Regional Perspectives on Wari State Influence in Cusco, Peru

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552

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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

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Regional perspectives on Wari state inﬂuence in Cusco, Peru (c. AD 600–1000) ⇑ R. Alan Covey , Brian S. Bauer, Véronique Bélisle, Lia Tsesmeli

Department of Anthropology, Dartmouth College, 6047 Silsby Hall, Hanover, NH 03755, United States article info abstract

Article history: The archaeological reconstruction of ancient states requires consistent regional measures of state-direc- Received 26 February 2013 ted power and influence. This paper presents data from a series of systematic archaeological surveys in Revision received 3 September 2013 the Cusco region of highland Peru to evaluate patterns of influence by the Wari state during a period of Available online 11 October 2013 colonization from ca. AD 600–1000. We discuss interpretive debates over the nature and intensity of Wari social power, suggesting that site-based studies can be contextualized meaningfully using our large-scale Keywords: dataset, which offers settlement patterns at varying distances (0–70 km) from Pikillacta, a Wari admin- Wari istrative center. We discuss local settlement patterns before and during Wari colonization, as well as the Settlement patterns distribution of Wari pottery and local Wari-influenced wares. We then use a geographic information sys- State expansion State canons tems analysis of travel time from key sites to evaluate the broad regional distribution patterns of local Cusco and Wari ceramic styles. Although the regional survey data do not inform us reliably about all kinds of social power, we conclude that the Wari cultural, economic, and political influence over the Cusco region was limited and discontinuous—an example of colonization that resembles the practices of other early states. Ó 2013 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. Open access under CC BY-NC-ND license.

Introduction inevitable decay of state power at increasing distances from the capital (Stein, 1999). Such unitary approaches to state power How powerful were ancient states? Answering this question de- undergird core-periphery models of ancient statecraft, including pends on how one defines ‘‘power’’ and ‘‘the state,’’ as well as the portrayals of direct and indirect rule. broader geographic and temporal context within which states The internal specialization of states raises questions about the operated (e.g., Feinman and Marcus, 1998; Lull and Micó, 2011). sources and distribution of power across regions that experience state Western conceptualizations of the state, including those of neoev- formation and expansion. Rather than thinking of power as a singular olutionary theory, tend to contextualize its power in relative social phenomenon that one entity (the state) absorbs and distrib- terms—the state is more powerful than those societies that pre- utes, some (e.g., Glatz, 2009; cf. Mann, 1986) treat social power as ceded it, as well as those that lie beyond its domain. What makes originating in multiple sources and being distributed across multiple states more powerful is not just their centralization, but also their regional networks—only some of which are developed or managed by internal specialization and proliferation of institutions and offices. state institutions. Centralization and institutionalization are pro- An emphasis on institutionalized centralization has implications cesses that never fully articulate absolute state sovereignty (Hinsley, for modeling the internal organization of states, as well as the 1966), promoting conceptual models where the power of the state is external projection of state power and influence (e.g., Flannery, irregularly distributed across space and fluctuates over time. Individ- 1972). Internally, the ruling elite of states seeks to monopolize ual actions shape institutional configurations, although within con- power, so that state institutions under their control replace the straints of existing social practices and values (e.g., Giddens, 1984). power of kin groups, and state power encompasses that of society Treating state power as differentiated and negotiated within a broad- as a whole. Externally, the state can dominate non-state neighbors, er regional and chronological context encourages the distinction be- and is only constrained by a culture of isolationism or by the tween whether a manifestation of state power represents the ‘‘hard power’’ of coercive economic or military institutions, or the attractive influence of the ‘‘soft power’’ of the state’s cultural practices or ideological values (Nye, 2004). Recognizing the cultural legacies of the theoretical stances outlined above, archaeologists face the challenge of testing and ⇑ Corresponding author. improving conceptual models developed from expectations about E-mail address: [email protected] (R.A. Covey).

0278-4165 Ó 2013 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. Open access under CC BY-NC-ND license. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2013.09.001 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 539 the centralized and specialized power of ancient states. Most fre- 1991). Regional settlement patterns and excavation data from quently, a focus on state power as both centralized and institution- other Ayacucho Valley sites indicate the emergence of a centralized alized seeks material evidence of state institutions with the general state with a hierarchical settlement system, a political economy expectation that state-affiliated canons reflect direct rule. The dis- based on hydraulic agriculture, and a complex religion and cosmol- tributions of constructions and material culture associated with ogy (e.g., Isbell and Schreiber, 1978). Wari settlers or state repre- state cultures—even if they cannot always be unambiguously asso- sentatives began to establish new colonies and administrative ciated with state institutions or officials—help to chronicle evi- sites outside the Ayacucho region sometime after AD 600. The dence of the state, and researchers continue to identify new scale, duration, and intensity of Wari colonization varied from re- examples of these canons. Although excavations in state-affiliated gion to region—some sites were abandoned before construction contexts can contribute to understanding how extensively state was completed, whereas others apparently outlasted the decline institutions dominated networks of social power in areas under di- of the Wari capital region (e.g., Williams, 2001; Topic and Topic, rect rule, additional data are needed to understand the external 2000). limits of the power of the state as it waxed and waned. Focusing Scholars continue to debate the extent of Wari state power (e.g., solely on the distribution of certain canons associated with a state Jennings, 2006a, 2010), but the prevailing interpretive model is or the people of its heartland—for example, temples, tombs, and Katharina Schreiber’s (1992: 267)‘‘mosaic of control,’’ which pre- luxury goods—cannot fully distinguish formal and continuous state sumes the simultaneous practice of direct and indirect administra- administration from more ambiguous stylistic distributions or the tion in different Andean regions. Schreiber (2012: 41) identifies local adoption or emulation of cultural practices and technologies Wari infrastructure—‘‘administrative centers, roads, and the (Stein, 2002: 907). like’’—as the material evidence of direct rule. Remains of canonical Beyond the state capital and administrative centers, state Wari architecture, especially orthogonal compounds, represent power can be contextualized by critically assessing the distribution ‘‘pockets of direct control’’ (Schreiber, 1992: 267), although there of state canons and their association with changes in local settle- is no archaeological consensus regarding how large these might ment patterns and material culture. Distributions of artifacts and be. Reconnaissance work and small surveys have tended to inves- architecture can serve to reconstruct regional networks of social tigate the areas immediately surrounding known or suspected power (Smith, 2005), and then to evaluate the extent to which Wari architectural compounds, but systematic regional data rarely state power or influence may have altered local societies over time. extend beyond 10 km from such sites (e.g., Glowacki, 2002; Jen- It is important to note that different aspects of state power and nings, 2006b; McEwan, 1984; Schreiber, 2005). Where systematic influence should not be expected to be continuous or coterminous, survey data have been collected at a distance from known or sus- and that canons associated with a state society do not always rep- pected Wari sites, they reveal a highly uneven distribution of Wari resent state institutions. With sufficient data resolution, regional canons, with large areas in which they appear to be completely ab- patterns can identify where states exercised different forms of sent (e.g., Bauer et al., 2010; Browne, 1992; Dean, 2005; Heffernan, power and influence, and where local populations resisted or by- 1996; Parsons et al., 1997, 2000, 2013; Silva, 1996; Vivanco and passed state institutions, or were largely unaffected by the rise Valdez, 1993; Wernke, 2003; Wilson, 1988). and fall of these large political entities. Whereas the mosaic of control model expects direct Wari rule Survey archaeology and GIS analysis are well-suited to collect in regions lacking existing local political complexity (Schreiber, and analyze the regional distributions of state-associated canons, 1992: 17–26; Jennings and Craig, 2001), it associates indirect rule especially durable ones like ceramic styles and architecture. Now with centralized regional authority supported by identifiable infra- conducted across the globe, systematic archaeological surveys structure (Schreiber, 2012: 42). The state architectural canon is ab- can develop robust settlement databases in multiple regions to ad- sent or of very modest scale in such regions, and archaeologists dress general administrative and political goals of the state, as well might encounter ‘‘more subtle clues of imperial control such as as how the cultural influence of the state and its people manifests changes in settlement locations as people were resettled or moved across different domains (e.g., Hingley, 2005; Kantner, 2008; around to serve imperial purposes, shifts in the production and dis- Kowalewski, 2008: 236–237, 242–243; Parker, 2003; Sinopoli, tribution of local crops and resources, and modifications in diet or 2006; Smith and Montiel, 2001; Wilkinson, 2000). In this paper, patterns of violence, which indicate disruptions in daily life caused we use regional data to assess the power and influence of the Wari by the presence of the empire’’ (Schreiber, 2012: 42). It is impor- state (ca. AD 600–1000) in the Cusco region of what is today high- tant to note that the mosaic of control model posits degrees of con- land Peru (Fig. 1). We present a quantifiable, GIS-derived analysis trol that range from direct to indirect—rather than from absolute of the divergent patterns of Wari influence over a broad state power to complete absence of state influence—which limits 2200 km2 region that includes hundreds of contemporaneous set- the potential to identify archaeological contexts where there was tlements. Our regional database shows strong, but not absolute, no state rule, or local life changed for reasons unrelated to Wari Wari state affiliations in the area directly adjacent to a major Wari administrative strategies. Schreiber (1992: 23) notes that there administrative center, but much more diffused, discontinuous, and may be areas within the broader territory of a state—some of them irregular influence across the rest of the Cusco region, with large located near to state-administered populations—where low popu- areas exhibiting limited or no evidence of Wari influence, even at lations, limited political hierarchy, or restricted resource potential the height of state power in the region. contribute to an absence of state power. However, few archaeological projects to date have investigated the scope of such areas during the period of Wari expansion. Archaeological perspectives on the Wari state The mosaic of control model has improved the conceptualiza- tion of Wari state power, but the use of different material measures The Wari state emerged in the Ayacucho Valley by AD 600, uni- to distinguish direct control (administrative architecture) from fying the valley and surrounding areas and enduring until AD other local relationships with Wari institutions and people raises 1000–1100 (Bauer and Kellett, 2010; Williams, 2001). Wari’s important questions regarding the actual scope of direct rule, the capital covered 200–300 ha and is associated with several square negotiation of indirect rule, and the extent to which Wari power kilometers of outlying settlement (Isbell, 2008; Schreiber, 1992: was completely absent in certain areas. To establish an interpretive 80). The urban core presents evidence of craft specialization, elite context for Wari infrastructure in the Cusco region, we analyze the compounds, and royal tombs (Benavides, 1991; Isbell et al., distribution of local and Wari-style pottery in local settlement 540 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552

