. In Československá vlastivěda, díl V. Praha, 1931, s. 181-191. 5 Encyklopedie Slezska. Ostrava : Ostravská univerzita, 2000, s. 97-98.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

Table 1: The development of national relationships in the entire Austrian (Czechoslovak) Silesia from the mid-19th century until 1921

Year Czechs % Germans % Polish % 1851 88, 069 20.08 209, 512 47.75 138, 243 31.52 1857 92, 326 19.94 234, 843 50.82 131, 602 28.46 1880 126, 385 22.95 269, 338 48.91 154, 887 28.13 1890 129, 814 22.02 281, 555 47.76 178, 114 30.21 1900 146, 265 22.04 296, 571 44.68 220, 472 33.28 1921 296, 194 47.56 252, 362 40.52 69, 967 11.24

Source: KAPRAS, Jan. Jazykové a národnostní dějiny v České koruně, Československá vlastivěda, díl V. Praha, 1931, s. 181-191.

Individual parts of Silesia show differences in the ethnic structure. While in the region of Opava the population of the German nationality identity prevailed, in the region of Těšín, there was a large group of people of Polish nationality. During the existence of the first Czechoslovak Republic, the Czech character was strengthened all over Silesia, owing to the arrival of Czech civil servants. The ethnic structure in the region of Těšín changed significantly after its division between Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1920. The main reason was the new state arrangement when part of the population, who committed themselves to the German "community" language, used the opportunity to commit themselves to the Czechoslovak nationality as well as part of the ethnically undecided Slavic population.

Table 2: The ethnic composition of Silesia in 1921 and 1930

1921 % 1930 % Silesia altogether 672, 268 100 737, 671 100 Czecho-Slovak citizens 622, 738 92.6 712, 067 96.5 Foreigners 49, 530 7.4 25, 604 3.5 Czechs 296, 194 47.6 377, 498 53 Polish 69, 967 11.2 77, 917 11 Germans 252, 365 40.4 256, 872 36

Source: GAWRECKÁ, Marie. Československé Slezsko mezi světovými válkami 1918 – 1938. Opava : Slezská univerzita, 2004, s. 38.

After the Munich Dictate and the cession of substantial part of Czech Silesia from Czechoslovakia in October 1938, the ethnically decided Czechs from both parts of Silesia had to leave to the remaining territory of Czechoslovakia. The Silesian territory annexed to the Reich was settled by other Germans from Eastern Europe; the territory annexed to Poland was settled by the Poles. The majority of the Jews living in Silesia were killed. After the end of World War II, a considerable change to the ethnic structure in this region was brought about. In association with the two large-scale migrations (expulsion of the Germans, immigration of the Slovaks), the ethnic structure of the present Silesia was formed. Czech Silesia became part of the renewed Czechoslovakia within the borders from 1938. War losses, migration and especially the involuntary displacement of the Germans after the war caused a decrease in the population of Silesia by more than a third. The vacant space was filled with a new population, mainly from the neighbouring , but also from and Slovakia.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

A strong and long-term flow of immigrants also settled in Ostrava. This did not stop even after the settlement of the border area was completed, and continued also from the 1950s to the 1970s in the period of the so-called socialist industrialization. As a result of the strong migration flows, today's population of Czech Silesia consists of about half of the immigrants and the children of these immigrants. Compared to the pre-war period, the ethnic structure of the population of Silesia is homogeneous, but is still highly varied. The original Czech and Polish (and in smaller numbers German) inhabitants live here. The immigrants are mostly Czechs, but also Slovaks and Romani, and there are also small groups of Hungarians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians, Rusyns and members of other nationalities. The development and the changes in the ethnic structure of the research area after 1945 are documented by the results of the censuses conducted in the individual decades in the post-war period, from 1950 up to the present. The majority of the Czech Silesia area is now part of the Moravian-Silesian region, only the westernmost part - the district of Jeseník – became, after the new regional administration was established in 2001, part of the region.

Table 3: The ethnic composition of the Moravian-Silesian region from 1950 to 2011 and the district of Jeseník from 2001 to 2011

Year altogether Czech Moravian Silesian Slovak Polish German 1950 825, 881 726, 897 25, 007 62, 674 7, 085 1961 1, 631, 579 1, 473, 485 65, 621 61, 652 12, 393 1970 1,798, 826 1, 621, 397 91, 331 58, 772 8, 644 1980 1, 961, 508 1, 454, 857 86, 319 55, 165 6, 109 1991 1,960, 757 1, 792, 903 299, 263 41, 414 87, 908 47, 539 6, 335 2001 1, 269, 467 1, 106,616 28, 932 9, 753 43, 637 38, 908 4, 255 2011 1, 205 834 766, 300 48, 270 11, 050 26, 068 28, 138 1, 155 Jeseník altogether Czech Moravian Silesian Slovak Polish German

2001 42, 413 36, 299 1, 341 100 2, 101 96 692 2011 38, 779 23, 684 1, 488 104 1, 120 71 367

Source: the author based on the results of the censuses in the aforementioned years.

