CHILDHOOD LOST: ABDUCTIONS, SACRIFICE, AND TROPHY HEADS OF CHILDREN IN THE WARI EMPIRE OF THE ANCIENT ANDES

TiffinyA. Tung and Kelly J.Knudson

This study examines isolated child skeletal remains from ritual structures at theWari site of Conchopata (A.D. 600-1000) to evaluate how theywere modified into trophy heads and whether the children were sacrificed. The skeletal remains rep resent at least seven children. Strontium isotope ratios are examined to determine whether children were takenfrom foreign locales. Results show that the children's skulls exhibit a hole on the apex of the cranium and on the ascending ramus of the mandible, identical to the adult Wari trophy heads. At least one child may have been sacrificed. 87Sr^6Sr demonstrate that two of thefour sampled child trophy heads were nonlocal, suggesting that children were occasionally abducted from dis tant communities, perhaps for sacrifice and certainly to transform some into trophy heads. The similar child and adult tro phy heads suggest that the ritual treatment of children was not uniquely designed, at least as it related to their processing, display, and destruction. Furthermore, it is suggested that the child trophy heads were not simply passive symbols of pre existing authority by the head-takers and trophy head-makers. The trophy heads simultaneously imbued those agents with " authority?they did not merely reflect it?demonstrating the "effective agency of the trophy head objects themselves. Finally, we suggest that prisoner-taking and trophy head-making by military and ritual elites served to legitimate the authority of those individuals while simultaneously serving larger state goals that enhanced Wari state authority and legitimated its policies and practices.

Este estudio examina oseos humanos incorpdreos de varios nihos provenientes de estructuras rituales en un sitio de afiliacion Wari (d.C. 600-1000)?Conchopata?para evaluar sifueron modificados como cabezas trofeos y sifueron sacrificados. Los restos oseos representan por lomenos siete nihos. Ademds, se analizan las proporciones de isotopos de estroncio para aclarar si estuvieron raptados desde regiones afuera del centro del imperio Wari. Observaciones de perforaciones en los apices de los crdneos de los nihos indican que fueron cabezas trofeos. 875r/*65rdemuestra que dos cabezas trofeos de nihos eran extran jeros. Esto sugiere que los guerreros de Wari capturaron nihos, como hicieron a los adultos prisioneros. Las similitudes entre las cabezas trofeos de nihos y adultos, indican que el tratamiento ritual de los nihos no fue unico o especial en su diseho, a menos que se relaciona su procesamiento, exposition, y destruction dentro de las estructuras rituales. Ademds, se sugiere que no las cabezas trofeos de los nihos fueron simbolos pasivos de una autoridad pre-existente de sus captores yfabricadores. Las cabezas trofeos simultdneamente imbuyeron esos agentes con autoridad?no la En este sentido, las " reflejaron simplemente. cabezas trofeos tuvieron una "agenda efectiva dentro de sus contextos de obtencion, fabrication, y utilization. Finalmente, sugerimos que la captura y fabrication de cabezas trofeos por la elite militar y ritual legitimizaron su autoridad, a la vez sirviendo metas mas amplias del estado que aumentaron su autoridad y legitimizaron sus principios y prdcticas.

Child sacrifice has been documented in the man Poma de Ayala et al. 1987 [1615]; Reinhard ancientAndes of and ismost clearly 2005). Children (and adults) could also be sacri associated with the Inka Empire (A.D. ficed tomark significant imperial events, such as 1450-1532). Both ethnohistorical and bioarchae thedeath of a royal Inka, a new Inka ruler's reign, ological studies thathave documented thispractice, or a successfulmilitary campaign (Betanzos 1551; as known capacocha, note thatbeautiful, unblem Sarmiento de Gamboa 1999 [1572]). Recently, a ished childrenwere sacrificed and buried in high probable capacocha has been documented at the Andean mountaintops as offerings tomountain site of Chokepuquio in theDepartment of , deities (apus) (Ceruti 2004; Gentile L 1996; Gua where seven similarly aged childrenwere interred

Tiffiny A. lung Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University, VU Station B #356050, Nashville, TN 37235 (t.tung@ vanderbilt.edu) Kelly J. Knudson Center for Bioarchaeological Research, School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University PO Box 872402, Tempe, AZ, 85287 ([email protected])

Latin American Antiquity 21(1), 2010, pp. 44-66 Copyright ?2010 by the Society forAmerican Archaeology