Fig. 1. Recent estimates of Wari stylistic inﬂuence and imperial limits, redrawn from Jennings (2006b) and Schreiber (2004), respectively. systems found along a range of distances from Pikillacta, the largest Wari state installation outside of Wari heartland. In doing so, we consider the extent to which Wari statecraft inﬂuenced long- term changes in the settlement hierarchies, ecology, and material culture distribution in the Cusco region.

Wari inﬂuence in the Cusco region

The monumental site of Pikillacta dominates reconstructions of the Wari occupation of the Cusco region (e.g., Bauer, 2004; Barreda Murillo, 1973; McEwan, 2005)(Fig. 2). Located in the Lucre Basin roughly 30 km southeast of the city of Cusco, this 47 ha site con- sists of multiple rectangular enclosures surrounded by a massive outer wall. The site plan and internal architecture conform to Wari state architectural canons and its construction required several million worker-days (McEwan, 2005). Construction continued over at least two centuries, and although this was the largest architectural complex in the south-central Andes at the time, the site was incomplete and only partially occupied when it was aban- Fig. 2. Aerial view of Pikillacta, facing toward the Cusco Basin. Negative number doned near the end of the ﬁrst millennium (McEwan, 1996). In 334819, courtesy Department of Library Services, American Museum of Natural History. addition to the administrative complex at Pikillacta, archaeological research in the nearby Huaro Basin, 15 km southeast of the Lucre Basin, has encountered elite burials (Zapata, 1997), minor administrative architecture (Glowacki, 2002), and a series of Wari residen- dominating local populations (McEwan, 2006: 42). This vision tial sites (Skidmore, 2012). has been developed using excavation data recovered within a lim- From their investigations in the Lucre-Huaro area, Glowacki and ited number of Wari state installations or colonial contexts in the McEwan (2001: 42) conclude that the Wari state imposed direct Lucre-Huaro area—in other words, work within a Wari ‘‘pocket of administration on the region rather than crafting a more indirect direct rule’’ in the sense discussed above. Our survey results, which administrative strategy using existing local infrastructure. They include the entire occupation sequence of the Lucre Basin and a view Wari imperial control as emanating from the Lucre-Huaro number of other areas of the Cusco region, offers a broader dataset area and extending across most of the Cusco region, completely for evaluating Wari state power in local societies located across a R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 541