As the table shows, in 1991 the Czech Statistical Office allowed Czech citizens to align themselves to Moravian and Silesian nationality (also to the Romani and the Jewish one). Until then, the census forms enabled professing only to Czech, Slovak, Polish, German and Russian nationality. Introducing the possibility of declaring Moravian and Silesian nationality was related to the political changes after November 1989 and to the political struggle for a new state arrangement. The introduction of the Moravian and Silesian nationality was intentional and was supposed to stimulate the interest in the inevitability of restoring the state's arrangement. Therefore, in the census held in March 1991 in the Czech Republic, 1,362,313 people professed themselves to the Moravian nationality and 44,446 people to the Silesian nationality. The public activities to confirm Silesian nationality argued the peculiarity of Czech Silesia by raising its national consciousness, the significance of the ethnic difference and the distinctiveness of the historical development. Less attention was paid to the fact that the ethnic composition of Silesia had always been diverse and this area had never managed to establish an independent state entity. The division of Czechoslovakia into two independent states in 1993 provided the Moravian and Silesian nationality with an additional dimension, which was confirmed by the results of the 2001 census, when 373,104 inhabitants of the Czech Republic declared to be of Moravian nationality and 11,248 people of Silesian

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava) nationality.6 In the last census in 2011, the number of the groups increased, with the to 522,474 people and with the to 12,231 people. Silesianism has its deepest roots in the present district of Opava; the second largest number of adherents of this nationality is found in the population of the district of Karviná. From the facts mentioned, it is obvious that there was confusion between the ethnic identity and the regional identity and, by professing to Silesian nationality; the inhabitants expressed their regional affiliation, i.e. identification with the place in which they lived.

The ethnic diversity of the region of Silesia determined not only the relationships between the inhabitants themselves, but also towards the region – and the formation of regional identity. It was different with the original inhabitants who realized the specificity and diversity of this area from the other parts of the Czech Republic, and it was different with the inhabitants of immigrant origin with whom the relationship to the region was formed gradually and did not have such intensity as with the original inhabitants. Particularly in the area of Jeseník, regional identity was, due to the newly emerging, territorially heterogeneous population, completely transformed. The level of perception of appurtenance of the region of Jeseník with Silesia, as one of the essential attributes of regional identity, was very low in the minds of the local inhabitants.7

2. The ethnic composition of the sample.

The sample of our research consisted of 541 respondents, who were inhabitants living permanently in the area of Czech Silesia, and copied all the social and demographic features of a core set. From the perspective of ethnic structure, the composition of the respondents of our research was as follows:

Table 4: Ethnic structure of the survey sample

Nationality Altogether Sample Core set In % Czech 463 85.6 89.4% Moravian 10 1.8 4.8% Silesian 6 1.1 1,0% Polish 50 9.3 2.3% Slovak 12 2.2 3.5%

In both groups, the core set as well as the sample of the respondents, the population of Czech nationality, comprising more than 85% of all participants of our research, obviously prevailed. The number of respondents of the Moravian and Silesian nationality was small; 1.8% and 1.1% respectively. The number of inhabitants of Polish nationality was higher than in the sample, which was given by the ethnic mixture of the region of Silesia. Most of the respondents were not only of Czech origin, but also came from ethnically homogeneous Czech families, lived in homogeneous Czech families and considered Czech as their mother tongue.

6 PROKOP, Radim: Identita moravské a slezské národnosti v podmínkách České republiky se nepotvrdila. In Otázky národní identity – determinanty a subjektívní vnímaní v podmínkách současné multietnické společnosti. Opava : Slezský ústav SZM, 2001, s. 182-193. 7 ŠERÝ, Miloslav – ŠIMÁČEK, Petr. Perception of historical border between Moravia and Silesia by the Jesenicko region population. In Sborník příspěvků z XXII. sjezdu České geografické společnosti. Ostrava : Ostravská univerzita v Ostravě, 2010, s. 856-860.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

The ethnic mixture in the area of Silesia persists until today, as confirmed by the results of the last completed census, and the local people encounter it in their everyday lives. The question: Which national minorities live in the place of your residence? was answered by 95.4% of the respondents. The most often response was Polish, Romani, Slovaks and Vietnamese. Other nationalities Greeks, Germans, Ukrainians) were less frequent in the replies. The vast majority of the surveyed inhabitants of Silesia were not only aware of the ethnic heterogeneity of the region they lived in and oriented themselves well in it, but they had quite a tolerant approach to it. The question "Do you mind the ethnic mixture of the area?" was answered by 99.8% of the respondent’s and more than half of them responded that they did not mind the ethnic mixture. Under certain, not further specified, circumstances, 22.9% of the respondents expressed their reservations about the ethnic heterogeneity of the region. 41 respondents (7.6%) voiced considerable reservations regarding the heterogeneity.

The results are illustrated in the following graph

Graph 1: Opinion on the ethnic mixture of the region of Silesia

Do you mind the ethnic mixture in the area where you live?

I do not mind it 56,6%

I mind it in several cases 22,9%

I mind it a lot 7,5%

No comment 7,7%

The ethnic mixture is marginal 5,3%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%

When comparing the above-stated results with the results of the previous research, a decrease in tolerance to the ethnic mixture of the region is visible. In 1994, three quarters of the respondents did not mind the ethnic mixture of the region; the most tolerant were members of the minorities: The Poles (85%) and the Slovaks (82.7%), members of the Czech majority were less tolerant (60.3%). However, the reservations about the ethnic mixture of the region were not of a substantial nature and the respondents assented that personal qualities are more important than ethnic affiliation. 8 In the research conducted in 2012, the ethnic mixture of the region was tolerated and assessed positively with 56.6% of respondents. With some respondents, the tolerance was, however, often conditioned by a variety of factors: the minorities should live in accordance with the social norms, should respect the majority, and the respondents regarded awareness about these issues as important, which was expressed by some of them literally: "I do not mind it (the ethnic mixture), if tolerance and social coexistence and observing the rules work." A man between 25-34, of Czech nationality, university education, from Jeseník, a specialist in public administration.