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togetherwith grave goods highly reminiscent of a afford insights into how children were integrated capacocha offering(Andrushko et al. 2008; Gibaja into ritual life and how theymay have been per et al. 2005); thisdemonstrates thatthese Inka child ceived in prehispanic Andean society. sacrificeswere not limited tomountaintops. In this study,we evaluate whether theWari Other Andean groups have been suspected of empire (A.D. 600-1000) in particular engaged in practicing child sacrifice, such as theMoche (A.D. any of thesepractices. The notion thatthe Wari may 100-700) on the north coast of Peru where skele have done so stems fromnew trophyhead finds at tons from threechildren, two ofwhich were head theWari siteof Conchopata (Tung 2008), and from less,were recovered from a ritual plaza at Huaca what is known of other prehispanic Andean soci de la Luna (Bourget 2001). These child skeletons eties. For example, the Inka practiced child sacri were recovered from the same plaza as numerous fice, and it has been proposed that some of their sacrificed adult males (Verano 2001a). However, cultural practices and aspects of statecraftderived because therewas no osteological evidence among from theWari (Earle 1997; Schreiber 1992). Also, the child burials for themechanism of death (e.g., because studies of Nasca trophy heads (A.D. perimortem fractures,cutmarks, or chopmarks), it 1-600) and associated iconography provide com is unclear if theywere sacrificed or died natural pelling evidence thatadults and an occasional child deaths (Bourget 2001). were likely captured for thepurpose of ritual sac Recent research at the lateMiddle Horizon/early rificeand transformationinto trophyheads (Proulx Late IntermediatePeriod site of Santa Rita B in the 2001), it is possible that a subsequent polity in a Chao Valley has uncovered additional examples of neighboring region (i.e., theWari in theAyacucho possible child sacrifice; threesubadults (two 10-12 Basin) conducted similar activities (Figure 1). year olds and a 13-15 year-old girl) were appar Moreover, Nasca-derived iconography inmuch of ently sacrificed and interredwith two principal Wari art indicates that theNasca polity strongly burials (a 7-year-old child and an adult male) influencedWari material culture (Cook 1994;Men (Gaither et al. 2008). Although the subadult sacri zel 1964). Therefore, itwould not be surprising if fices exhibit no perimortem trauma, the context Nasca ritualpractices also permeatedWari society. and burial orientation led theauthors to suggest they Finally, thepossibility thatchildren were sacrificed are retainersacrifices (Gaither et al. 2008), not dis and transformedinto trophyheads inWari society similar to the child retainer sacrifices documented finds precedent in the apparent evidence that the at theMiddle Sican site of Huaca Loro (Shimada Wari Empire sacrificed adults and transformed et al. 2004). In short,while there is clear evidence them into trophyheads (Tung 2007a). of child sacrifice among the Inka and compelling Much of what is known about Andean trophy evidence for it among pre-Inka cultural groups in heads derives from iconographic and osteological thenorthern Peruvian Andes and coast, it remains studies of theNasca (Browne et al. 1993; Proulx unclear if other pre-Inka groups practiced child 2001; Silverman 1993; Silverman and Proulx 2002; sacrifice. Verano 1995). Detailed osteological studyof Nasca The dearth of data on child sacrifice among pre trophyheads has identified theirdefining charac Inka groups is paralleled by limited informationon teristics,such as an intentionallyenlarged foramen child trophyheads. This lack of informationhas magnum to extract the brain and an intentionally made inquiries into thepractice of child head-taking drilled hole on theanterior of thefrontal bone (Ver and itspossible relationship to child sacrifice dif ano 1995). Carrying cords are often still in place ficult to address. In turn,scholarly inquiries regard inmany of theNasca trophyheads, demonstrating ing the role that children played in prehispanic that theywere carried and displayed. rituals have been limited, a void that inhibitsour To evaluate whetherWari did indeedmake tro sac ability to characterize how ritual activities affected phies out of children's heads and practice child the lives of individuals of all ages. A focused study rifice, seven isolated children's skulls from two of children's bones from ritual structuresprovides ritual spaces at theWari site of Conchopata were a directmeans to evaluate if children were sacri reconstructedand analyzed. (They are clearly iden ficed, how theirremains were made into trophies, tified as the remains of children, not dwarf indi and fromwhere theywere obtained. These data also viduals, as has been previously suggested

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Figure 1.Map of Peru showing sites discussed in the text.

[Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002]). These children's adult trophyheads, who may have been sacrifice skeletal remains are ideal to address these issues victims (Cook 2001; Tung 2007a). That these because theywere excavated from the same ritual uniquely shaped buildings are ritual in nature is rooms?as spaces?circular and D-shaped the indicated not only by theirarchitectural design, but

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also by the presence of sacrificed camelids and rule,we see the various evidence as an indication intentionally smashed ceramic urns thathad been thatWari political leaderswere savvy in theirimple beautifully decorated with images ofWari deities mentation of differentstrategies in distinct places, and elaborately dressed warriors (Ochatoma 2007; and in how theynegotiated with local elites. Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002). While there is compelling evidence for these various strategies of rule (Feldman 1989; Isbell 1984, 2007; Lumbreras 1974; Menzel 1964; The Wari Empire Williams andNash 2005), evidence from the impe The Middle Horizon (A.D. 600-1000) in thePeru rial heartland suggests thatmilitary might, or the vianAndes was initiatedby various changes in art, threatthereof, as well as ritual authority,were par architecture, and sociopolitical organization that ticularlyprominent. These are apparent in icono reached nearly all parts of theAndes. These pan graphic depictions ofWari warriors carrying Andean changes stemmed from twomajor cultural weapons and trophyheads andWari deities hold centers: Tiwanaku in the southern Andes of ing prisoners and trophy heads. Notably, these modern-day Bolivia, and the capital site of Huari images appear on large, state-produced ceramic in central highland Peru (Isbell 1987) (Figure 1). urns, some of which are a meter in diameter Wari influence was more geographically wide (Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002). The "official" cou spread than that of Tiwanaku, as evident in the pling of images of warriors, captives, and trophy wider distribution ofWari architecture thatmim heads strongly suggests that activities involving ics formsfrom thecapital siteof Huari (Isbell 1984, them are interrelated.Further evidence ofmilitary 1991; Isbell et al. 1991). This style,known as the conflict, or violent unrestmore generally, is seen "orthogonal cellular architecturehorizon," in addi in adult cranial trauma rates thataverage about 25 tion to theD-shaped ritualbuildings (Isbell 1991), percent among those fromConchopata and other appear at numerous sites in the Peruvian Andes Wari affiliated sites in theMajes valley of south (Anders 1991; Feldman 1989; Isbell 1989, 1991; ern Peru (Tung 2007b). McEwan 1991; Moseley et al. 1991; Schreiber The establishment ofWari ritualauthority in the 1992; Williams 2001) (Figure 1). In particular, heartland and hinterland is evidenced by thewide Azangaro (Anders 1991) and Jincamocco distributionof D-shaped ritual structures,some of (Schreiber 1992), located on thefringes of theWari which contained ritually smashed ceramic vessels heartland,display Wari architecture,as domore dis and sacrificed camelids (Bragayrac 1991; Cook tant sites such as and Honco 2001; Isbell and Cook 2002; Ochatoma and Cabr pampa innorthern Peru (Isbell 1989; Topic 1991), era 2002; Williams 2001). The display and destruc Pikillacta near Cuzco (McEwan 1991), and Cerro tionof adult human trophyheads in ritualbuildings Baiil in southernPeru (Feldman 1989;Moseley et was another significantpart of establishing thisrit al. 1991;Williams 2001). There are also numerous ual authority.This is apparent at the site of Con Middle Horizon sites thathave Wari ceramics and chopata, the secondary site in theWari heartland textiles intrusive to the local style, illustratingthe (Isbell and Cook 2002), where 24 adult trophy extent ofWari influence (Cardona Rosas 2002; heads were foundburned and smashed on the floors Cook 1994; Cook and Glowacki 2003; Menzel of two ritual structures(EA72 and EA143). Fifteen 1964, 1968; Nash and Barrionuevo 2009; Owen of the 16 adult crania whose sex could be deter 2007; Schreiber 1992; Stone-Miller andMcEwan mined were male (94 percent), and eight of the 19 1990;Tung 2007c). adult trophyheads (42 percent) exhibited cranial seven This widespread influence and control in par trauma (one perimortem and antemortem ticular parts of theAndes may have succeeded fractures) (Tung 2008). Moreover, strontium iso a throughreligious indoctrination(Cook 1994,2001; tope ratios obtained from local burials and sub a Menzel 1964), commensal feasting and drinking sample of adult trophy heads indicate that (Cookand Glowacki 2003;Isbell 1984,1987,2007; majority of the adult trophyhead victims came Williams and Nash 2005), and/ormilitary cam from a geographical locale outside of theAyacu paigns (Feldman 1989; Lumbreras 1974). But rather cho Basin (Tung and Knudson 2008). Together, the thanviewing these as mutually exclusive means to demographic, trauma, and chemical data suggest