Fig. 3. The Cusco region, with areas of full-coverage surveys reported in this paper. broad range of environmental zones and at varying distances from Ccoipa (Fig. 4). As Table 2 shows, our survey work has identified Pikillacta. approximately 550 site components containing one or more of these styles. As the Wari state developed in the Ayacucho region, the domi- Archaeological surveys in the Cusco region nant local ceramic style of the Cusco Basin and neighboring areas was a cream-slip ware now called Qotakalli (Barreda Murillo, We have completed six survey projects (1984–2007) in the Cus- 1982; Glowacki, 1996; Bauer, 2002). The production of Qotakalli co region (Fig. 3)(Table 1), covering an area of 2200 km2, with ceramics continued after Wari colonists arrived in the Cusco re- approximately 3000 registered sites. These projects employed the gion, although at a diminished scale of production and distribution same basic field methodology: full-coverage survey of all passable in some areas (Bauer and Jones, 2003). The pre-Wari establishment areas at intervals of approximately 50 m, with general collections of fine polychrome pottery in the Cusco region corresponds to sig- of diagnostic artifacts. The eastern edge of the combined region in- nificant settlement pattern shifts in many areas, which may indi- cludes the Lucre Basin, where Pikillacta is located, and borders the cate an increased role of maize agriculture in some local Huaro Basin. The western limit, located some 75 km away aerially, economies (Bauer, 2004: 53; Covey, 2003: 51). Our surveys col- is the Vilcaconga Pass leading to the Apurímac River. The north– lected Qotakalli pottery at approximately 250 sites in the Cusco south axis stretches about 85 km from the well-known Sacred Val- region. ley in the north to the province of Paruro in the south. Our regional Researchers generally infer direct Wari administration of the settlement pattern data are augmented by excavations at more Cusco region from the monumental scale of construction at than 20 archaeological sites (e.g., Bauer, 1992, 1999, 2002, 2004; Pikillacta, but some also suggest that the distribution of Wari Bauer and Jones, 2003, 2012). Most excavations have been test and Wari-influenced pottery reflects similar dominance units to clarify local artifact sequences and enhance the regional (McEwan, 1987, McEwan, 1996; Glowacki, 1996). Because differ- chronology, although several horizontal excavations have ad- ences between Wari and Wari-related material are sometimes dressed theoretical questions derived from the settlement patterns elided to promote arguments for strong state control (e.g., McEwan, (Bélisle, 2011; Covey, 2006; Davis, 2011). These excavations have 2012: 254–255), it is important to clarify how our research employs generated more than 60 radiocarbon dates, linking absolute chro- these terms. Our survey work consistently restricts the use of the nology to relative artifact and architectural sequences. category ‘‘Wari’’ to non-local pottery that conforms to MH decorative canons identified in Ayacucho and at major Wari state installa- Ceramic styles and chronology tions (e.g., Glowacki, 1996, 2005; Knobloch, 1991; cf. Menzel, 1964).1 As Owen (2007: 288) notes, many Wari scholars employ sty- All research reported here uses Bauer’s (1999, 2002, 2004; Bau- listic designations based on differences between fine Wari poly- er and Jones, 2003, 2012) relative chronology, which is based on chrome ceramics bearing state iconography (e.g., Chakipampa, ceramic stylistic designations that have been isolated in strati- Conchopata, Ocros, Pachacamac, Viñaque) and categories encom- graphic excavations with absolute dates. We offer a brief description of the most common Cusco styles pertaining to the Early 1 Intermediate Period (i.e. the period preceding Wari colonization, Neutron activation analysis (NAA) of selected Wari ceramic sherds recovered in the Cuzco Valley indicates that some were produced in the Wari heartland and then henceforth EIP) and Middle Horizon (i.e. Wari times, henceforth imported into the Cusco region (Montoya et al., 2003). Wari pottery manufactured in MH) to place survey results into a clearer context. The principal the Cusco region has also been identified in small quantities in the Ayacucho region, ceramic styles include Qotakalli, Wari, Arahuay, Muyu Orqo, and signaling bidirectional exchanges (Montoya et al., 2009). 542 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552

Table 1 Systematic survey projects by authors.

Project Dates Sites Description

Paruro Archaeological Project (Bauer) 1984–1987 250 600 km2 south of Cusco Valley, including parts of Apurímac Valley (Bauer, 1992, 1999, 2002) Cusco Valley Archaeological Project (Bauer) 1994, 1200 350 km2 in Cusco basin and areas to the west and east (Bauer, 2004; Bauer and Covey, 1997–1999 2002) Sacred Valley Archaeological Project (Covey and 2000 410 400 km2 in Vilcanota-Urubamba Valley (Calca-San Salvador) and tributary valleys (Covey, Yépez) 2006) Xaquixaguana Plain Archaeological Survey 2004–2005 630 600 km2 to west and northwest of Cusco Valley, including survey of high grassland around (Covey and Yépez) Lake Qoricocha (Bélisle and Covey, 2010) Oropesa-Andahuaylillas Archaeological Survey 2006 170 100 km2 to southeast of Cusco Valley survey, including Lucre basin (Bauer and Araóz Silva) Calca-Yanahuara Archaeological Survey (Covey, 2007 150 100 km2 in Sacred Valley below Calca (Covey et al., 2008). Data combined with SVAP Araóz Silva, and Bauer) results

Fig. 4. Local EIP/MH ceramic styles from the Cuzco region: Qotakalli (top), Arahuay (middle), and Muyu Orqo (bottom). passing ‘‘less fine variants of the same style’’ (Huamanga [Waman- 410) indicates that ‘‘while the Wari may have influenced the pro- ga]). While treated as a style, the assemblage of ‘‘less fine’’ Wari pot- duction of some local ceramic styles, they did not control local Cus- tery encompasses a broad range of ceramic materials, including co pottery production or its use.’’ Our survey projects use the ‘‘folk’’ traditions from Ayacucho, lower-status imperial wares from stylistic designation ‘‘Arahuay’’ to refer to Wari-influenced pottery a number of production locations, and hybrid local styles that bear produced in the Cusco region during the Middle Horizon (Bauer, some sort of technological, formal, or stylistic Wari influence. We 1999, 2002). Glowacki (1996, 2005) has written that Arahuay pot- classify the local Wari-influenced pottery of the Cusco region as Ara- tery resembles the Huamanga ceramics of the Ayacucho region, but huay (below) and argue that the archaeological evidence for its pro- as noted above, the broad definition of the Huamanga ‘‘style’’ re- duction and distribution does not constitute strong evidence for state flects a perceived divergence from state canons rather than Wari aesthetic or economic power. Based on this distinction, we have iden- administrative dominion. Compositional analysis has shown that tified Wari pottery (e.g., Chakipampa, Conchopata, Ocros, Pachaca- Arahuay ceramics are made from Cusco clays (Montoya et al., mac, Viñaque) at 54 sites in the Cusco region. 2003).2 We have identified Arahuay pottery at 162 sites in our Cusco Although the presence of Wari pottery in certain contexts surveys. indicates some aspect of Wari economic power, locally produced pottery that incorporates or adapts Wari technology, forms, or 2 iconography offers a more ambiguous marker of Wari influence. Some fine wares recovered at Pikillacta imitate Okros ceramics of the Wari homeland, but were produced in the Cusco region (Knobloch 1991: 253–254; Neutron activation analysis by Delgado and colleagues (2007: Glowacki, 1996; Montoya et al., 2003). R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 543

Table 2 Selected EIP and MH ceramic components.

Region Qotakalli Arahuay Wari Ccoipa Muyu Orqo Total Paruro 14 7 9 28 10 68 Cusco Valley 112 72 23 11 17 235 Oropesa-Andahuaylillas 20 7 18 6 3 54 Sacred Valley 45 42 2 0 1 90 Xaquixaguana 47 34 2 0 16 99 ALL 238 162 54 45 47 546

Note: This sample excludes local imitations of Qotakalli and Arahuay, ‘‘probable’’ stylistic identiﬁcations of styles, and 7 sites with problematic coordinates. The latter sites are included in regional site counts presented below.