8 SOKOLOVÁ, Gabriela – HERNOVÁ, Šárka – ŠRAJEROVÁ, Oľga. Češi, Slováci a Poláci na Těšínsku a jejich vzájemné vztahy. Opava : Slezský ústav SZM, 1997, s. 130-133.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

A woman from Opava, aged 35-44, vocational education, working as a qualified worker, evaluated the status of national minorities in the region as follows: "I do not mind the national minorities as long as they obey the laws of this country and behave decently." Reservations regarding the national heterogeneity of the region related, as it also did 20 before, to the Romani and their maladjusted behaviour or to the Vietnamese and the growth of Vietnamese markets that replace Czech shops. A young woman, aged 25-34, of secondary education from Opava, an administrative worker, currently a housewife, wrote in the questionnaire the following: "I do mind the Romani who, with a few exceptions, have failed to adapt to the conditions of our country and the way of living." In the research, we also monitored the opinions of the inhabitants of Silesia about the relationships between the people of various nationalities in the past and after 1989. The specific question: How do you assess the relationships between the citizens of various nationalities in your region after 1989? was answered by 99.6% of the respondents. More than a third of them considered the relationships between the citizens of various nationalities in the region after 1989 as good from the long-term perspective, with only 37 respondents saying that the relations were further improving. On the other hand, more than a quarter of the respondents believed that the relationships between the citizens of various nationalities in the region had deteriorated after 1989. The same number of respondents had no opinion about this question.

Graph 2: Assessment of the relationships between the citizens of various nationalities after 1989.

The graph documents so called valid answers of respondents expressed in percentage.

How do you assess the relationships between the citizens of various nationalities in your region after 1989?

They have been good

The relations have improved 37,5% 6,8% 27,5% 28,2% The relations have deteriorated I do not know 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

As a major factor in the deterioration of the relations between the people of different ethnic affiliation, the respondents stated mainly the socio-economic phenomena that were reflected also in the relations between people:  "The relations have deteriorated - there are enormous differences as for personal property, finance, there are not enough job opportunities, people are jealous" – a woman, Czech, aged 45-64, secondary education, Kravaře, professional staff in the state administration  "The relations have deteriorated. People are more focused on property, we rarely meet, some have little money, poor financial situation!" woman, Czech, aged 35-44, university education, Jeseník, an office worker.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

The respondents also pointed to the deterioration of relations with the Romani minority:  "They have become aggravated mostly between the Romani minority and others; the state is to blame since it does not treat all ethnic groups equally" - man, Czech, aged 45-64, Opava, secondary education at a grammar school, a private entrepreneur.  "The relations have worsened between the Romani minority and the Czech majority. The reason is a lack of tolerance, unemployment as well as other factors..." woman, aged 18-24, Czech, Bohumín, a university student. There were also scarce critical voices pointing to the relationships with the members of the Polish ethnic group, but one stated:  "People are aware of their ethnic affiliation more and more and use really inappropriate means for its presentation (struggling for bilingual signs in places where it is absolutely unnecessary). I have nothing against people of another nationality or affiliation, but they should evince at least a little humility." A man, Czech, aged 25-34, Mosty u Jablunkova, higher vocational education, an entrepreneur.

2.1 The ethnic composition of a family, national heterogamy

Family is the basic social unit of society which plays a key role not only in the process of socialization, when a child acquires its first habits, gains social experience, learns the basic social norms, forms its personality and creates a specific value system, but also in creating and strengthening the national identity, formation of language knowledge, transfer of cultural traditions and customs, development of national consciousness when forming ethnic feeling and experience. The process of partner selection is determined by a number of factors. Even if there is no rational calculation when creating an emotional relationship with a partner, people look for a partner in the same social status, religious orientation, cultural sensibility, appearance level and ethnic group. Primarily, homogamous marriages are entered into, specifically in terms of age, ethnicity and race, education and class. Marriages of entirely different partners, in terms of age, religion, region, social or ethnic status, make no exception. 9 Although more than a third of the population of the first Czechoslovak Republic consisted of minority nationalities, ethnically mixed marriages were seldom entered into. The individual ethnic groups were characterized by great ethnic closeness. Nationwide, only 4.3% of heterogamous marriages were entered into, 3.8% in the Czech parts and 6.2% in the Slovak parts. After World War II, there was a significant opening of the various nationalities, which resulted in the growth of entering into ethnically mixed marriages. Their number doubled in early the 1950s; homogamy of the newly concluded marriages of Czechs and Slovaks dropped and this percentage decreased specifically with the ethnic minorities. In the 1960s, the percentage of heterogamy reached the figure of 10.3% in the Czech part and 11.6% in the Slovak part out of the total number of concluded marriages. According to the results of the census held in 1991, a tenth of concluded marriages was ethnically non-homogeneous, the percentage of homogamy with the individual nationalities differed; the highest percentage was with, unsurprisingly, the Czech population who outnumbered the other minorities.. There were also differences in the age groups; the highest ethnic homogeneity of marriages was with the oldest married couples. The ethnic closeness, when entering into marriages, was higher after the war than in the later years or at present.10