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thatadults who were transformedinto trophyheads imperial strategies for the subjugation and integra may have been victims of raids,many ofwhom may tion of "outsider" polities. To estimate if children have been nonlocal enemies of theWari state.This from these ritual structureswere from theWari is furthersupported by ceramic iconography show heartland or some distant geological locale, we ingWari deities controlling bound prisoners and obtained strontium isotope ratios from four of the holding trophyheads, as well as images ofwarriors seven children, and compared those to theexpected wearing trophyheads around their necks (Isbell strontium isotope value for theAyacucho Basin and Cook 2002; Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002). (Wari imperial core) (Tung and Knudson 2008). We hypothesize that, like the adult trophyheads from the ritual structuresat Conchopata, one or more Expectations: Taking Child Captives and child heads will exhibit a nonlocal strontium Documenting Sacrifice trophy isotope value, suggesting that,on occasion, chil Child skulls thatdisplay the same postmortemmod dren (or just theirheads and hands) were takencap ifications as adult trophyheads will be identified tive and brought back toConchopata for possible as trophy heads. Such modifications include an sacrifice and transformationinto trophies. intentionallydrilled hole on theapex of thecranium and the ramus of themandible. To deter ascending Materials and Methods mine whether thebodies of children received sim ilar ritual treatment as those of adults, juvenile The skeletal remains analyzed in this study include remains were inventoried to see if the same adult hand phalanges, cervical vertebrae, and cranial and skeletal elements (i.e., crania,mandibles, and hand mandibular parts representing at least seven chil phalanges) were present among thejuvenile bones. dren.The child skeletal remains do not derive from The skeletal elements were thenexamined forcut mortuary spaces, so the bone modifications marks, chopmarks, and burning. If adults and chil described below (e.g., cutmarks, chopmarks) are dren are representedby the same skeletal elements unlikely related to burial treatment.Three chil thatshow similarmodifications, itwill be suggested dren's skulls are from theD-shaped ritual room thatboth age groups were similarly integratedinto (EA72) and four are from the circular ritual room Wari rituals. (EA143); both spaces measured 11m in diameter The knowledge thatthe Inka practiced child sac (Figure 2). Because the human remains were rifice contributes to the supposition thatpreceding smashed and commingled on the floors of the rit Andean groups also engaged in this practice, but ual rooms, some crania could not be affiliatedwith evidence for skeletal trauma that is consistentwith theirmandibles. intentional killing would further support the Each cluster of human bone from the floor of hypothesis. For example, cutmarks or chopmarks EA143 was photographed, mapped, and assigned on the cervical vertebrae, the inferioredge of the a numerical code while in situ (Isbell and Cook occipital, and/or theposterior edge of themandible 2002). Inmost cases, a cluster of skull fragments may suggest lethal decapitation (Angel and Cald pertained toone individual.However, inother cases well 1984; Waldron 1996), while a perimortem one skull could be dispersed among several bone fractureon a cervical vertebramay suggest a bro piles. For this reason, alphabetical lab codes were ken neck that could have been fatal (Angel and assigned that identifiedeach particular individual. Caldwell 1984). Because thecutmarks, chopmarks, (See Table 1 for listingof thechild skeletal remains and perimortem fracture could also result from thatare present foreach juvenile.) Spatial and strati postmortem processing forburial, theosteological graphic relationshipscould not be examined forcra data must be evaluated with information on the nia fromEA72, as there are no detailed maps or archaeological context and more general knowl sketches showing them in situ, though field pho edge about sacrifice in theAndes. tographs do show the skulls clustered together. The question regardingwhether local or foreign Age was determined based on dental eruption childrenwere takencaptive, sacrificiallykilled, and whenever possible (Ubelaker 1989). Cranial suture then transformed into trophyheads is crucial to closure and thickness of the cranial bones were examine, for these insightsreveal much aboutWari also used as criteria to distinguish adult bone from

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Figure 2. Map of Conchopata. (Based on map by Juan Carlos Blacker.)

juvenile bone (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985). Because All toothand bone samples were prepared in the sexually dimorphic skeletal traitshad not yet devel Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory atArizona oped on the juvenile individuals, sex could not be State University. Archaeological bone samples determined for any of the child remains. were mechanically and chemically cleaned in a All juvenile skeletal elements were observed series of weak acetic acid washes to remove any with a lOx handheld magnifying lens formodifi diagenetic contamination, and then ashed at 800? cations such as drilled holes, cutmarks, chopmarks, C for 10 hours (Nielsen-Marsh and Hedges 2000; and burning.They were also observed forante- and Price et al. 1992; Price et al. 1994; Sillen 1989). perimortem trauma, and cribra orbitalia (an indi The strontiumwas then separated from the sample cator of physiological stress) was observed when matrix using EiChrom SrSpec resin in theW.M. orbital roofs were present. Keck Foundation Laboratory for Environmental

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Figure 3. Map of EA143, showing locations of the child trophy heads and other clusters of cranial fragments. Trophy Head A is from cranial cluster 1; Trophy Head H is from cranial clusters 14 and 15; Trophy Head P is from cranial clus ters 4 and 13; Trophy Head S is from cranial cluster 19. Cranial clusters 12 and 18 each had a child frontal fragment, but it is unknown to which cranium the fragments belong. All other similarly sized polygons in the southeast quadrant are adult trophy heads. (Redrawn and labeled by Tung based on photos, maps, and field notes byWilliam Isbell, Juan Carlos Blacker, and Greg Ketteman.)

