Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 296-303 (1982). Kumeyaay Socio-Political Structure^

FLORENCE C. SHIPEK

HEN the Spanish entered Alta Califor­ approximately 10,000 occupying the territory Wnia, the Kumeyaay held the land for from the coast to the crest of interior about 50 mhes north and south of the present mountains (Shipek 1977, 1981). Withm this border between Mexico and Cahfornia. They region, population density varied between 5 had developed a national identity within the and 7 persons per square mile from the region extending from the coast to the sand southern to the northern boundaries of Ku­ hihs west of the Colorado River, including meyaay territory. from time to time a small section of the river Kumeyaay socio-pohtical structure was so below the Quechan (Shipek 1982). Over time, drasticahy disrupted by the Spanish, Mexican, these people have been variously cahed "Di­ and American political and economic pohcies, egueno" (because many were within the and by the depopulation resulting from re­ region ahotted by the Spanish to Mission San peated epidemic diseases and drought, that Diego), Ipai and Tipai (Luomala 1978; trans­ the reconstruction of the original socio­ lates: human beings in contrast to animals and pohtical economic system has required collat- now used to indicate "Indian" as opposed to mg data from many sources. Beginning in non-Indian), and Kamia (Gifford 1931; used 1955, repeated ethnographic interviews with for the unmissionized desert populations). numerous Kumeyaay elders were conducted. Ethnographic data and Spanish mission and At that time, at least five were 95 years of age exploration records indicate that the people or older; one was at least 115; another ten throughout this area cahed themselves "Ku­ were above 80, and about 15 were above 70. meyaay" (various Spanish spellings rendered Approximately another 20 were in theh phoneticahy). Although they have been cahed sixties during the late 1950s and early 1960s. hunter-gatherers, the Kumeyaay had actually These people were from throughout Kumeya­ developed intensive plant husbandry of native ay territory from Mataguay, Mesa Grande, food resource plants (including emergency and San Pasqual on the north to Neji, Ha'aa, drought food sources) combined with broad­ and San Jose El Zorro on the south, and from cast of a native semi-domesticated grass seed coastal San Diego bands to mountain and (now extinct), fhe swidden of chapparal for New River bands in the east. Many of these food resources, and planting of corn, beans, elders had been part of the band leadership and squash in selected mountain and desert structure and others had participated in band locations having appropriate summer moisture activities prior to the reservation period. Two (Shipek 1972, 1977, n.d.a, n.d.b). Using this families were descendants of an ethnohistor­ intensive resource management system had icahy recorded general or Kuuchult kwataay.'^ ahowed them to develop a population of According to these elders, even after the federal government began to impose reserva­ tion controls, the traditional leadership quiet­ Florence C. Shipek, Division of Behavioral Science, Univer­ sity of Wisconsin-Parkside, Kenosha, Wl 53141. ly continued its activities in opposition to

[296] KUMEYAAY SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE 297

Bureau of Indian Affairs controls until the from one area to another in times of necessity late 1950s. Those elders who were over 80 by (Luomala 1963; Shipek 1977). This tribal the early 1960s were primarhy individuals structure with the sib organization cross- who had avoided most non-Indians and who cutting the territorial band organization con­ had opposed Bureau controls. These people trasts whh the parallehng patrhineage- also had more information concerning details territorial organization of both the Cahuilla of traditional organizational structure than (Bean 1972) and the San Luiseno (Whhe did those under 80, except for a few of the 1963; Shipek 1977). latter who had been raised by traditional CAPTAIN- KWAAYPAAY leaders, grandparents, or great-grandparents. Several interviews were conducted with these The San Diego Mission registers identified people to clarify the material presented here. the "Capitan" or Kwaaypaay of a band as While interviewing these elders in relation resident in the central village of the band. to Docket 80 before the Indian Claims Com­ Unth July 1777, a majority of adults were mission (Mission Indian Claims Case), gene­ identified by an Indian (Kumeyaay) name, alogical research in the Mission Registers was and the shiimull of both father and mother. being conducted at the request of several Analysis of the band membership revealed bands. Portions of the results of this research that the Kwaaypaay did not belong to any of have been used in testimonies presented in the larger shiimull in the village (Shipek Dockets 80 and 80-A-l before the Indian 1983). In fact, except for an occasional Claims Commission, the Federal Power Com­ brother or sons, the Kwaaypaay was normally mission, the Federal District Court, the San the only adult male of his sib in the band. Diego Superior Court, and before the Bureau Later ethnohistoric records, such as those of of Indian Affairs for various band member­ early American explorers and others passing ship and federal recognition purposes. through Fort Yuma and the New River area, noted that the "Captain" was generahy some BAND ORGANIZATION form of outsider to the village (Heintzelman Pohticahy, the Kumeyaay were organized 1853). Also, in commenting upon Captain into territorial bands^ which generally con­ Antonio Garra of Cupa (Warner's Hot trolled from 10 to 30 mhes along a drainage Springs), Judge Benjamin Hayes (who entered and up to the drainage divides (Kroeber 1962; the region in 1850 and became a judge in San Shipek 1983). Each band had a central Diego and Los Angeles counties) noted that it primary village and a number of outlier was not uncommon for a "Captain" to be an homesteads located at smah water sources, outsider, i.e., not a born member of his village springs, or at the mouths of secondary creeks (Wolcott 1929). (Shipek 1983). This territorial organization Under careful questioning, the elders re­ was crosscut by the sib (kinship) structure iterated that the Kwaaypaay was a band composed of between 50 and 75 named sibs leader, not a shiimull leader (Drucker 1937). spread throughout the territorial bands. Each They pointed out that each shiimull had band might have lineage segments of between many sections that were scattered over Kume­ 5 to 15 sibs. In other words, each sib or yaay territory and that most individuals only shiimull had hneage segments scattered in knew portions of theh own shiimull. The many bands throughout the various ecological elders also pointed out that some shiimull had zones within Kumeyaay territory. This facili­ no members within the official hierarchy and tated movement of individuals or famihes thus would have no Kwaaypaay of theh own. 298 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