9 MOŽNÝ, Ivo. Sociologie rodiny. Praha : Slon, 1999, s. 109; KRÁĽOVÁ, Ľubica. Homogamia – zákon alebo alternatíva výberu životného partnera? In Sociologický časopis, 1995, roč. 31, č. 1, s. 335-344. 10 SRB, Vladimír. Národnostní homogamie v České republice podle sčítaní lidu 1991. In Slezský sborník, 1994, roč. 92, č. 2-3, s. 278.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

The intensity of the national heterogamy is determined by not only the overall atmosphere of relations between the nationalities, but especially by a number of factors of an objective nature: the existence of certain demographic conditions such as the size of the ethnic groups, their deployment in the region, the imbalance in the number of men and women, the structure by age and sex, the social and educational characteristics, the differences in national heterogamy with men and women, the length of stay in the area, the type of residence, the unification of lifestyle, the cultural proximity and the absence of language barriers, etc. 11 The ethnic composition of the family is closely related to the degree of identification of an individual with their own ethnic group, their language and cultural orientation,the relations to the change in national affiliation, their involvement in national organizations and other indicators of human connections with the ethnic community. A homogeneous family environment often prepares a person for a profound connection with the nationality they are linked with. It ensures reproduction of the group and protects it from disintegration. On the other hand, an ethnically mixed family is a source of weaker identification with the nationality of one of the parents. An ethnically homogeneous family can significantly affect the factors of ethno-cultural nature, such as the mother tongue, the culture, the history, the historical memory. It is a guarantee of reproduction and protects it from gradual assimilation. Nations tend to ensure the transfer of cultural and ethnic information to the next generation just through ethnic homogamy. 12 The Czech majority population in the Czech Republic concludes predominantly ethnically homogeneous marriages; it is ethnically the most homogeneous. In 1991, heterogamy represented 4.5%. In areas inhabited by larger groups of national minorities (which is the case of the observed region of Silesia), there is an objective prerequisite for the emergence of ethnically-mixed marriages, particularly with Czech spouses. Mixed marriages are more common with Polish women than men; the reverse is true for the Slovaks. The quantity of heterogamy or homogamy is determined by a number of factors: the compactness and size of the minority, the number of contacts between its members, the proximity of language, the socio-cultural level of the ethnic groups, the way of living, the closeness or openness of the ethnic groups, the tolerance or rejection of mixed marriages. 13 The ethnic mixture of the observed region of Silesia is a prerequisite for national heterogamy even at present. In research conducted in 2012, some respondents came from ethnically mixed Czech-Slovak and Czech-Polish families. These marriages were not as numerous as in previous research pieces because the respondents of other nationalities did not participate in the research in such a number. In terms of further development of the ethnic group, the ethnic composition of the new family (the new partnership), which substantially affects the further reproduction of the group or its acculturation and assimilation, is primarily important. The ethnic composition of partnerships entered into by the respondents is shown in Table 10.

11 SOKOLOVÁ, Gabriela. Národnostně smíšená manželství jako činitel společenské integrace. In Slezský sborník, 1977, roč. 75, č. 3, s. 220; SOKOLOVÁ, Gabriela. Národnostní heterogamie v soužití obyvatel etnicky smíšených regionů České republiky. In Slezský sborník, 1994, roč. 92, č. 3-4, s. 270-276. 12 HERNOVÁ, Šárka. Národnostní heterogamie a její vliv na skladbu obyvatelstva ČR. In Slezský sborník, 1997, roč. 95, č. 1-2, s. 20. 13 HOMIŠINOVÁ, Mária. Slovenská inteligencia v zrkadle sociologického výskumu. Békešská Čaba : Výskumný ústav Slovákov v Maďarsku, 2003, s. 79.

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Table 5: The nationality of the respondent and their spouse/partner

The nationality of the spouse, Czech Silesian Slovak Polish Other Single Altogether boyfriend/girlfriend

354 5 10 11 2 78 Czech 460 77% 1.1% 2.2% 2.4% 0.4% 17%

2 1 0 0 5 0 Moravian 8 25% 12.5% 0.0% 0.0% 62.5% 0.0%

2 2 0 1 1 0 Silesian 6 33.3% 33.3% 0.0% 16.7% 16.7% 0.0%

11 0 0 1 0 0 Slovak 12 91.7% 0.0% 0.0% 8.3% 0.0% 0.0%

13 1 0 28 0 7 Polish 49 26.5% 2% 0.0% 57.1% 0.0% 14.3%

The nationalityThe of the respondent

While the members of the Czech majority population lived in ethnically homogeneous partnerships, the greatest heterogamy was shown traditionally by the Slovaks who in 91.7% of cases lived in ethnically mixed Czech-Slovak partnerships, which confirms the trend towards very close assimilation of this particular minority, ethnically, culturally and historically to the Czech majority population. This trend increases over the years. While in the 1980s 70.9% of Slovaks lived in Czech-Slovak partnerships14, in our research from 2012 it is more than 90%. Children from these partnerships are mostly of Czech nationality, which leads to a significant decrease in this minority. Ethnic heterogamy was present with the Polish national minority as well, although it was not as distinctive as with the Slovak one, 26.5% of Polish respondents of our research lived in a Czech-Polish mixed partnership. The same trend continues with the Polish minority, when in the 1990s 28% of Polish inhabitants of the region of Těšín lived in heterogeneous partnerships. In ethnically mixed families, a complex process of interaction between the partners of different nationalities takes place; there is language and cultural contact and mutual influence of the members of the two different ethnic groups. This factor has a considerable impact on the education of the children, on their ethnic orientation (development of national identity of one of the partners), the language development, the issues of national consciousness, traditions, customs and national culture (transfer of ethnic information).15 In ethnically mixed families, there are several possible solutions to the transfer of ethnic information. Such a family can be oriented bi-ethnically, bi-culturally, bilingually, and it is, therefore, focused on the ethnic identity of both of the partners, or the coexistence of ethnically diverse partners, usually leading to the inclination of one spouse to the nationality of the other one. The children from these ethnically mixed families receive the nationality of one of the parents, often the parent of the majority ethnic group, which results in ethnic assimilation and decrease in the number of people of such a nationality. Generally, there is

