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The United States in the Eyes of Italian American Radicals

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The United States in the Eyes of Italian American Radicals The “Land of the Free”? The United States in the Eyes of Italian American Radicals stefano luconi This short essay examines how Italian American radicals perceived American in- stitutions and political environment between the late nineteenth century and the mid nineteen-twenties. It argues that, after an early fascination with the United States, whose liberties seemed to offer a fitting context for the establish- ment of a socialist society, disillusionment eventually set in and even made some of the subversives receptive to nationalistic feelings. To many Italians, America had been a promised land since William Penn’s suc- cessors promoted Pennsylvania as the epitome of religious tolerance and self-gov- ernment to attract settlers from the Venetian Republic in the eighteenth century (Del Negro). The image of the United States as a free nation gained momentum following independence from Great Britain and, more especially, after the eman- cipation of the slaves in the wake of the Civil War because it had been precisely the legality of human bondage that had previously stood out as detrimental to the ide- ological appeal of the country (Gemme 31-32). As Gianfausto Rosoli has remarked, a long tradition rooted in the enlightenment and the Risorgimento in Italy made America seem “an absolute model of liberty” in the eyes of the Italians (223). The identification of the United States with freedom was so entrenched that it also lured a few Italian anarchists and socialists into making their way across the Atlantic and pursuing an American dream of their own at the turn of the twentieth century. In the decades of mass immigration from Italy, between the 97 early eighteen-eighties and the outbreak of World War I, most newcomers ar- rived for economic reasons. Nonetheless, the United States stood out as a land of opportunity not only for the unskilled laborers endeavoring to improve their standard of living in a thriving industrial society, but also for the political radi- cals who intended to propound the demise of capitalism and to establish a work- ers’ paradise on Earth. American Republicanism, as opposed to Italy’s monarchic institutions, seemed ideally suited to make the United States a more attractive setting than their native land (Testi). Karl Marx warned in the late eighteen-sixties that the United States had un- dergone such a fast centralization of capitalistic power after the Civil War that the era of the “Great Republic” as “the Promised Land for emigrant laborers” had seen its own demise (847). Yet, his words fell on deaf ears among many of his support- ers in Italy. Consequently, few agreed with Socialist leader Napoleone Colajanni, when he maintained that “the times of Washington and Franklin, of Madison, Jefferson, etc. have faded away” and that, therefore, the United States was far from being a workers’ potential paradise in the early twentieth century (323). On the contrary, the radical press in Italy continued to cherish the myth of the United States as a place where the class struggle was still viable and poten- tially effective. In this perspective, according to the Milan-based Socialist fort- nightly newspaper Critica Sociale, the land that represented the most advanced “stage of organized capitalism” was also the milieu in which a Socialist revolu- tion was most likely to succeed (Massimo 109). As a result, Giacinto Menotti Serrati, after moving to the United States in 1902 to become the editor of Il Pro- letario, the most authoritative mouthpiece of Italian American revolutionary socialism, contended that “in no other country than this should the Socialist Party thrive and reach great achievements” (qtd. in Rosada 149). It was not a matter of chance, therefore, that just two years later, the Socialist-turned-An- archist Carlo Tresca, when facing the alternative between exile in Switzerland or in the United States, chose the latter on the assumption that America was still “the land of the free” (The Autobiography 64). Again in 1904, after spending some time in Canada, another political émigré, Arturo Giovannitti, settled in the United States, because it seemed to him a more suitable environment for propounding his own ideals of humanitarian socialism among workers (Vecoli, “Arturo Giovannitti” 63). Referring to the attraction that the American insti- tutions had exerted on him, he argued that he had “learnt upon the knees of my father and mother to worship the name of a republic with tears in my eyes since I was a child” and, therefore, upon settling in the United States, he “really thought” that he had reached “a better and freer land than my country” (Giovan- nitti 331). Italian socialists, including leaders such as Filippo Turati, even envis- aged the establishment of rural colonies in North America as a viable means of diffusing their propaganda in a receptive milieu such as the countryside and, thereby, preventing