Survey research identified sizable components of two other EIP/ Table 3 MH ceramic styles—Muyu Orqo and Ccoipa (Bauer, 1989, 1999, Co-occurrence of Qotakalli, Arahuay, and Wari Pottery at Cusco Valley sites. 2004). Both have far more limited distributions than Qotakalli or Style and size Qotakalli Arahuay Wari Arahuay. Muyu Orqo ceramics are decorated with bright white, black, and orange colors painted over a polished, dark red back- Large Qotakalli (1 ha and larger) 15 [100%] 14 [93%] 11 [73%] Small Qotakalli (smaller than 1 ha) 100 [100%] 33 [33%] 13 [13%] ground, which may reflect southerly, Altiplano artistic influences. Large Arahuay (1 ha and larger) 9 [90%] 10 [100%] 6 [60%] This style dates to the EIP and the early MH (Bélisle, 2011). While Small Arahuay (smaller than 1 ha) 35 [56%] 63 [100%] 11 [17%] a relatively uncommon ceramic type, it is widespread across parts Note: Size estimates not available for two Arahuay sites. of the Cusco region, where it has been found at numerous sites in the Xaquixaguana, Cusco Valley, Paruro, and Lucre Basin regions. Ccoipa is a red-and-black-painted style that was produced during no higher order Wari settlements have been found in the Cusco Ba- the EIP and continued to be used in the MH.3 Its distribution is sin. Perhaps the largest Middle Horizon site in the Cusco Basin was mostly limited to the Paruro area, south of Cusco. Our surveys have the now-destroyed site of Coripata (Cumpa Palacios, 1988), which recovered Muyu Orqo and Ccoipa ceramics in about 50 sites across may have measured around 5 ha. the Cusco region. Understanding changing settlement patterns in the Cusco Val- ley study region over time is complicated by the co-occurrence of the Qotakalli, Arahuay and Wari styles after AD 600. One way Settlement patterns in the Cusco and Oropesa Basins to approach settlement continuity is by looking at stylistic co- occurrence at large (one hectare and larger) and small (less than The Cusco Valley survey recorded approximately 115 sites con- one hectare) sites with Qotakalli and Arahuay pottery (Table 3). taining Qotakalli ceramics. The greatest site density appears at the Only one large Qotakalli site (of a total of 15 large sites) lacked western end of the Cusco Basin, around the modern city.4 Once an Arahuay component, and 73% of these sites contain traces of established, the largest sites were occupied continuously to Inca Wari pottery as well. In contrast, only one large Arahuay site (of times. Qotakalli sites were also scattered along the lower valley a total of 10 large sites) lacked Qotakalli pottery—the exception slopes, concentrated near areas of easily irrigable agricultural land. was a 3 ha village with a small Middle Horizon component and a While most of the sites with Qotakalli ceramics are small, we esti- much larger occupation after AD 1000. Small samples of Wari pot- mate that at least 14 Qotakalli sites in the basin were villages mea- tery were collected at 60% of the large Arahuay sites. Of the 100 suring 1–5 ha. Another village lay just outside of the Cusco Basin, small Qotakalli sites, 33 have Arahuay components, whereas Wari approximately mid-way between Cusco and Pikillacta. Ccoipa pot- pottery was recovered at only 13% of these sites. Qotakalli pottery tery appeared at a relatively small number of sites (n = 11), mostly was present at a higher percentage of small Arahuay sites (56%, or located on the southern edges of the valley, nearest to Paruro. Muyu 35/63), and small samples of Wari pottery were found at 17% of the Orqo ceramics were recovered at 17 sites distributed across the low- small Arahuay sites. er slopes of the entire valley. All Muyu Orqo pottery and most Ccoipa The above figures suggest considerable settlement continuity at components were found in association with Qotakalli pottery. village level sites. The apparent discontinuity between small Our survey recovered Arahuay pottery at 75 sites in the Cusco Qotakalli and small Arahuay sites may either indicate that hamlets Valley and 24 sites with Wari pottery. Several important points shifted location over time, or that styles like Arahuay and Wari can be made concerning these sites. First, no general surface collec- were simply less likely to reach the smallest settlements. Broad tion from the Cusco Valley survey contained more than 10 Wari continuities in settlement location and hierarchy suggest that no pottery fragments, even though second visits were made to all major settlement reorganization occurred in the Cusco Basin and EIP/MH sites to determine whether a Wari component was pres- nearby areas during the period of Wari colonization. ent. The largest Wari collections (7–8 fragments) are small compared to Arahuay components at the same sites, and even smaller when compared to Qotakalli components. Across this Settlement patterns in the Lucre Basin study region, Qotakalli sherds were found to be about 20 times more abundant than Wari fragments. Second, no Middle Horizon Our survey data from the Lucre Basin, the area surrounding site in the Cusco Basin is a good candidate for a Wari administra- Pikillacta, reveal stylistic and settlement distributions for popula- 5 tive center. While several 3–4 ha villages have been identified tions living in close proximity to the Wari center. Using the same (including the site of Tankarpata, used in the GIS analysis below), field methods and analytical protocols employed in other parts of the Cusco region, we recorded approximately 25 sites dating to the EIP,