14 SOKOLOVÁ, G. – HERNOVÁ, Š. – ŠRAJEROVÁ, O. Češi, Slováci a Poláci..., s. 67. 15 HERNOVÁ, Šárka. Národnostní složení rodiny. In Češi, Slováci a Poláci na Těšínsku a jejich vzájemné vztahy. Opava : Slezský ústav SZM, 1997, s. 64-76.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava) present a substantial influence of the overall ethnic environment the family lives in; the influence of the majority ethnic group is predominant. 16

Table 6: The nationality of the respondents' children

The nationality of the Czech Silesian Polish Other Childless Altogether child/children

338 3 4 1 111 Czech 457 74.0% 0.7% 0.9% 0.2% 24.3%

2 1 0 5 1 Moravian 9 22.2% 11.1% 0.0% 55.6% 11.1%

3 1 0 1 1 Silesian 6 50.0% 16.7% 0.0% 16.7% 16.7%

11 0 1 0 0 Slovak 12 91.7% 0.0% 8.3% 0.0% 0.0%

12 1 24 0 12 Polish 49 24.5% 2.0% 49.0% 0.0% 24.5%

The nationalityThe of the respondent

In the ethnic composition of the families of the respondents (both the original ones and the ones started by them), the Czech nationality dominated with 74.1%. Slovak nationality was represented, with the original families, by 7.9%, and, with the newly established families (partnership relations), with only 1.9%. As for the Polish nationality, with the original families of respondents, it was 10.5%, and with the newly-founded families, it accounted for 6.2%. Other nationalities were represented in the families in only a statistically insignificant number. There is an interesting detail regarding the national orientation of the children of the respondents; the Czech nationality (68.9%) was highly prevalent, none of the children had either Slovak or German nationality, and 5.3% of the children of the respondents had Polish nationality; which suggests a considerable national identification with the Polish ethnic group as for the Polish citizens and provides a good assumption of further reproduction of the minority in the upcoming period. 17

2.2. The ethnic composition of the co-workers, the neighbours and the friends

An ethnically mixed area with its heterogeneous ethnic composition surpasses the possibility of inter-ethnic relations between groups as well as individuals of different nationality affiliations. There is contact with people of different nationalities, with the neighbours in the place of residence, with the co-workers at the workplace. Contacts with friends of other nationalities are also frequent. They can be considered very important because they are voluntary contacts, confirming the tolerance of the people for groups of other nationalities. While you cannot choose neighbours or co-workers, with friends it is exactly the opposite; they are people who are close to us and who were chosen by us.

16 HERNOVÁ, Šárka. Role rodiny ve formování jazykového a národního vědomí. In Národně jazykové vědomí obyvatel národnostně smíšených oblastí České republiky. Opava : Slezský ústav SZM, 2000, s. 95-110. 17 Note: 21.5% of the respondents of our research were childless.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

In the research area of Czech Silesia, the Czech nationality dominated the ethnic composition of the respondents' co-workers, neighbours and friends. Of other nationalities, the most common co-workers and friends of the respondents were Slovaks, Poles were the most common neighbours, people of German nationality were less numerous and people of a different nationality occurred, as neighbours, co-workers and friends, in a small quantity.

Table 7: The ethnic identity of the respondent and their friends

The nationality of the I do not Czech Slovak Polish German Other Altogether friends know.

449 100 62 17 24 2 Czech 458

98.0% 21.8% 13.5% 3.7% 5.2% 0.4%

5 0 0 0 2 4 Moravian 10 50.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 20.0% 40.0%

4 1 2 0 2 0 Silesian 5 80.0% 20.0% 40.0% 0.0% 40.0% 0.0%

12 11 3 4 3 0 Slovak 12 100.0% 91.7% 25.0% 33.3% 25.0% 0.0%

47 16 48 3 2 0 Polish 50 94.0% 32.0% 96.0% 6.0% 4.0% 0.0%

The nationalityThe of the respondent

When we look at the correlation of the relationship of the respondent's nationality and the nationality of their friends, we will see that the respondents of Czech nationality chose as friends mostly people of the same, Czech nationality, but 21.9% of them had Slovak friends and 13.5% had a friend of Polish nationality. With Slovaks, everyone involved was a friend with Czechs, the vast majority with Slovaks, a quarter also had Polish friends and a third had German friends. The Polish respondents chose, as friends, mostly the people of their own nationality – Poles (96%). Friends of Czech nationality were also numerous (94%), and almost a third of the Polish respondents had friends also of Slovak nationality. The ethnic mixture of the region of Silesia was fully accepted by its residents and the local people themselves take an active part in the development of its heterogeneity with both the partnerships and friendly contacts. The high ethnic heterogamy of the Slovaks and the Poles, the high bi-culturalism, the relatively high bilingualism with both the minorities, the deepening of coexistence of the different ethnic groups, the frequent contacts with the partners of different nationalities at the workplace, in the neighbourly and especially friendly relations, are proof of high tolerance of the local residents to the ethnically mixed environment of the region of Silesia.