Biogeochemistry at Arizona State University, Results where the samples were then analyzed using the multicollector Neptune inductivelycoupled plasma Spatial Distribution of theChild Crania mass spectrometer(MC-ICP-MS). Recent ^Sr/^Sr The juvenile and adult skulls fromEA72 were bro analyses of strontium carbonate standard = ken and deposited together in the southern half of SRM-987 yield a value of 87Sr/*6Sr .710261 ? the structure,though specific spatial rela .000020 (2a), which is in agreementwith analyses D-shaped tionships between the skulls are unknown. In of SRM-987 using a thermal ionizationmass spec = EA143, the skeletal elements were in the trometer (TIMS), where 87Sr/86Sr .710263 ? deposited south/southeast of the structure,where child .000016 (2a) (Stein et al. 1997), and analyses of portion crania were intermixed among the adult trophy SRM-987 using an identicalMC-ICP-MS, where = heads 3 and 4). of crania and 87Sr/86Sr .710251 ?. 000006 (2a) (Balcaen et al. (Figures Fragments mandibles fromchildren were recovered fromboth 2005). Additional details of sample preparation EA72 and EA143, but child hand were have been discussed elsewhere (Knudson and Tung phalanges recovered fromEA143. 2007). only

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Figure 4. Skulls in situ (left photo) and hand phalanges (in situ) that were under Crania 8 and 15 (right photo). Cranium 4 (C4) included skull fragments from a child (Tr-P) and an adult (Tr-D, visible in photo but not discussed in this article). Skull fragments from Tr-P were below and immediately east of Tr-D. (Photos courtesy ofWilliam Isbell.)

Of the four child crania fromEA143, two had It is unknown if the dispersion of child skeletal skull parts scattered among several differentclus parts occurred during the process of the ritual, or ters.Trophy Head H (Tr-H) was scattered among if theywere separated after ritual activities had Cranial Clusters 14 and 15, and Tr-P was dispersed ceased. among Cranial Clusters 4 and 13 (Figures 3 and 4). Tr-A was from skeletal remains inCranial Cluster Age-at-Death 1 only, and Tr-S was fromCranial Cluster 19 only Three of thefour children in thecircular ritual struc (Figure 3). Cranial Clusters 12 and 18 also had turewere 3 to 8 years old at the time of death. The some juvenile bone fragments,but theycould have fourthchild in thatroom was 4 to 11 years old. The belonged to any one of theother child skulls; there threechildren in theD-shaped ritual space were not fore, theycould not be added to theMNI estimate. as well preserved, but based on cranial size and

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thickness, each was identifiedas 3 to 12 years old (Table 1). ,D ,

Modifications: Drilled Holes, Cutmarks, Chop marks, and Burning

Among thefour juvenile crania with an observable calotte, all show a hole at bregma, on the apex of S cranium and of the two 2 ^" ' o o o the (Figure 5), mandibles z z z observed, one exhibited a hole on both the leftand rightascending ramus (Table 1,Figure 6). Because o o the locations of these intentionally drilled holes Z Z mirror those on the adult trophyheads, these child remains are identifiedas trophyheads. o o Of the three child mandibles preserved well Z Z z ? enough to observe for cutmarks,all exhibited them i5'i on theposterior edge of theascending ramus,mod ificationsthat mirror those of theadult trophyheads

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Figure 5. Reconstructed trophy heads from EA72 and EA143.

used to fire terra-cotta or earthenware ceramics Trauma

(Rice 1987). There were four calottes, two frontal bones, two facial areas, four threecer Disease partial partialmandibles, vical vertebrae, and eight hand phalanges, none of Cribra orbitalia was observed on one of the four which exhibited antemortem trauma (i.e., healed child heads which that trophy (25 percent), suggests fractures).Thus, itappears that these children did theaffected individualmay have sufferedfrom ane not sufferfrom injuryearlier in theirchildhoods. mia (Ortner et al. 2001; Stuart-Macadam 1987; All juvenile elements were examined for peri Walker 1986;Walker et al. 2009) or inflammation mortem trauma (i.e., injuries thatoccur around the caused a dental abscess, sinusitis,or other naso by timeof death).A perimortem fracturewas observed et oral infections (Wapler al. 2004). In short, those on the lamina of a cervical vertebra fromEA143 lesions indicate stressamong general physiological Tr-P (Figure 10), the same child thatshowed chop a of the children thatwere made into tro quarter marks on themandibular ascending ramus. The heads. In five = phy contrast, only percent (N 19) affected vertebra is either cervical vertebra 4,5,6, of children that received proper burial in a Con or 7. The angle of the break and the homogenous tomb sufferedfrom similar stres chopata biological color of thebroken edge and the surroundingbone sors. However, the difference is not statistically indicate thatthe fracture was perimortem, not post = N = significant (Fisher's exact, p .324, 23). mortem.

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Figure 6. Mandible from child trophy head (Tr-S) exhibiting a hole on the leftand right ascending rami. The arrow points to the superior edge of the hole fragment on the left ramus. The right photo shows the medial aspect of the right ascend ing ramus with the drilled hole; the large hole is the crypt for the developing tooth that had not yet erupted in this child.

= Strontium Isotope Ratios Conchopata (7/31 23 percent), whereas only 7 of Nasca child heads with Strontium ratioswere obtained frombone percent trophy age isotope = reportedwere from children (8/123 7 from four children (five samples total): EA143 percent) a difference that is Tr-A cranial ^Sr/^Sr = .71013; EA143 (Tung 2007a), statistically sig fragment = = = nificant (Fisher's exact, p .014, /V 154). Tr-H hand phalanx ^Sr/^Sr .71601; EA143-Tr-P = The of child tro cranial fragment^Sr/^Sr .70613; EA-143-Tr-P significantlyhigher frequency = heads at is and itmay sug vertebral fragment 87Sr/86Sr .70607 (the cranial phy Conchopata striking, gest thatchildren were for this and vertebral fragments are from the same juve intentionallysought = ritual The children's heads more nile); and EA72-Tr-Cl 87Sr/*6Sr .70616 (Table program. represent than a couple of eccentric specimens; seem to 2 and Figure 11). Two of the four children (Tr-A they be a common and of these elaborate and Tr-H) exhibit values outside theexpected range integralpart Wari rituals,where thechild heads are inte for theAyacucho Basin (local mean ? 2a s.d. is trophy = with those from adults. theWari 87Sr/86Sr .7051-.7065) (Tung and Knudson grated Perhaps (orritual or other elites with 2008), indicating that theywere not from theWari community specialists power within the commu heartland. This suggests that, on occasion, Wari decision-making larger warriors took children captive (or just theirheads and hands), and brought themback toConchopata. Table 2. 87Sr/*6SrValues for the Sampled Child Trophy Heads and Hands from Conchopata.