3 Ccoipa ceramics are a local ceramic style with a limited regional distribution that appears to be directly related to a location of manufacture in the Paruro province 5 Our survey methods were more intensive than those used in McEwan’s (1984, (Bauer, 2002). 1991) reconnaissance around Pikillacta, and our settlement pattern maps differ 4 In recent decades, Cusco’s rapid urban growth has destroyed many archaeological significantly. McEwan encountered 32 archaeological sites across a region of about sites, making the reconstruction of settlement patterns in this area especially difficult. 30 km2, about half of which had EIP or MH occupations. 544 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 with Qotakalli representing the most common style in the Lucre in small quantities at only two sites. One of these is Ak’awillay, Basin.6 Five of these sites (Minaspata, Chokepukio, Mama Colla, where a grid of 80 intensive collection units (a total collection area Piñipampa, Patawasi) were disproportionally larger than the others, of 4000 m2) recovered a large component of Qotakalli (n = 155), and at least four of these were established prior to the EIP. All five of smaller samples of Muyu Orqo (n = 35) and Arahuay (n = 16), and the largest EIP sites continued to grow through time, remaining as a single Wari fragment. Extensive horizontal excavations at major settlements in subsequent periods. Although most of the larg- Ak’awillay have confirmed the paucity of Wari material in both est sites clustered near Lake Huaypar, a substantial part of the pop- domestic and public contexts, and the continuity of local architec- ulation lived in homesteads or hamlets scattered across the tural and mortuary traditions during the MH (Bélisle, 2011; Bélisle surrounding area. In addition to Qotakalli pottery, the Muyu Orqo and Covey, 2010). style was identified at two large sites (Minaspata and Piñipampa), The Xaquixaguana survey laid out grids of 50 m2 intensive col- while Ccoipa pottery was found at 7 small sites, primarily in the lection units at large sites across the region, permitting a degree of areas closest to Paruro. control over the relative quantity and co-occurrence of EIP/MH Our survey of the Lucre Basin recovered Wari ceramics from 18 styles. Of nearly 1000 collection units, EIP and MH styles appeared sites and collected Arahuay pottery at 7 sites. Wari pottery was in more than 100. Only 14 units contained both Qotakalli and Ara- roughly as ubiquitous as Qotakalli in the Lucre Basin, whereas Ara- huay pottery. More than 70 units yielded Qotakalli pottery (186 huay was found only in very small amounts. Given that some fragments), whereas Arahuay appeared in 32 collection units (46 researchers interpret Arahuay as a Wari style (‘‘Huamanga’’), it is fragments). Muyu Orqo pottery was almost as common as Arahuay, significant that Arahuay was identified at only four sites with Wari with 39 fragments collected from 24 units. The lone fragment of pottery; this includes excavations at Pikillacta, where Arahuay con- Wari pottery collected at Ak’awillay represents the only example stitutes 5.5% of the excavated assemblage (Glowacki, 1996). Wari of this style encountered in intensive collections. The intensive col- pottery is more prevalent in the Lucre Basin than any other survey lection data substantiate the conclusion that Qotakalli pottery is region, but Arahuay has a limited distribution there. found more widely and in greater quantities than Arahuay. Muyu Our survey results diverge sharply from McEwan’s (1984, 1991; Orqo was well distributed in the region, while Wari was almost cf. 2005) interpretation of the Lucre Basin as a unified metropolitan completely absent. region reorganized and dominated by an urban, Wari population at Pikillacta. Instead, we interpret the nearby villages as ancient and independent communities that continued to be occupied during the period of Wari colonization and long afterwards. It is also Settlement patterns in the Paruro Region worth noting that while the large-scale, Wari-directed canal construction in the Lucre Basin may have altered the local subsistence As noted above, the Paruro region’s most widely distributed EIP/ economy (Valencia Zegarra, 2005), it did not lead to major changes MH pottery is the locally produced Ccoipa style (Bauer, 1989, in the overall settlement pattern. Some of the local villages, such as 1999: 75–78), found at 35 sites, especially along the Apurímac Riv- Chokepukio, have evidence of Wari-style architecture, and Wari er and its tributaries. In contrast, Qotakalli ceramics from the Cusco pottery is much more prevalent, but there is also evidence that Basin are distributed almost exclusively to the north of the Apurí- many aspects of village life continued from earlier times. mac River and are rarely the most abundant component collected at a site (Bauer, 1999: 70–75). Ccoipa and Qotakalli are found to- Settlement patterns in the Xaquixaguana region gether at only seven sites. Muyu Orqo pottery was identified at 12 Paruro sites, the majority of which (67%; n = 8) have Ccoipa The Xaquixaguana survey identified two distinct clusters of EIP/ components. Ccoipa and Qotakalli sites consist of various small vil- MH settlements. A settlement hierarchy is identifiable for the lages, hamlets and homesteads scattered across mid-valley eleva- southern part of the Xaquixaguana study region, with one large vil- tions. Although settlements varied somewhat in size, they were lage site, Ak’awillay, covering at least 10 ha (Bélisle, 2011). Of the all relatively small and there is no evidence of a settlement other 46 EIP/MH sites in this area, about half (n = 25) were smaller hierarchy. than 0.5 ha, while another 21 sites were classified as small villages Middle Horizon settlement in the Paruro region shows less sty- with a mean size of 1.4 ha. Most sites were situated close to valley- listic overlap than has been described for other survey regions, per- bottom lands. A second area of EIP/MH sites is around Maras, haps because of the small size of the sites in question and limited where 32 small sites are scattered across the landscape. These in- quantity of decorated pottery present on the surface. Wari ceram- clude several minor Arahuay components at sites that were large ics were identified at only 9 sites (Bauer, 1999: 63–67), and these villages after AD 1000. In general, the northern part of the Xaquix- are largely confined to areas closest to the Lucre Basin. The distri- aguana region shows a tapering off of the distribution of EIP/MH bution of Wari pottery does not correlate strongly with any other styles from the Cusco Basin. EIP or MH styles. Arahuay ceramics were present at just 8 sites In terms of site counts and overall abundance, Qotakalli pottery concentrated in the northern part of the study region, closest to is much more common than Arahuay in the Xaquixaguana region the Cusco Basin (Bauer, 1999: 67–70). Arahuay pottery is found (see Bélisle, 2011), and there is far less co-occurrence of the two in association with Qotakalli and Ccoipa components more fre- styles than is seen in the Cusco Basin. This is explained by the more quently than with the Wari style, which co-occurs with it at only limited distribution of Arahuay pottery and its association with one site. 2 new settlements established around AD 1000. Local imitations of Muyu Roqo, a 2500 m site located on a hillside near Paruro, Qotakalli and Arahuay pottery are more common than actual frag- was the only site in the Paruro study region with a dominant Wari ments of these styles at many sites. Muyu Orqo ceramics represent assemblage (Bauer, 1999). Test excavations at the site yielded an a small component at 17 sites in the southern part of the area, unusual assemblage of fancy pottery, limited mostly to drinking where they are strongly associated with Qotakalli pottery. Wari vessels and bowls, and quantities of camelid bone suggestive of a pottery is exceedingly rare in the Xaquixaguana region, recovered non-domestic context. Nevertheless, the Paruro region shows no evidence of Wari-directed settlement pattern shifts or architecture. Furthermore, the production and distribution of the local ceramic 6 Our survey work did not make surface collections at Pikillacta or Chokepukio— instead, we reference excavation results to identify the presence of EIP and MH styles style (Ccoipa) appear not to have been affected by Wari activities at these two sites (Glowacki, 2005; McEwan et al., 1995). in the Lucre Basin. R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 545

Table 4 Distribution of ceramic components within 3-hour travel intervals from Pikillacta.

Travel hours from Pikillacta Qotakalli Arahuay Wari Less than 3 hrs 58 21 27 3–6 hrs 41 31 9 6–9 hrs 71 63 12 9–12 hrs 44 29 3 12–15 hrs 23 17 3 15–18 hrs 1 1 0 Total 238 162 54

Table 5 Distribution of ceramic components within 3-hour travel intervals from Tankarpata.

Travel hours from Tankarpata Qotakalli Arahuay Wari Less than 3 hrs 95 63 18 3–6 hrs 83 57 21 6–9 hrs 54 35 12 9–12 hrs 5 5 1 12–15 hrs 1 1 2 15–18 hrs 0 1 0 Total 238 162 54