3. Formation of the national consciousness

When observing the issues of inter-ethnic relations, the national consciousness and the factors of its formation play an important role. The awareness of affiliation to a particular nation is an essential component of ethnic identity. It's a feeling of originality of an ethnic group that cannot be reduced to any other social group. It is a conviction of an ethnic community about its uniqueness. This is a collective will to live together as an ethnic community with its own aspirations, which do not match the aspirations of the neighbouring ethnic groups. Ethnic

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava) consciousness is often based on a common historical memory (origin, myths, destiny) and common values (culture, language, territory, religion, nature, material assets etc.), but this is not an inevitable condition of its existence. The most decisive is the collective will to live together, i.e. the common aspirations.18 Human identification with a certain social organism results from the common need to integrate into a particular social, cultural, political and economic context and is determined by a number of factors. Ethnic identity is part of the development of personal identity of each individual. It is self- perception that we gradually acquire. Identification with an ethnic group takes place as a lifelong process of socialization. Over a lifetime, identification with an ethnic group can strengthen, weaken or change into another identification. The use of the national language, the interest in the national culture, the ethnic features of the way of living, including the habits and the traditions associated therewith, are part of identification with one's own ethnic group. The awareness of affiliation to one's nation also comprises of attitudes towards other nationalities and ethnic groups. Also in our research, we tried to find out which factors most significantly determine the formation of awareness of ethnic affiliation. The respondents had a choice of nine options; they could select up to four of them - the ones they deemed the most important. The results of the analysis showed that the respondents attributed the greatest importance in shaping the ethnic affiliation to the influence of the family and the influence of both parents. The next place was occupied by the school and the ethnic composition of the environment the people live in, and the third place was taken by the impact of the mass media.

Table 8: Factors affecting awareness of ethnic affiliation

In the question, it was possible to select up to four possibilities from the options offered; 99.7% of the respondents answered it

What has, in your opinion, the decisive influence on formation In % In absolute figures of awareness of the ethnic identity? Both parents together 418 31.5 School 353 26.7 National composition of the environment people live in 172 13.0 Mass media 145 11.0 National culture organizations 65 4.9 Mother 52 3.9 Public opinion 43 3.3 Father 42 3.2 Not specified 21 1.6 Another factor 13 0.9 Altogether 1,323 100.0

Table: AUGUR Consulting s.r.o.

Another factor: politics and legislation (6x), state (2x), one's own opinion (2x), others (3x).

In the research carried out in 2012, we can see a significant shift from the family to the public life, to the school, to the ethnic environment and to the mass media. Although the family had undoubtedly a decisive influence on the formation of the national consciousness, in the questionnaire, however, this option was indicated by just less than a third of the respondents. Therefore, we can see a significant decline from 80% in 1994 to 31% in 2012. On the other

18 KAĽAVSKÝ, Michal. Etnicita alebo etnické vedomie? In Slovenský národopis, roč. 39, s. 354-357.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava) hand, there was a significant increase in the role that the respondents attributed, when forming national consciousness, to the school (a rise from 4% to 26.7%) and to the mass media, where we noted a growth from 3% to 11%. This is confirmed by a change in the way of living, a turnaround from the family to the social life. It is influenced by a change in the role of this post-modern family when a number of its functions are assumed by other social institutions (schools, hospitals, social facilities) and two functions of the family are beginning to gain importance: the initial socialization and the emotional function. 19

3.1. Change in ethnic affiliation

The issues of national consciousness and formation of ethnic affiliation are also very closely related to the issues of their possible change. As previously mentioned, identification with the ethnic group changes, attenuates or enhances throughout life. In an ethnically mixed area, which also occurs in the research area of Silesia, a change of the national affiliation may be made in the course of an individual's life. This factor was not overly frequent and occurred mainly due to family reasons and under the influence of an environment of another ethnicity in which the respondents lived. The changes were not so dramatic to fundamentally affect the ethnic composition of the population in the monitored region. Most often it was a change from the Slovak to the Czech nationality. This change was more numerous after the split up of the federation into two sovereign states and was, to a considerable extent, associated with the identification with the state and ethnic affiliation. After 1993, a majority of the Slovak citizens in the Czech Republic changed their state affiliation and many of them considered this change as a change of national identity. 20 In the research conducted in 2012, only a statistically insignificant group of 16 respondents indicated a change of their national affiliation, 11 of them changed from Slovak to Czech nationality, and five respondents exchanged their Polish nationality for a Czech one. In a separate question, we also monitored the views of the respondents to a change in the national affiliation in the course of life. From the perspective of this phenomenon, we can divide the respondents into three groups: more than a third of the respondents (189 respondents, i.e. 34.6%) considered the fact that, in an ethnically mixed state or a region, people change their national affiliation in the course of their lives as natural. In contrast, 220 of the respondents, i.e. 40.2% of respondents, however, understood the change of the national affiliation, but disagreed with it, and 12% of respondents entirely disagreed with such a change. A quarter of the respondents, 138 of them, did not voice their opinion concerning this issue.