Discussion Specimen Code_87Sr/86Sr Tr-2985-13 Vert (Tr-P) .70607 Tr-2985-13 Cran .70613 Child TrophyHeads in theWari Empire (Tr-P) Tr-0072-MandJ (Tr-C 1) .70616 The seven child trophyheads represent23 percent Tr-2985-01 Cran (Tr-A) .71013 of the entire trophyhead sample recovered from Tr-2985-15-02 Hand ph. (Tr-H)_.71601

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Figure 7. Top photo: chopmarks on inferior-posterior corner of mandible from Tr-P, suggesting that this child beheaded from behind. Bottom photo: cutmarks on posterior edge of ascending ramus of Tr-S. nity) deemed children older than threeappropriate have placed them in a social category thatmarked for trophyhead transformation.Age is certainly a them suitable for sacrifice and trophyhead rituals. key aspect of social identity,and although it is Despite the age differences between children and unknown howWari would have marked the pas adults, both were similarly processed. That is, rit sage of time for calculating age, it is probable that uals involvingchild trophyheads were not uniquely all of these children were close to or in theirpost designed, at least as they related to theirprocess weaned years and were likelywalking and talking, ing, display, and destruction inWari ritual build but not yet in post-puberty. These statuses may ings.While theremay have been other distinctions

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Figure 8. Cutmarks on temporal bone (superior to external auditory meatus) of child trophy head.

regarding the ritual (non-mortuary) treatmentof were also observed on 59 percent of theadult tro children and adults who were transformedinto tro phy heads fromConchopata (N= 22) (Tung 2008) phy heads, currentdata do not reveal them. and on a Moche skull bowl (Verano 2001a). An important insight from these observations is that Dismemberment and Display of trophyhead preparers in the ancientAndes likely Children's Heads had detailed knowledge of human anatomy, and The cutmarkson themandibles and temporalbones Wari ritual specialists in particular, nearly consis suggest that soft tissuewas intentionallyremoved, tently severed the same muscles in the process of likelyduring theprocess of dismembering thebody. creating human trophyheads. This also suggests thattrophy-head preparers were The holes on the apex of the child trophyheads not working with old, skeletonized remains. That were probably threadedwith cord so theycould be is,body parts of long-dead childrenwhose soft tis carried or dangled, as was done with Nasca trophy sues had naturally decomposed were not used for heads. Child mandibles also may have been hung creating trophyheads. Rather, theymust have been separately, as evidenced by thehole on theascend dismembering and modifying fresh bodies from ing ramus, or theycould have been tiedback to the recentlydeceased children. cranium at various times throughout theiruse-life. In particular, thecutmarks on theposterior edge This kind of usage has also been proposed by Ver of the ascending ramus indicate that themasseter ano (1995), who describes a Moche skull bowl muscle was intentionally cut to separate the (noted above) with two holes on the leftascending mandible from thecranium. (The masseter muscle ramus. Thus, theholes on the apex of Conchopata originates on the inferioredge of the zygomatic crania and on the ramus ofmandibles likely func bone and insertson theascending ramus and coro tioned as conduits for cords, so the entire trophy noid process of themandible; thus, thismuscle head (cranium and mandible) or just one part (cra must be severed if themandible is to be disarticu nium or mandible) could be displayed. It is lated from the cranium.) Cutmarks on mandibles unknown if the child trophyheads were displayed

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= solely in the ritual structuresor if theywere also (N 290) (Tung 2010). Thus, given thatchildhood displayed in other areas. deaths are relativelyuncommon, it is less likely that all seven children in the ritual structuresdied nat Probable Evidence for Wari Child Sacrifice ural deaths. Although this is circumstantial, it is an Although the perimortem fractureon the cervical importantdata point to be considered with other vertebra and the chopmarks on the posterior edge lines of evidence. of the ramus could have been sustained shortlyafter More compelling, however, is that the peri death, knowledge about sacrifice in theAndes and mortem fractureon the cervical vertebramay sug the specific cultural context in thiscase require that gest a "broken neck" or case of strangulation.A can other explanations be explored. The perimortem fractured cervical vertebra occur, for example, fracture and the chopmarks may represent the when a ligature produces excessive force that mechanism of death, suggesting thatat least one of breaks the lamina (Angel and Caldwell 1984). The thechildren was intentionallykilled. Furthermore, use of ligatures tokill sacrificial victims in thepre demographic analyses of prehistoric populations hispanic Andes is not unknown. Female sacrifices suggest thatchild deaths are rare relative to deaths with ligatures around theirnecks have been recov among, forexample, infantsor young adults, so the ered from thecoastal siteof near Lima death of these childrenmay not have been fromnat (Uhle 1903) and at theMoche site of in ural causes (Hoppa and Vaupel 2002). northernPeru, where one female was a sacrificed Specifically, theage-at-death distributionof the retainerburial for an elite Sican male, and another child trophyheads is unusual in thatthis age cohort sacrificed female was placed in an isolated pitwith (3-11 years old) typically represents a small per a camelid (Verano 2001a). No ligaturewas found centage of natural deaths in skeletal populations in theWari ritual structures;however, preservation (Hoppa and Vaupel 2002; Lewis 2007). If individ at the site is sufficientlypoor that it is unlikely that uals survive infancyand thepost-weaning period? any would have been preserved. a perilous time for human infants,particularly in The mechanism of death also could have been prehistoric times?then they are less likely to die decapitation. The chopmarks on the inferioredge during childhood (i.e., theywill likely survive into of the ramus are consistent with marks sustained adulthood; but seeWood et al. 1992:347). Among during beheadings when the blow comes from thegeneral mortuary population atConchopata, 32 behind (Waldron 1996), and given that the peri percent of the deaths were among fetuses and mortem fractureand chopmarks are on the same infants (under 3 years old), while only 19 percent child (Tr-P), it is possible that the excessive force of thedeaths were among children (3-14 years old) of thebeheading caused both alterations: theperi