Settlement patterns in the Sacred Valley

The Sacred Valley region lacks distinct local EIP and MH styles, indicating instead strong stylistic ties to the Cusco Basin (Covey, 2006). Qotakalli pottery is present at 47 sites, virtually all of which Fig. 5. Distribution of key ceramic components based on walking time from lie between Cusco and the Vilcanota-Urubamba River. Sites regis- Pikillacta and Tankarpata. tered more than 15 km from the Cusco Basin have significant components of what appear to be local imitations of the Qotakalli and Arahuay styles. Qotakalli sites are usually located in well-watered foot travel across the survey area, assuming that travelers are side valley areas suitable for small-scale agriculture production. aware of the terrain configuration and avoid barriers, such as cross- Small villages and hamlets are dispersed widely throughout the re- ing waterways that could potentially slow down the trip. This ter- gion, with low levels of population in the Sacred Valley proper. rain analysis uses Tobler’s algorithm to calculate an anisotropic Because of its close proximity to the Lucre Basin and the site of surface depicting the difficulty of passing through an undulating Pikillacta, the Sacred Valley offers important insights into the nat- landscaping while accounting for terrain slope as its cost surface ure of Wari imperial influence in the greater Cusco region. A direct (Tobler, 1993). Tobler’s original function is: Wari administration of the Cusco region might be expected to de- Speed : ðkm=hÞ¼6 e3:5jSlopeþ0:05j velop economic power through intensification projects in the fa- mously productive Sacred Valley. Nevertheless, our surveys have To calculate travel time estimates and produce isolines of same- documented that the EIP/MH settlement in the valley proper was time routes, the above function translates into the inverse of the sparse and that settlements were typically located 200–300 m slope/speed relationship8: above the valley floor. Wari pottery was identified at only two sites 3:5jslopeþ0:05j in the Sacred Valley region, whereas Arahuay ceramics were pres- Travel Time : ðh=mÞ¼ð1=6000Þe ent at 42 sites, with a distribution largely restricted to areas south Data from the Instituto Geográfico Nacional del Perú provided of the Vilcanota-Urubamba River. The distribution of Qotakalli and different digital contour datasets at 1:100,000 scale that were com- Arahuay ceramics suggests exchange relationships with the Cusco bined together and clipped to the limits of the survey area. Geo- Basin, with a slight tendency toward greater nucleation over time graphic Information Systems software ArcGIS 9.2 aided in 7 (Covey, 2006). merging the geographic datasets and the analysis of survey data. The path distance surface is a heuristic means of representing GIS analysis of stylistic distributions the anisotropic movement in terms of units of time,9 and served as the basis for the creation of isolines every three hours’ distance We have created distribution maps based on how many identi- from Pikillacta and Tankarpata. The most distant components from fied components of a given EIP/MH ceramic style lie within a given each site were between 15 and 18 hours travel time (Tables 4 and walking interval from two important sites, Pikillacta and Tankar- 5, respectively). pata. Pikillacta was selected for analysis because it is a large Wari installation in the survey region. Tankarpata is a modest sized vil- 8 This formula assumes that on a downward sloping surface the walker will lage site located in the largest known concentration of EIP/MH set- advance faster than when walking an upward slope. For flat surface or zero degree tlements in the Cusco Basin. We selected it as being representative slope, Tobler’s function computes speed of 5.037 km/h. The greatest speed according of villages in the center of the basin. Regional analysis modeled to this function would be for a walker to cover 1 km of about 3 degree downward slope at 9.6 min. 9 The path distance surface was calculated with Tobler’s walking time formula by 7 As in the Xaquixaguana study region, Arahuay pottery occurs at some Sacred supplying the function with a customized text file (Vertical Factor) that contained Valley sites with a prominent LIP occupation, suggesting a regional settlement degree slope values in the first column and the corresponding value from Tobler’s balkanization beginning before AD 1000. formula in the second column. 546 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552

Fig. 6. Distribution of Qotakalli pottery identiﬁed through survey, with 3-hour walking intervals from Pikillacta and Tankarpata.

The results of the GIS analysis reveal some important patterns supports the interpretation that a single Cusco Basin polity did in the distribution of Qotakalli, Arahuay, and Wari pottery as a not establish formal hierarchical control over the greater Cusco re- function of distance from key sites (Fig. 5). At the outset, it is gion, and that the power of local elites did not extend much be- important to recognize that the locations of Pikillacta and Tankar- yond regular face-to-face contacts. pata in relation to the survey regions inﬂuence how much of the The distribution of Wari pottery (Fig. 7) is also limited in terms area within a given walking interval has been systematically inves- of site components, sherd counts, and geographical scope. With the tigated. Our data offer a very strong portrait of the region within 9 notable exception of Pikillacta, Wari pottery does not appear in the hours of Tankarpata, whereas the same region represents a smaller context of new settlement locations or a more pronounced regional sample of the area within six hours of Pikillacta, since that site is at hierarchy that would suggest a network of imperial administrative the southeast margin of our region. Based on nearby regional stud- sites. Wari ceramics are largely restricted to village sites and are ies (e.g., Glowacki, 2002; Kendall, 1994: 63; Kosiba, 2010: 318), we rare at small sites. Almost all Wari site components are found expect that additional Wari components should be encountered within a day’s round-trip walk of Pikillacta. Not surprisingly, there within about 6 hours or so of Pikillacta, especially in easterly direc- is greater distribution along the axis of valley-bottom settlements tions in areas farther from the Cusco Basin than those analyzed in that run from the Lucre Basin to the Cusco Basin. Some of this pot- this article (e.g., along routes to Ocongate, Quiquijana, and tery could have been distributed through direct exchanges be- Pomacanchi). tween Wari colonists and locals, or through down-the-line The distribution of Qotakalli pottery (Fig. 6) supports earlier trading. The regional distribution of Wari pottery supports the studies (Bauer, 1999; Montoya et al., 2003) that identify the Cusco interpretation that the style was used by Wari colonists and ex- Basin as the center of production and distribution of this ceramic changed with their neighbors, but was not something that was style. Qotakalli ceramics appear throughout the modest settlement associated with state-directed changes to the everyday life of most hierarchies of the basin and its immediate surroundings, with most people living in the Cusco region during the MH. examples recovered in valley-bottom villages and hamlets within a The distribution of the Arahuay style (Fig. 8) offers a more sub- day’s round-trip walk of Tankarpata. Pikillacta lies at the margin of tle portrait of Wari inﬂuence, and it may help to clarify some of the this distribution limit and produces a travel-based distribution that interpretive controversies surrounding the Wari occupation of the makes it unlikely that the site was a major distributor of Qotakalli Cusco region. Arahuay is uncommon within about 3 hours’ walk of pottery. The large Xaquixaguana village at Ak’awillay lies at Pikillacta, where it is negatively correlated with the distribution of roughly the same distance from Tankarpata, in the opposite direc- Wari pottery. Rather than being a local Wari style emanating out of tion. Qotakalli ceramics appear at sites that are more than a day’s the Lucre-Huaro area, Arahuay appears to be a local Cusco Basin walk distance from Tankarpata, but locally produced pottery seems style that has nearly the same geographic scope as Qotakalli, but to be more common at distant EIP/MH sites, including the Ccoipa in smaller amounts and a more limited presence in lower-order style and local imitations of Qotakalli. This distribution pattern settlements. The distribution of Arahuay does not correspond to R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 547

Fig. 7. Distribution of Wari pottery identified through survey, with 3-hour walking intervals from Pikillacta and Tankarpata. regional changes in settlement location or hierarchy, nor does it standing architecture and other material remains are not uni- indicate different exchange patterns that would spread the style formly distributed across the region, our discussion limits itself beyond the bounds described for Qotakalli pottery. Although a to ceramic distributions, acknowledging that these data do not re- Wari decorative influence has been noted on Arahuay pottery, set- flect all kinds of social power potentially wielded by local popula- tlement and distribution patterns suggest that this ‘‘soft power’’ tions or Wari colonists and state officials. was not accompanied by significant changes to local social organization or economic exchange systems (Bauer and Jones, 2003: 14). Everyday social practices

Local settlement pattern continuity suggests minimal altera- Discussion tions to subsistence practices during the MH. Importantly, the per- sistence of multiple local ceramic styles from the EIP into the MH The synthesis of EIP and MH settlement patterns across our indicates that local material culture continued to be produced, ex- combined study regions offers insights into pre-Wari settlement changed, and consumed during the Wari occupation. In other patterns and the degree of transformation that followed the colo- words, the diffusion of Wari social influence did not reach all pop- nization of the Huaro-Lucre area around AD 600. Wari colonization ulations of the region or all levels of local social hierarchies. Never- targeted areas with small local populations, where major invest- theless, it is also apparent that the presence of Wari populations in ments had to be made to establish productive farmland and the Lucre Basin had sufficient cultural influence that some local sources of water. There is no evidence of state administrative cen- potters adopted Wari stylistic elements in their production of the ters in areas with modest settlement hierarchies, such as the Cusco Arahuay style. Basin or Xaquixaguana Valley, which are the expected locations for establishing direct rule. These areas also lack the kind of evidence Religion of indirect rule predicted by the mosaic of control model—small imperial installations, settlement pattern shifts, and evidence of SSurvey data generally do not provide representative regional changes in subsistence priorities. Overall, the survey data suggest perspectives on religious change, but a few site-based observations that the pocket of direct rule established by the Wari state in the hint at the existence of Wari patronage and influence in certain Cusco region was surprisingly small, whereas much of the region locations. Bauer’s (1999) test excavations at Muyu Roqo in the Par- lacks convincing evidence for even indirect state rule. uro region suggest Wari involvement in a local festival event, Our theoretical approach emphasizes diverse forms of power although such patronage is not evident at other sacred locales. Fur- many of which do not necessarily flow from state facilities, so it thermore, excavations at the local EIP/MH center at Ak’awillay re- is important to consider our regional data in terms of how they veal continuity of local ritual practices with little evidence of Wari might reflect dynamic networks of social power. Given that state influence (Bélisle, 2011; Bélisle and Covey, 2010). In contrast, 548 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552