The correlation of opinions about the change of national affiliation with some selected socio- demographic characteristics of the respondents (age, education, national affiliation, as well as the territory the respondents lived in) has brought some very interesting data. This data indicates that specifically young people strongly disagreed with the change of national affiliation throughout life, and those who lived in the region of Těšín as well as people of secondary education indentifying themselves with the Polish nationality. The results are in many respects identical to the results of the previous research and confirm, inter alia, a strong national identification with their nation with the Polish minority living in the region of Těšín. Some differences may be seen in correlation with age. While in the results of the research conducted in 1994, there was a smaller tolerance towards the change of national affiliation

19 MENDELOVÁ, Eleonóra. Súčasná postmoderná rodinná deľba práce. In Sociální pedagogika 2014, roč. 2, č. 1, s. 11-21. 20 SOKOLOVÁ, G. – HERNOVÁ, Š. – ŠRAJEROVÁ, O. Češi, Slováci a Poláci..., s. 162.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava) with increasing age and particularly older respondents sharply disagreed with it,21 in the research conducted in 2012, the situation was the reverse - they were notably the younger respondents who showed intolerance towards the change of national affiliation and, on the contrary, the older respondents stated, up to 42.7% of cases, that they considered this change as natural.

3.2. The ethno-identification function of the mother tongue An ethnically and linguistically heterogeneous environment determines not only the issues of national affiliation and its change, but also affects the ethno-identification function of the mother tongue. Under such conditions, when educating the children, two or more languages (a bilingual or multilingual situation) are used in communication inside as well as outside the family. Although, at present, the mother tongue is perceived as a supplementary or comparative item of information, it still retains its ethno-identification function. When it is formed, the following items are a matter of great importance: the ethnic environment of the family as well as the language taught at the school of primary education, the ethnic mixture of the environment, the national-cultural influence of social organizations, the conditions of a general social nature related to the demographic and ethnic structure of the society.22 The coexistence of people in an ethnically mixed region and the resulting formal and informal ties, the impact of the Czech school education system (except for the Polish minority who has its educational system in the Czech republic),23the choice of language as a means of communication, the level of knowledge of the language considered as the mother tongue - these all affect the language awareness and its development. Throughout life, a person can change their mind regarding what language their mother tongue is. Some people consider another language to the one that conforms to their national affiliation as their mother tongue, some change their minds about what language their mother tongue is in the course of their lives (a choice of their mother or father's language in an ethnically heterogeneous family). Children from ethnically mixed families have often a national affiliation towards one of their parents and the mother tongue after the other one. A change in national affiliation often occurs under the influence of the action of the majority environment, a marriage to a partner of a different nationality, and also due to the political circumstances; which is the case of the Slovaks. After the division of the common state in 1993, the Slovaks had to choose between the Czech or Slovak nationality (most of them chose the citizenship of the Czech Republic) and perceived it as a change in national affiliation, while retaining the awareness of the Slovak mother tongue. The question: How do you understand the term 'mother tongue'? was most often answered by the respondents of the 2012 research that it was the language their parents communicated to them with. Almost half of them deemed the mother tongue as a language which a person was raised in and a quarter of the of respondents who were residents of Silesia believed that it was the language which a person received primary education in. Less numerous were the responses in which the research participants characterized the mother tongue as a language spoken in their surroundings (17.6%), or a language which is most frequently used by a person in communication (16.3%). 24 Most of the respondents (87%) of the research professed themselves to a Czech national affiliation and they considered the , in which

21 SOKOLOVÁ, G. – HERNOVÁ, Š. – ŠRAJEROVÁ, O. Češi, Slováci a Poláci..., s. 165. 22 SOKOLOVÁ, Gabriela. Mateřský jazyk v národnostně smíšeném prostředí. In Slovo a slovesnost, 2001, roč. 62, č. 4, s. 270. 23 ŠRAJEROVÁ, Oľga. Retrospektíva, súčasnosť a perspektíva školstva národnostných menšín v Českej republike (Vývoj po roku 1945). In Človek a spoločnosť, 2000, roč. 3, č. 1. 24 Závěrečná zpráva, sociologický výzkum otázek slezské identity (rozšířené výsledky). : Augur Consulting 2012, s. 22.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava) they also actually communicated, as their mother tongue. Out of 50 people of the sample of the Polish nationality, 6.8% responded that their mother tongue was Polish, but, in fact, only 1.7% of the respondents used it for communication. Out of 12 Slovaks, 2% of them stated that Slovak was their mother tongue, but, in fact, only 0.4% of them used it for communication. Also interesting is the detail that 3.5% of respondents, mainly from the region of Těšín, considered their local dialect called "ponašimu" (our language) as their native language, and 0.4% of the respondents said that their mother tongue was the . These variants of answers can be considered as a particularity of the language situation in the region, observed mainly in its eastern part. 25 Despite the multilingualism, the primary language code of the local population in the region of Těšín was the Těšín dialect, which the local people of the Czech and the Polish nationality used for communication in an informal environment, especially in the family and with friends. This finding was also confirmed by Kevin Hannan, an American Slavist, tracking the linguistic situation on both sides of the border of Silesia. While on the Polish side, the and the Polish ethnic consciousness prevailed, in Zaolší, the ethnic situation was more complicated, particularly with the Poles. The local dialect was used for communication not only with the older citizens, or people with a lower education level, but, in the domestic environment, also with people of secondary or university education. 26

3.3. The cultural and social life of ethnic minorities, ethnic minority organizations.

The issues of national identification and inter-ethnic relations are associated with the issue of organizations of cultural and social life of the ethnic minorities and the existence of organizations of national minorities, whose activities are the most important manifestation of the implementation of national identity. In the research, we monitored awareness of these organizations with the inhabitants of Silesia and how they, possibly, participate in their activities. More than a quarter of the respondents stated that they were aware of the organizations associating members of ethnic minorities and operating in their place of residence On the other hand, almost three quarters of the respondents were not aware of such organizations. By asking a free question, we discovered that the respondents were most often aware of PZKO. Other organizations that the residents of Silesia were aware of included, for example, the Greek Community, the Congress of Poles in the Czech Republic, the Silesian German Association, the Roma Civic Initiative etc. Other responses were statistically less significant. The results are shown in detail in Table 9.