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Figure 10. Perimortem fracture on cervical vertebra, suggesting that the child's neck was broken.

mortem fractureand the chopmarks. geological area and the local Ayacucho region (or Like strangulation,decapitation is also known an area with similar geology, such as themiddle in theprehispanic Andes. At theMoche site ofDos Moquegua valley [Knudson et al. 2004] where the Cabezas, 18 severed heads were uncovered, and at Wari site of Cerro Baul is located). If those chil least four of them exhibited cutmarks on the cer drenwith theAyacucho strontiumisotope ratios are vical vertebrae, suggesting that those persons had indeed from the local community, thenperhaps the been beheaded (Cordy-Collins 2001). Moreover, sacrifice was perceived as an honor for the indi Moche ceramic bottles and figurines depict the vidual and family. Similarly, for those children Supernatural Human Decapitator in theprocess of fromnonlocal groups, the sacrifice could have been decapitating a person, undergirding thehypothesis perceived as an honor by the donor community, thatthe Moche practiced lethalbeheadings (Cordy functioning to integratenonlocal communities into Collins 2001). Sacrifice by means of decapitation theWari Empire, as the Inka capacocha was meant has also been proposed for five females at the Ini todo. Conversely, thenonlocal children could have tialPeriod siteof Wichqana (1150-750 B .C.) in the been abducted as an act of overt aggression and later Ayacucho Basin, the region that latergave rise to sacrificed andmade into trophies.When only oste theWari empire. They were each representedby a ological and strontiumisotope data are considered, cranium, mandible, and cervical vertebrae, all in it is unclear whether these nonlocal childrenwere anatomical position, indicating thatsoft tissuewas abducted orwhether theywere willingly gifted for still intactwhen theywere dispossessed of their sacrifice by the family and community. heads (Lumbreras 1981). It isunknown ifcutmarks An examination of iconography,however, pro or chopmarks were observed, making itdifficult to vides some insights. It suggests that the children evaluate if theWichqana females were indeed may have been abducted and that theirabductions decapitated, either as themechanism of death or as were related to capturing them for sacrifice and urn postmortem processing. creating trophyheads. An oversized ceramic froma ritual smash at Conchopata shows theFront Children Abducted from Local and Face Deity dangling a person with hands bound Communities Foreign behind theback, and to theirright, the Winged Pro The strontium isotope data suggest that the child file Sacrificer (Cook, personal communication trophyheads came from children from a nonlocal 2006) displays a fleshed trophyhead suspended

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87SR/86SR

Tr-2985-13 Vert Tr-2985-13 Cran Tr-0072-MandJ Tr-2985-01 Cran Tr-2985-15-02 (Tr-P)(Tr-P) (Tr-Cl) (Tr-A) Hand ph. (Tr-H)

Figure 11. Strontium isotope ratios from five bone samples representing four different child trophy heads/hands. The black rectangle shows the expected strontium isotope ratio for those who were natal to theWari heartland (Ayacucho Basin), as based upon local geology, local small animals, and local human burials (see Tung and Knudson, 2008).

from a staff(Isbell and Cook 2002) (Figure 12). In latermade into trophyheads forritual use; he states, this scene, the captive and the trophyhead do not "[Nasca] iconography clearly portrays decapita appear to be the same person, as evidenced by the tion during a battle, not as a separate ritual sacri differentface paintings. But, if the scene is repre fice following capture of an enemy. There are no senting a verisimilar act, likeMoche iconography, depictions on the [Nasca] pottery of prisoners of then thedepiction of a bound prisoner suggests that war" (2001:128). In contrast,Silverman (1993) and theWari indeed took captives, and perhaps sacri Baraybar (1987) suggest thatvictims were taken ficed them, later transforming them into trophy captive inNasca ritual battles,with thepurpose of heads. using themas ritual sacrifices and trophyheads. Sil Wari iconography from thecapital site ofHuari verman's (1993) nuanced analysis ofNasca trophy also shows bound prisoners under the control of heads and theircontexts also makes clear that the Wari warriors, furtherdemonstrating thatWari methods and meanings associated with Nasca tro engaged in prisoner capture (Ochatoma and Tung phy takingchanged fromearly to lateNasca times. 2008). Although theartist's renderingsare of adults, In the earlyNasca era, trophyheads were part of a it is possible that children were taken in similar "social formation that overtly emphasized ritual ways (theywere certainly processed and ritually and religious sanctions as itsmeans of cultural destroyed in similar ways). Specifically, the chil (social, political, economic) integration"; early drenmay have been taken invillage raids, notwar Nasca headhuntingwas not about territorialexpan fare battles, given that young children are rarely sion (Silverman 1993:222). present on thebattlefield (Tung 2008). These chil For theWari, in contrast, captive-taking and drenmay have been taken captive with the intent trophy-makingmay have been part of a political of sacrificing them in later rituals at Conchopata. and military system that achieved both territorial The interpretationthat child captives were taken conquest and cultural integration.In short,the Wari invillage raids for sacrifice and thecreation ofWari likely did not kill and behead victims on the bat trophies lies somewhere between interpretations tlefield or raiding site, as Proulx (2001) has pro posited by Proulx (2001), Silverman (1993), and posed was done byNasca warriors; rather,the Wari Baraybar (1987) as they relate to Nasca trophy may have taken captives with the intentto sacrifice heads. Proulx (2001:128) suggests thattrophy head them and transformthem into trophies, similar to victims were beheaded during battles or raids and what Silverman (1993) has proposed for theNasca.