Fig. 8. Distribution of Arahuay pottery identiﬁed through survey, with 3-hour walking intervals from Pikillacta and Tankarpata.

the burial remains recovered by Glowacki (2002) in the Huaro area in what might be considered defensive locations. There are also no provide notable examples of Wari ritual paraphernalia and iconog- clear settlement shifts between EIP and MH patterns that suggest raphy (cf. Zapata, 1997). Clearly, additional excavation work is the abandonment of undefended villages and productive farm- needed throughout the region to gauge the nature and extent of land—a shift that is clearly in evidence in many parts of the Cusco Wari religious influence. region after AD 1000 and has been interpreted as an increase in regional hostilities (Bauer and Covey, 2002). These patterns suggest Economy that Wari colonization did not take place under regional conditions of large-scale intergroup conflict. Local populations throughout the Cusco region already prac- ticed valley-bottom agriculture, including the cultivation of maize, Politics before Wari colonization. Wari settlers may have organized the construction of the impressive Lucre Basin canal and terrace sys- Wari political influence is obvious in the Huaro-Lucre area, and tem (Valencia Zegarra, 2005), but otherwise our survey data do the scale of construction and adherence to Wari canons marks not indicate significant intensification projects or economically- Pikillacta as an unprecedented state project in the south-central oriented settlement shifts. More excavations and geochemical Andes. Construction techniques and the huge labor requirements analyses are needed to approach questions of craft production needed to carry out such a project suggest that multiple work and long-distance exchange relationships, but it is worth noting groups labored at Pikillacta during construction episodes that that the distribution of Wari pottery is generally restricted to the occurred over several generations (Bauer, 2004: 61–62; McEwan, areas closest to large Wari sites, whereas the ceramic components 2005: 63–83). It seems reasonable to infer that Pikillacta’s found farther away suggest exchange patterns among different construction reflects a Wari state strategy to govern local parts of the Cusco region. It is also important to note that about populations directly, an attempt to refashion an outlying colony 10% of the pottery analyzed by Glowacki (1996) at Pikillacta was into a state-administered region. Despite the political ambitions identified as Arahuay (5.5%) or Qotakalli (4.5%), indicating that eco- communicated by the great enclosures at Pikillacta, construction nomic influence was not strictly unidirectional. was abandoned in the midst of the project, and only a small part of the site was ever occupied (McEwan, 2005). Military Settlement patterns beyond the Lucre Basin area also reflect the incomplete realization of state dominance. The Cusco Basin shows Pikillacta was built with high perimeter walls and controlled ac- evidence of closer contact with the Wari centers in Lucre and cess patterns, but no other contemporaneous sites of the region Huaro than other parts of the region, although survey data suggest possess defensive features, and very few EIP or MH sites are found that it lacked a Wari administrative center, or even the emergence R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 549