25 O jazyku v Slezsku ŠRÁMEK, Rudolf. Slezsko a severovýchodná z hlediska jazykového. In Slezsko a severovýchodní Morava jako specifický region. Sborník prací Filozofické fakulty Ostravské univerzity 170/1997. Ostrava : Filozofická fakulta Ostravské univerzity, 1997, s. 39-68. 26 HANNAN, Kevin: Borders of Language and Identity in Teschen Silesia. New York : Peter Lang Publishers, 1996, 251 s.

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Table 9: Organizations associating members of ethnic minorities in the respondent's place of residence

This question was answered by 95.0% of the Could you please name the organizations you are aware respondents of? In absolute figures In % PZKO 79 54.1 Greek Community 26 17.8 Congress of Poles in the Czech Republic 9 6.2 Silesian German Association 9 6.2 Roma Civic Initiative 7 4.8 Civic Association Ester 5 3.4 Macierz Szkolna 3 2.0 Silesia 2 1.4 Other 6 4.1 Altogether 146 100.0

Other: The Youth Club (1x), Górole (1x), the Association for Regional Development a Czech-Polish Cooperation (1x), the Slovak Foundation (1x), Heimatbund Weidenau (1x), the Silesian Foundation (1x).

Looking at the correlation of ethnic identity and awareness of the cultural and social organizations, it is obvious that the best knowledge of minority organizations was shown by the Polish respondents with up to 86% of the responding Poles saying that they were aware of minority organizations operating in their place of residence. The poorest knowledge of such organizations was, admitted by the Slovak respondents as well as by 80% of the Czechs. Of those responding who knew some organizations associating national minorities, 20.9% stated that they were members of them and were involved in their activities. They were, above all, the Polish residents of the Těšín Silesia in the working age of 25-34, and the senior citizens over 65 years old.27 Active participation in favour of the minority is the most significant manifestation of preservation and development of the national identity. We can state that the most noticeable it is with the Polish minority living in the region of Těšín.

Conclusion

In the past, the part of Czech Silesia observed in the research represented an ethnically heterogeneous region where there lived populations of multiple ethnic groups. The region has retained its ethnic heterogeneity since there lives Czech, Polish, Slovak and, in a small quantity, also German, Romani and other nationalities. This factor is reflected in the ethnic relations between the inhabitants of this region. Some of them lived in ethnically mixed families, which significantly determines the choice of national affiliation of their children, as well as the linguistic communication and the formation of language consciousness. They often used bilingual linguistic communication. They were also interested in the culture of other ethnic minorities living in Silesia; they are bi- or multi-cultural. Some of them are actively involved in the cultural and social life of the ethnic minorities. They also encountered members of other nationalities, in public places or at the workplace, and their friends were of other nationalities as well. Regarding the inter-ethnic relations, the respondents of our research put a main emphasis on personal qualities rather than ethnic affiliation. A crucial role in the formation of national identity and the mother tongue was attributed to their parents.

27 ŠRAJEROVÁ, Oľga. Historické a aktuálne otázky vývoja národnostných vzťahov, kultúr a identít v národnostne zmiešanej oblasti Sliezska a severnej Moravy. Opava : Slezský ústav Slezského zemského muzea, 2015, s. 87.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

The vast majority of the surveyed inhabitants of Silesia were not only aware of the ethnic heterogeneity of the region they lived in and oriented themselves well in it, but they had quite a tolerant approach to it; they did not mind it and, on the contrary, they considered it as a significant, enriching aspect. Greater tolerance to the ethnic mixture was traditionally shown by the members of the ethnic minorities rather than the members of the Czech majority. Reservations regarding the inhabitants of other ethnic groups were apportioned most often to the Romani for their maladjustment. Also, the situation in the relations between the people of different nationalities in Silesia after 1989 was rated by the participants in our research as good. Generally, based on the research findings, we can conclude that Silesia, as an ethnically mixed region, is very interesting for its complex of mutual inter-ethnic relations, so we can investigate the contact between people of different nationalities at various levels – families, friends, neighbours, workplace. The co-existence of people of different nationalities conditions the formation of the relations of the local inhabitants to their region and to the issues associated with the above-mentioned co-existence. Our research revealed that the people from Silesia are able to accept and to reflect the fact that they live in an ethnically mixed area and the extent, into which they accept the inhabitants of different nationalities, seems to be a significant aspect of the inter-ethnic relations.

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Individual and Society, 2017, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 1-21. Inter-ethnic relations in Silesia (From the results of sociological research arranged by the Silesian Institute of SZM in Opava)

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Encyklopedie Slezska. Ostrava : Ostravská univerzita, Ústav pro regionální studia, 2000.

GAWRECKÁ, Marie. Československé Slezsko mezi světovými válkami 1918 – 1938. Opava : Slezská univerzita v Opavě, 2004.

HANNAN, Kevin. Borders of Language and Identity in Teschen Silesia. NEW YORK : Peter Lang Publishers, 1996.

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