militancy from being confined to industrial urban centers only (Dore 183-85). stefano luconi 98 Against this backdrop, Italian radicals also conceived the United States as ei- ther a temporary or a lasting haven from the repression of the post-unification governments of Italy. Indeed, the first significant exodus of anarchists and social- ists to America followed on the heels of Prime Minister Francesco Crispi’s 1894 quelling of the Sicilian fasci as well as the reactionary policies of his successor, Antonio Starabba di Rudinì, who dissolved the Chamber of Deputies in 1897 and declared a state of siege in most large cities the following year (Cartosio). Furthermore, in the eyes of some radicals the United States was, to all intents and purposes, an effective school of political extremism for Left-wingers. While Benito Mussolini was still a socialist activist, he distrusted Tresca’s credentials as a fully-fledged radical. But, upon learning that Tresca was moving to the United States, Mussolini expressed his conviction that “America, powerful America, will make you [Tresca] a true revolutionary comrade” (Tresca, The Autobiography 68). Ettore Ciccotti, a translator of Karl Marx’s works and a Socialist member of the Italian Parliament in the early twentieth century, even made a point of encourag- ing workers to move to the United States. In 1912 he published an article in Avan- ti!, the Milan-based Socialist daily organ, in which he contended that the Italian labor movement would benefit from the temporary resettlement of workers in the United States. Contrary to his comrades who held that expatriation to Amer- ica was tantamount to a denial of class consciousness, a rejection of militancy, and an apolitical stand in general, Ciccotti advocated emigration especially to the United States. He was confident that returning workers would import American ideas that would enrich the class struggle in Italy thanks to the strategies in fight- ing capitalism they had learned in the United States. In his opinion, as late as 1912, America was still a source of progressivism in the field of politics and labor (Degl’Innocenti 206). It was, in fact, in 1912, that the Socialist Party of America reached the apex of its electoral strength when its presidential candidate, Eugene V. Debs, gained six per- cent of the popular vote in the race for the White House (Kipnis 420). It is not sur- prising, therefore, that when the Socialist Party registered a decline in votes in the subsequent elections, the Italian radicals’ enthusiasm for the United States waned. Ciccotti was an emigrant himself. He had spent some time in Switzerland between 1898 and 1899 in the wake of di Rudinì’s crackdown on radicals, while he was on the run from the Italian police, but he never set foot on American soil (Manganaro Favaretto). His concept of the United States resulted from hearsay and did not tie in with the ensuing vision of his comrades who had firsthand knowledge of America. As a matter of fact, by the time Avanti! had published Cic- cotti’s article in 1912 few Italian anarchists and socialists who had settled in the United States shared his optimism about the political opportunities of the Amer- ican environment. The actual experience of life and work in the United States usually led to a feeling of disenchantment. Many radicals disembarked from Eu- rope to breathe American freedom, but they ended up being stifled by what they perceived as the American police state. They also witnessed the daily, grinding, the “land of the free”? 99 exploitation of workers within a capitalistic regime that was uncompromising in the claims made by wage earners. If Ciccotti urged Italian workers to leave for the United States in 1912, this was not the case of anarcho-syndicalist Edmondo Rossoni. In the same year, writing from San Francisco, he warned the readers of L’Internazionale—the organ of the Chamber of Labor in Parma¬that the United States was a “free country” merely in theory. As he put it, “Slavery was abolished on paper . ! Only for Blacks, how- ever, not for the wretched ‘company of the dead’ of white emigrants” (qtd. in Tin- ghino 45). Similarly, Il Proletario contended in 1920 that white industrial workers were the present-day American slaves (“Un appello”). Other radicals shared Rossoni’s feelings. In 1908, the Chicago-based and So- cialist-oriented weekly La Parola dei Socialisti reiterated that curbs on the access of radical newspapers to the postal service and a number of anti-union rulings by federal and state courts had turned the United States into a travesty of the land of freedom (“A proposito di libertà americana”; “Libertà americana”; “Le nostre libertà”). In the same year, anarchist Michele¬alias Ludovico¬Caminita pub- lished a pamphlet that he ironically entitled Free Country! The booklet stressed the “bitter disillusionment” awaiting those who disembarked in front of the Statue of Liberty and expected to enjoy the benefits of Republicanism and “equal- ity” among men as spelled out in the United States Declaration of Independence (qtd.
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