Fig. 9. Schematic map of Wari state influence, emphasizing the discontinuous nature of state social power. Note that not all ‘‘Wari’’ architecture has been confirmed archaeologically. of a more hierarchical regional settlement pattern.10 Other parts of their subsistence systems to meet state demands. Instead, Wari the Cusco region exhibit similar continuity of existing patterns of populations may have attracted local support through well-estab- settlement hierarchy (or lack thereof) over time, with no clear indi- lished long-distance exchange networks and craft production sys- cation of Wari state administration. tems. In addition to a degree of economic power, Wari officials may Overall, the patterns of Wari power and influence indicate that have established some measure of ideological power in local con- while populations living in the vicinity of the Wari sites in the texts by underwriting elaborate ritual activities, encouraging local Huaro-Lucre area experienced extensive changes, state influence elites to participate in state institutions that seemed effective in was variable and limited throughout most of the Cusco region. promoting order and prosperity among the populations of Wari Nearby areas of greater population density, social complexity, or colonies. Despite such advantages, it should be noted that local specific resources appear to have had closer interactions with the goodwill was insufficient for establishing direct rule throughout Wari colonies, and it may be that higher status individuals in these of the Cusco region. places were in more contact with and influenced by Wari culture. However, large areas lying at a distance from the Wari colonies and Conclusions localities with low populations levels do not exhibit evidence of Wari influence. In short, the regional settlement picture indicates Our results lead us to several significant conclusions regarding a significant difference between Wari state policies (reflected in colonization and the regional expression of different kinds of state the investment in construction at Pikillacta) and actual region- power and influence. Wari interactions with local populations in wide state power. Cusco were very limited beyond a few hours’ walk from key settle- Such distinctions lend important insights into the nature of ments or state installations. The data suggest an archipelago of col- Wari power in the Cusco region and elsewhere in the Andes. De- onies and strategic installations, with restricted areas displaying spite the huge investment displayed in the construction of Pikillac- high fidelity to Wari canons surrounded by regions with little or ta, there is little regional evidence for the state exercise of no evidence of Wari influence (Fig. 9). Such a viewpoint is consis- economic, military, or political power within the hundreds of MH tent with settlement patterns in other regions of the Andes. For communities included within our regional surveys. It is reasonable example, surveys in the Moquegua region indicate intensive Wari to infer that most Cusco populations did not significantly alter colonization in the vicinity of Cerro Baúl, where new large-scale hydraulic works were built (McEwan and Williams, 2012), with limited distribution of Wari architecture or pottery at sites more 10 Although it is possible that a regionally important Wari site underlies modern than a few kilometers away (Goldstein, 2005; Owen, 1996; Owen Cusco, no significant deposits of EIP/MH pottery have been reported in excavations in and Goldstein, 2001; Stanish, 1985). The scale of our study region the city, and the regional settlement pattern in areas immediately surrounding the city yields significant samples of local EIP/MH styles, with no clear evidence of a helps to illustrate why small surveys conducted around confirmed concentration of Wari pottery (Bauer, 2004). or suspected Wari installations often identify Wari influence, 550 R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 whereas surveys around non-Wari centers often fail to encounter Chang’an. The area encompassed by colonies and state architec- such evidence (cf. Jennings, 2002, 2006b; Doutriaux, 2004: tural compounds outside the Ayacucho region reaches only a few 212–220; Sciscento, 1989; Wernke, 2003). Regional surveys in hundred hectares at most.11 Given that the largest of these appear the Nasca region and nearby south coast valleys present a in the Lucre-Huaro area, it is reasonable to hypothesize that pockets comparable disjunction between directly occupied Wari locales characterized by high degrees of state power are correspondingly and areas with no apparent Wari influence (Browne and Baraybar, small elsewhere in the Andes. This suggests that population directly 1988; Edwards, 2010; Proulx, 2007; Schreiber, 1999; Schreiber and governed by Wari state institutions in the Ayacucho region was sub- Lancho Rojas, 1995; Silverman, 2002; for survey data from nearby stantially larger than that of areas under the dominion of Wari col- valleys, see Canziani, 1992; Menzel and Riddell, 1986). onies, which could have been administered using the same The regional data expose problems in interpreting macro-regio- institutions and practices brought from the Ayacucho region. Such nal distribution patterns of Wari architecture, ceramics, and other an observation encourages archaeologists to reconsider the role of material culture. As art historians move to describe Wari craft colonies as a civic outgrowth that might or might not lead to the cre- goods formally (e.g., Bergh and Jennings, 2012), it is important to ation of institutions for the direct and formal administration of draw the distinction between regional archaeological data and peripheral regions (e.g., Stein, 2005), and it underscores the limits the interpretive potential of museum objects. Looted tombs—espe- of state power across space and time, despite the messages inscribed cially those of the coastal desert—demonstrate the elite consump- on state monuments and in official histories. tion of fine Wari-style craft goods, but it is problematic to infer direct state administration from poorly-provenanced objects with Acknowledgments no other cultural context. The spectacular mortuary remains re- cently reported in the Vilcabamba region represent a rare instance Bauer received support for the Paruro survey from a Fulbright- where high status Wari mortuary offerings have been excavated Hays DDRA fellowship, as well as the Skaggs Foundation and the and affiliated with state architectural and burial canons (Fonseca Organization of American States. Bauer’s Cuzco survey was funded Santa Cruz and Bauer, in press), although the regional expression by the National Science Foundation (BCS-9806971), the National of state power and influence remains to be determined. Geographic Society (NGS), the National Endowment for the Without a systematic regional context, it is problematic to as- Humanities (NEH), and the John Heinz III Charitable Trust. Covey’s sume that the conditions at or immediately near a state settlement, Sacred Valley survey received funding from a Fulbright-Hays DDRA architectural compound, or tomb are representative of the entire Fellowship and related grants from the Wenner-Gren Foundation region. Furthermore, the identification of portable objects in a (#6604) and the NSF (BCS-0135913). Grants from the NSF (BCS- state-affiliated style—ceramic vessels, textiles, and other craft 0342381) and NEH (RZ-50818-07) supported Covey’s Xaquixagu- goods—should be considered as evidence of interregional exchange ana survey, and the NGS funded the Qoriqocha survey. The lower networks only, unless clear indicators of state domination are evi- Sacred Valley was surveyed with support from the John Heinz III dent. This is particularly true for mortuary assemblages and mu- Charitable Trust. We are grateful for the material support for the seum pieces that lack a clear excavation context. In a similar extended fieldwork, as well as for the collegial input of the anony- vein, it is important to acknowledge that continuous imperial dom- mous reviewers who read and commented on the initial draft of ination is not needed for portable goods to be moved across great this article. distances, and when objects change hands their use and signifi- cance can also be reinterpreted. Technology and iconography can be diffused in even more complicated ways. References The regional scope and intensity of the Wari occupation of Cus- co encourages comparisons with the footprint of early states in Barreda Murillo, L., 1973. Las culturas inka y pre-inka de Cusco. Licensiatura Thesis. other world regions—Uruk, Old Kingdom Egypt, Monte Albán, Teo- Department of Archaeology, Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco. tihuacán, Tiwanaku—where colonies or enclaves met economic de- Barreda Murillo, L., 1982. Asentamiento humano de los Qotakalli del Cuzco. In: mands and fulfilled civic and strategic functions for centuries as Oberti Rodríguez, I. (Ed.), Arqueología del Cuzco. Instituto Nacional de Cultura, the state developed the motivation and means for creating institu- Cusco, pp. 13–21. Bauer, B.S., 1989. Muyu Orqo y Ccoipa: Dos nuevos tipos de cerámica para la región tions to govern ‘‘foreign’’ populations (Covey, 2003: 45–46, 62–63; del Cuzco. Revista Andina 7 (2), 537–542. cf. Goldstein, 2005). A ‘‘colonization first’’ interpretation of early Bauer, B.S., 1992. The Development of the Inca State. University of Texas Press, Wari expansion encourages the reconsideration of motivations Austin. Bauer, B.S., 1999. The Early Ceramics of the Inca Heartland. Fieldiana Anthropology, for expansion, shifting from military conquest and economic n.s. 31, 1–156. exploitation of subject populations to issues such as demographic Bauer, B.S., 2002. Las antiguas tradiciones alfareras de la región del Cuzco. Centro de relief and strategic expansion of trade routes or natural resource Estudios Rurales Andinos ‘‘Bartolomé de Las Casas’’, Cusco. Bauer, B.S., 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. University of Texas Press, access. Such resettlement could be state-directed, or initiated by Austin. groups other than the ruling elite. Based on the incomplete con- Bauer, B.S., Covey, R.A., 2002. Processes of state formation in the Inca Heartland struction and occupation profiles of the largest Wari peripheral (Cuzco, Peru). American Anthropologist 104 (3), 846–864. installations, it appears that the Wari state did not successfully Bauer, B.S., Jones, B.M., 2003. Early Intermediate and Middle Horizon Ceramic Styles of the Cuzco Valley. Fieldiana Anthropology, n.s. 34, 1–65. transition most colonies into directly ruled provinces. Bauer, B.S., Jones, B.M., 2012. Estilos cerámicos del periodo intermedio temprano y Wari was clearly a centralized state whose people settled out- el horizonte medio en el valle del Cuzco. In: Bauer, B.S. (Ed.), Estudios side of the Ayacucho region. Wari can also be considered to have Arqueológicos sobre los Inca. Centro Bartolomé de las Casas, Cusco, pp. 127– 209. aspired to establish direct control over local populations surround- Bauer, B.S., Kellett, L.C., 2010. Cultural Transformations of the Chanka Homeland ing some of its colonies, although the state may have overextended (Andahuaylas, Peru) during the Late Intermediate Period (A.D. 1000–1400). as it embarked on its first programs to do so. Andean archaeolo- Latin American Antiquity 21 (1), 87–111. gists should consider the modest scale of the Wari state in the context of contemporaneous states from other world regions. The 11 This figure is heavily weighted by large size estimates for Cusco Wari sites (47 ha most generous estimates of the population of the Wari capital for Pikillacta and 150 ha for Huaro [Glowacki and Zapata, 1998; McEwan, 2005]). It also includes the incomplete site of Viracochapampa (32 ha), disputed sites such as reach 70,000 (Glowacki and Malpass, 2003: 432; Isbell et al., Achachiwa (35 ha—see Doutriaux, 2004), and unconfirmed sites identified using air 1991: 24; cf. McEwan and Williams, 2012: 65), a small fraction photos, such as Pariamarca and Tocroc. See Jennings (2006a: 269–270) for discussion of the size of state capitals such as Constantinople, Baghdad, and of assumed lower-order Wari sites. R.A. Covey et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32 (2013) 538–552 551

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