They all claimed that most of the Kwaaypaay peace, or alliances with other bands. Training had been members of only a few shiimull. for the position included learning to speak the The Kumeyaay elders related that at the various Kumeyaay dialects and other lan­ death of a Kwaaypaay, all Kwaaypaay from guages used in surrounding areas. The Kwa­ throughout Kumeyaay territory-Mataguay aypaay also had to learn the proper sequence and 'Elly Kwanan (Santa Ysabel) on the north of rituals for both seasonal rounds and indi­ to Ha'aa and San Jose El Zorro on the south- vidual life crises. met for participating in the cremation (later The Kumeyaay elders all indicated that burial) ceremonies and afterward they sel­ the Kwaaypaay did not give orders, but that ected a successor. The new Kwaaypaay was he was fohowed because of his greater know­ generahy from the ranks of theh sons or ledge and managerial abilities. He announced nephews, and had been trained for the posi­ when he and his family were leaving the tion. The selectee also had to be approved by primary village for their mountain or coastal the band in question. The reason given for lands. While most band members fohowed selecting such an outsider, not a band mem­ him because he knew more about food ber, was that a primary duty of a Kwaaypaay resource availabihty, some members did not, was to mediate and judge disputes between but remained always in the main village, or in band members. A Kwaaypaay having no other one or another portions of the band terri­ sib members within a band would be more tories. Others came and went according to fair and just in solving disputes; after ah, one their own desires. Similarly, whhe ah men could not decide against a member of one's participated in defense if the band were own sib. This contrasts with both the Cahuiha attacked, when the Kwaaypaay decided for a (Bean 1972) and the San Luiseno (White raid on another band, each man decided 1963; Boscana 1933; Shipek 1977) in which individually whether to participate. This indi­ the Noot (Captain) was the head of the largest vidual decision making was in direct contrast patrilineage and did not settle disputes within to the San Luiseno where, according to the band. Among the San Luiseno, it was Boscana (1933), the A^oo^ or Capitan was recorded that such disputes were handled obeyed and followed by all band members dhectly by the families involved. Further, the after a decision had been made. Kwaaypaay was the final arbiter for cases of OTHER OFFICIALS accused witchcraft and thus wielded power over ah. The only other band official regularly The other duties of the Kwaaypaay in­ identified in the Mission registers was the cluded organizing and directing all ceremonies assistant to the Kwaaypaay or the "Second for individuals (naming, marriage, death, and Captain." According to the Kumeyaay elders, memorials), weather control, yearly cycle, this individual was the "talker" or "speaker" harvest, and interband relations. By coordi­ for the Kwaaypaay. He relayed information nating all information from the shaman who and instructions from the Kwaaypaay to the speciahzed in varieties of ecological know­ band members. Other band officials not iden­ ledge, the Kwaaypaay decided when to go to tified in the Spanish records included rehgious the mountains for pine nuts, to the band's shamans who managed or participated in the own mountain territory for acorns, or to their particular ceremonies relating to their speci­ ahotted section of the coast for seafood. In alty (life crisis or ecological), singers, dancers, counch with the shaman, he organized defen­ a "runner," and a "carrier." This roster of sive strategies and made decisions for war. officials paralleled those of the Cahuiha (Bean KUMEYAAY SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE 299