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Figure 12. Ceramic urn fragment from ritual smash at Conchopata, showing the Front Face Staff Deity dangling a bound captive and theWinged Profile Sacrificer holding a fleshed trophy head. (Photo courtesy ofWilliam Isbell)

Thus, while takingcaptives and beheading themare 2001, 2006:41-45). Moreover, numerous Moche practices typicallyperceived as components ofmil figurines and ceramic iconography depict bound itarism, these acts were apparently tightly inter prisoners, corpses being attacked by vultures, and woven with Wari ritualism, demonstrating the disembodied body parts, furtherevidence that the intimateconnections between militarism, political Moche engaged in prisoner sacrifice and the pro strategy,and ritual practice. cessing of human trophies (Bourget 2001, The takingof prisoners for subsequent sacrifice 2006:41-45; Verano 2001a: 174-175; 2001b). and the creation of human trophies is not unique to Additionally, two headless children and a complete theWari and theNasca. At the site of child were deposited in one of the ritual plazas at in thenorth coast of Peru, 14 adolescent and young (near the plaza with the sacri adult males were recovered, some of whom had ficed adults), suggesting that, like at Conchopata, ropes tied around their ankles and in one case, children and adults may have been similarly cap around thewrist, supporting the notion that they tured and sacrificed. were indeed captives (Verano 1986). Several of While prisoner capture and headhunting of ene them exhibited evidence of trauma, dismember mies tomake trophies have been discussed here, ment, and decapitation, and four individuals had we do not mean to eliminate the possibility that the leftradius intentionallyremoved, likely foruse Wari rituals also could have included thedismem as trophies (Verano 2001a: 174-175). berment and display of bodies frommembers of Prisoner sacrificemay have been similarlyprac theirown community. Indeed, the local strontium ticed at theMoche site ofHuaca de laLuna, where isotope ratios from two child trophyheads suggest healed and partially healed trauma among several that some may have been from the imperial heart of theapproximately 70 male victims suggests that land.However, because theyalso could have come theywere capturedwarriors (Verano 2001b). About from distantWari outposts with similar geology, 50 clay figurines of nude men with ropes around local status should stillbe confirmed.Nonetheless, their necks, all of which were intentionally the categories of "local" and "foreigner" are not destroyed and placed between thevictim's bodies, necessarily mutually exclusive in the ritual arena; further substantiate this interpretation (Bourget children and adults both internaland external to the

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Conchopata community could have been sacrificed these political and cultural structureswould have and transformed into trophyheads. Moreover, a been enabling, not purely limiting (see Giddens "local" can quickly lose his or her insider status, 1984). That is, as Tung (2007a) has argued else and be labeled an outsider, transgressor,or crimi where, shared cultural norms that recognized the nal, and thusbecome subject to ritualkilling, dis value of trophyheads imbued theircreators with memberment, and the like. ritualauthority, emphasizing theirunique expertise and supernatural qualities. With each living body Craft and Ritual Specialists that they transformed into a sacred object, the rit The presence of isolated skulls and hands from ual specialists authored and reaffirmedtheir ritual both children and adults, as well as the identical powers and sacred knowledge. This is similar to modifications to the skulls of both age classes, what Silverman and Proulx (2002:230-231) have demonstrate that the ritual processing followed a noted regarding themanipulation ofNasca trophy prescribed set of practices, regardless of the vic heads by ritual practitioners and later by Nasca tim's age. This in turnsuggests a high level of stan chiefs; thecreation of trophyheads conferred these dardization in how trophy heads were Nasca men with "status points." processed?much more than has been found To elaborate, theWari trophy heads?both among those fromNasca (Browne et al. 1993; objects and subjects at once?also generated Kellner 2002; Verano 1995;Williams et al. 2001). authority for theirmakers (see Kopytoff 1986). On the one hand, the coordinated outcome of the These trophyheads were notmerely passive sym physical trophyheads and the artistic representa bols of preexisting authorityfor the ritual special tions of themon ceramics may have resulted from ists. In a shared cultural fieldwhere thepotency of work done by single individuals who were both trophyheads was cultivated, the trophyheads had trophyhead preparers and ceramic artisans.On the "effective agency" (Robb 2004), such that the other hand, differentclasses of people, each with objects themselveswere socially generative, imbu distinct skillsmay have created thedifferent skele ing theirmakers with authority and a unique sta tal and ceramic objects: a group of ritual special tus.This isnot to simply suggest that"objects have or istswith specialized knowledge inhuman anatomy agency"; they clearly do not have the volition, and postmortem surgery,and another with mas "conscious agency," of human subjects (Robb tery in ceramics, pigments, firing, and artistry. 2004). Rather, it is amore nuanced recognition that were Given the specialized training and knowledge with trophyheads, once-living subjects,who that required forproducing ceramics and trophyheads, also objectified,were transformedinto objects it is likely that theywere distinct classes of spe retained effective agency in that they structured cialists. While the coordination between them perceptions and actions of others, affected future could have been self-imposed and self-managed, events, and enabled thosewho engaged with them therealso could have been official state oversight to embody particular ideals of militarism, ritual ensuring "proper" preparation and standardization elitism, andWari authority. (Tung 2008). That is, these elaborate rituals and Wari vs. Inka Practices of Child Sacrifice ritual objects may have been produced under the sacrifice were auspices of theWari state.This is supported by the Wari and Inka practices of child observation that the huge, polychrome ceramic apparently somewhat distinct.The Inka employed of urns showing ritual activities related to prisoner several techniques for the ritualkilling children, to capture and trophy-head display are depicted on including fatalhits the skull (Cobo 1990 [1653]). a on themountain state-produced ceramics (Cook and Glowacki The Inka sacrifice of young girl 2003) (Figure12). ofAmpato in southernPeru, now famously known as "Juanita," appears to have been accomplished The Ritual and the near Agency of Specialists by a blow to the right side of her head, the Heads Effective Agency of Trophy orbit (Reinhard 2005). If the child trophyheads at it This kind of state structuringof Wari ritualswould Conchopata indeed represent child sacrifices, not use similar lethal not have precluded ritual specialists and master appears that theWari did elements artisans from realizing theirown agency. Indeed, techniques; none of the child skeletal