1972) and the San Luiseiio (Boscana 1933; minican Fr. Sales, indicate that a class of White 1963; Shipek 1977). "poor" individuals existed. On January 1, While specific shamanistic positions were 1777, Father Fuster wrote that the marriages not dehneated in the Mission Registers, three about to be recorded were those "of the most of the fhst 300 men named in the registers poor," individuals who remained near the were hsted as if their names were "Guisiyay mission when the others of Rancheria Cosoy (Cusiyay)," i.e., Kuseyaay (Shaman). One was (adjacent to the San Diego Presidio) went to named "Miguisiyay," another "Huagusiyay," the mountains. This reinforces Father Sales' and the thhd was identified with his shiimull, (Rudkin 1956) description of subservient, "Llaycorcusiyay." In contrast, six of the first landless individuals, without voice in ran­ 150 women baptized were identified as sha­ cheria affairs and allowed to eat only the mans. Two were simply called "Woman Sha­ leavings of other band members who were man," or "Sincusiyay," i.e., Siny Kuseyaay; active participants and able to speak in band three by some variant spelling of the term for conclaves. shaman, "Cusialaq," "Guesamay," or "Guese- Secondly, the mihtary records of Captain ney;" and the last as "Micusayap." Ethno­ Rivera y Moncada (Burrus 1967) indicate that graphicahy, women have been identified as the Kwaaypaay or "Capitans" apparently herb speciahsts, healers, or midwives. A much wore distinctive clothing or some mark of wider variety of activities has been described rank visible from a distance. In the spring of for men. Specialties extended from healer, 1776, whhe searching through northern Ku­ rattlesnake shaman, and plant and animal meyaay territory (Escondido-San Pascual speciahsts to sun watchers and other higher region) for the leaders of the revolt agamst priestly duties, such as the kuseyaay respon­ the mission, Rivera y Moncada and his troops sible for ceremonies on Kuchamaa, the sacred approached a village visible at a distance in mountain (Shipek n.d.c). the vahey below them. Even though he did Each Kwaaypaay had a "carrier" whose not catch anyone, he noted that four "Capi­ duty was to carry special ceremonial or tans" were among those who fled upon his religious presentation items to the Kwaaypaay approach. of other bands. The runner was part of an Ethnographic data received from the el­ interconnecting network of couriers for carry­ ders indicated that prior to the reservations ing messages not only from one Kwaaypaay and to EuroAmerican disruption, each family to another, but also for sending messages had different quantities of land and different from one side of Kumeyaay territory to the types of food resource lands. They also other. Each Kwaaypaay maintained a lookout described land tenures and land inheritance system on high locations for defensive warn­ rights in detail (Shipek n.d.d), and indicated ing purposes and to alert his runner for the that food could be traded for other varieties courier duty. This position of "runner" was of food and tools, or shells, sheh beads, or definitely an achieved position depending other valuable items. They ah indicated that upon both speed and endurance. It was a the Kwaaypaay, religious officials, and sha­ position for which many boys trained and man had more power in decision making than competed. did other band members. They stated that such officials had more land resources and EVIDENCE OF STATUS personal valuables, such as shell money, sheh Several comments by the missionaries, beads, feather-decorated basket hats, and both the Franciscan Fr. Fuster and the Do­ other items of wealth at their disposal than 300 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