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from theWari ritual structuresexhibit perimortem drenwho ended up on thefloor of ritual structures skull fractures.Rather, cutmarks and a perimortem at Conchopata were likely perceived as outsiders. fractureon the cervical vertebra suggest another Although some cultural groups, like theHuron in mode of lethal action. North America, ritually transformedcaptives into Postmortem ritual treatment of children's kin or constructed some kind of Active kin rela remains also differbetween theWari and the Inka; tionshipwith thembefore theywere torturedor sac theWari dismembered thechildren's bodies, rather rificed (Robb 2008), it is unknown whether the than leaving them intactwith ritual offeringscare Wari community at Conchopata practiced a simi fully placed around the corpses, as was done by lar transformativeprocess of relational identity. Inka ritualpractitioners (Bray et al. 2005). Wari rit Given that therewere also two children with ual specialists also continued to interactwith dis strontium isotope ratios thatmatched the local membered body parts of sacrificed children,which Ayacucho Basin, itappears thatboth local and for theyelaborately modified and put on display. Cur eign childrenwere sacrificed and transformedinto rentdata indicate thatInka ritual specialists did not trophyheads in the ritual structures.Although the engage in thiskind of ongoing manipulation of sac apparently local children could have come from a rificed children's bodies, particularly those placed place with similar geology, like the southernWari high on mountaintops. site of Cerro Baul in theMoquegua valley, this remains unclear given current datasets. Conclusion Evidence for possible child sacrifice and the continued ritual use of child body parts (i.e., tro The osteological, chemical, contextual, and icono phies) offers significant insight into the sociopo graphic data suggest thatWari warriors traveled to liticalworkings of theWari empire. If thesewere distant locales, took children and adults captive indeed components of a well-coordinatedWari state (and perhaps the occasional head and hand), and program, it appears that theywere not random, brought themback toConchopata, perhaps for sac lethal acts against children (or others who ended rifice in elaborate ritualswithin theD-shaped and up in the ritual structures). Instead, they seem to circular buildings. The perimortem fractureon a have been part of an organized, long-termritual pro child's cervical vertebrae and thechopmarks on the gram that required several specific phases that, ascending ramus undergird the notion that child together,constituted the social lifeof a captive/tro sacrifice may have been practiced in theWari phy head within Wari rituals?from capture, to empire. Unlike the Inka, such rituals did not end beheading, to dismemberment and defleshing, to with the child's death. Instead, skilled individuals postmortem processing (drillingholes), todisplay, inWari society?perhaps ritual specialists with and finally to destruction throughburning. These deep knowledge of human anatomy?continued to actsmay have been orchestratedby Wari elites and interactwith thecorpses of children.Although child specialists who were well integrated into theWari sacrifice cannot be definitivelydemonstrated, it is stateapparatus. These various elites certainly could clear that child body parts were eventually trans have engaged in these practices on their own formed into trophies.This ongoing tactile engage accord, demonstrating theiragency within partic must ment, which have been quite intense, included ularWari structures,but these individual agentive of dismemberment the hands and head, followed acts may have been coordinated as part of a larger a by drilling hole in children's disembodied skulls system thatsimultaneously created andmaintained to facilitate theirdisplay. Eventually, these sacred perceptions ofWari state authority.That is, those were a common objects rituallydestroyed with fire, acts thatbolstered the status of individualmilitary practice inAndean rituals of the past and present agents and ritual specialists may have also bene (Bolin 1998). fitted larger state agendas. The legitimizing effects The nonlocal strontiumisotope ratios from two for individual military and ritual elites and Wari of the four sampled children indicate thatat least state policies and practices weren't necessarily some were juveniles taken from distant locales, mutually exclusive. The subjugation of foreignchil increasing the likelihood thatforeign children were dren's bodies throughcapture, apparent sacrifice, some taken captive.As such, of thebeheaded chil dismemberment, and trophydisplay were power

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ful acts that together revealed the authority and Peruvian Andes. University of Texas Press, Austin. Steve of thosewho carried out the Bourget, exceptionalism acts, 2001 Children and Ancestors: Ritual Practices at theMoche while also demonstrating the authorityand excep Site of Huaca De La Luna, North Coast of Peru. In Ritual tionalism of theWari state. Sacrifice inAncient Peru, edited by Elizabeth P. Benson and Anita G. Cook, pp. 93-118. University of Texas Press, Austin. Acknowledgments. This research was made possible by the 2006 Sex, Death, and Sacrifice inMoche Religion and following grants to Tung: National Science Foundation Visual Culture. University of Texas Press, Austin. (BCS-0118751), Wenner-Gren Foundation for Bragayrac D., Enrique Research (award code 6680), Vanderbilt Anthropological 1991 Archaeological Excavations in theVegachayoq Moqo Discovery Grant, Vanderbilt Center for theAmericas Grant, Sector of Huari. InHuari Administrative Structure: Pre and a Center for theAmerican Overseas Research Council historicMonumental Architecture and State Government, Grant. Knudson thanks the grant support from the Institute edited byWilliam H. Isbell and George F. McEwan, pp. for Social Science Research and School of Human Evolution 71-80. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC. Tamara L., Leah Mine, Maria Constanza Ceruti, Jose and Social Change at Arizona State University. We thank Bray, Antonio Chavez, Ruddy Perea, and Johan Reinhard Anita Cook and William Isbell for granting permission to 2005 A Compositional Analysis of PotteryVessels Associ analyze the trophy heads from EA143, and we gratefully ated with the Inca Ritual of Capacocha. Journal ofAnthro acknowledge Martha Cabrera and Jose Ochatoma for per pological Archaeology 24( 1 ):82-100. mission to examine the heads from EA72. We also trophy Browne, David M., Helaine Silverman, and Ruben Garcia Phil Dawnie Steve acknowledge Walker, Steadman, Wernke, 1993 A Cache of 48 Nasca Trophy Heads from Cerro Valerie Andrushko, the five anonymous reviewers, and the Carapo, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 4:274-294. editor, Helaine Silverman, for insightful comments on drafts Cardona Rosas, Augusto 2002 De SusAlbores a Los Incas. of this paper. Thanks also go to Steve Wernke for his assis Arqueologia deArequipa: tance with the Spanish abstract, and to Emily Sharp and Matt CIARQ, Arequipa. Ceruti, Constanza Velasco for sprited discussions on themes in this paper. Tung 2004 Human Bodies as ofDedication at IncaMoun would also like to thank the Peruvian National Institute of Objects tain Shrines (North-Western Argentina). World Archaeol Culture in and Lima for to Ayacucho granting permission ogy 36(1): 103-122. the dental and skeletal export samples. Cobo, Bernabe [Roland Hamilton] 1990 [1653] Inca Religion and Customs. 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