did the rest of the band members. They Hayes (Wolcott 1929) was Jatinh, who re­ indicated that although an occasional, excep­ sided in the Neji region of Baja Cahfornia. He tional individual could rise in status within a was also recognized and consulted by the band, normally each leader and shaman sel­ bands in the San Diego area and mland to ected his trainee for succession from among Campo. Ah the elders through the southern his sons and and his brothers' sons. half of Kumeyaay territory remembered "Hutneel," Jatiml (i.e., hattnyilly 'Black NATIONAL ORGANIZATION Dog'), as a mhitary leader who managed the Little dhect evidence for a national level lookout system against raids from the Colo­ of organization exists in the Mission Registers; rado River tribes and who also represented rather it is found in the mihtary records and the Kumeyaay to non-Indians. ethnographic sources. First is the fact that the This level of leadership, above the Kwaay­ 1775 attack on San Diego Mission was a paay, was apparently acquired by a Kwaay­ carefuhy organized attack by an alliance of a paay due to superior abhity as a diplomat and large number of both coastal and inland war leader. Historical records indicate that ca. bands. An attack was also planned on the 1850-1870 several such leaders co-existed in Presidio but that group was not quite in different sections of Kumeyaay territory, position by the time the Mission was burning. each dhecting competing ahiances of bands. They felt that they had lost the element of Bands in the mountains and northeastern surprise, increasing the possibihty of failure if sections were under leaders ahied with the the Spanish had been alerted. The Kumeyaay Quechan whhe "Hutneel" led a group which withdrew. Thereafter, according to the elders, opposed the Quechan (Heintzelman 1853). the inland bands maintained lookouts on the As interaction with non-Indians became as mountain peaks overlooking the passes lead­ important as intertribal military ahiances and ing inland from the coastal Spanish strong­ ritual and trade networks, the "generals" holds. Maintenance of these lookouts was became important for managing these, speak- organized jointly by all the Kwaaypaay to mg for several bands, and advising the band warn the inland bands of any Spanish ap­ Kwaaypaay. Later, after reservations were set proach. Secondly, the Spanish cahed one aside by executive order in 1875, the United Captain, "El Capitan Grande," indicating that States Agent for the Mission Indians decided he was more important than others and was that it would be easier to deal only with band of higher rank than some of the other "Capi­ "Captains" than with the "General" at the tans" or that other Captains fohowed him. larger level of organization. Beginnmg m Additional evidence for the national level 1883, the Agents ignored the "generals" of organization can be found in other ethno­ (Shipek 1977), and only dealt through "Cap­ historic records and ethnographic research. tains," whom the Agent insisted should be For example, later ethnohistoric records iden­ "elected" each year. The Indian Agent also tified certain individuals as "General." One, regularly informed these "elected" captains "General Tomas," signed the Southern Cali­ that they served at his pleasure and must obey fornia treaties of 1851 and his signature was him. Thereafter, the Captain recognized by fohowed by those of the "Captains" of the the Bureau of Indian Affairs was seldom the various bands. "General Tomas" was resident traditional Kwaaypaay. However, these tradi­ at 'Elly Kwanan and a "Captain" also pre­ tional Kwaaypaay continued to function in sided in that band. Another leader, noted by opposition to the Bureau. The "Generals" and Manuel Rojo (Gericke 1972) and Benjamin their descendants continued to be sought for KUMEYAAY SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE 301 advice and leadership m deahng with the territory to the other. For example, the non-Indian world by a majority of the Kwaay­ Spanish noted that on the day it occurred, the paay and the people. "Paayon" (Pion, Davis Kumeyaay at San Diego Presidio and Mission 1919) of the Hhlymeyap shiimull and Jose knew about the Quechan revolt and destmc- Largo of the Kwash shiimull were the last two tion of the Yuman mission (Englehardt Generals or Kuuchult kwataay according to 1920). A number of the lookout mountains the Kumeyaay elders. for spotting runners at a distance and relay The elders also stated that the Kuuchult stations, such as Jacumba, have been identi­ kwataay was responsible for managing ah fied. The lookout peak above a relay station mteraction with other tribes, by contacting enabled the runner to be in place and ready to the "Big Leader" of the Quechan, Cocopa, or move as the other runner approached. Mohave. He was charged with managmg the Although the bands have been identified lookout system and integration of the "run­ as the primary land-owning units, certain ner" system. He was also responsible to lands were considered tribal and open to the organize and manage the hfe crisis cere­ use of any Kumeyaay but not to non- monies, mcludmg cremations and memorials, Kumeyaay, e.g., Quechan, Luiseiio, and for mdividuals of other tribes married to others. For example, the pine-nut gathering Kumeyaay and living in Kumeyaay vihages. areas of the Sierra Juarez were tribal and open The Kuuchult kwataay managed the memorial to ah families and bands on a first-come basis ceremonies necessary for the reburial of un­ for choice of gathering spot. Certain sections known human remains inadvertently exposed of the Laguna and Cuyamaca Mountains were by erosion. Because the shiimull and tribal tribal gathering areas for acorns and various membership was not known, ah potential "whd" products. Other parts of these two descendants must be invited. mountain ranges belonged to specific bands. Along with the Kwaaypaay, the Kuuchult Major portions of the desert and desert kwataay was responsible for maintaining foothihs were tribal gathering areas to which knowledge of tribal and band boundaries in any Kumeyaay from any part of Kumeyaay order to solve any disputes which might arise. territory might come for "wild" foods (Ship­ In the case of disputes between members of ek 1972, 1977, 1982). different bands or between bands directly, the The lands along the New River in Imperial Kuuchult kwataay was responsible forjudging Vahey belonged to the individuals and/or the dispute. He generally selected two non- famihes which had cleared and leveled them involved Kwaaypaay to assist him. and had participated in dam and levee buhd­ Ethnographic and genealogical data indi­ ing, and canal maintenance. However, any cate that the famihes of the Kuuchult kwa­ Kumeyaay from any band—coastal, foothhl, taay were widely intermarried throughout the mountain, and north to south—could acquire neighboring tribes. For example, "Paayon's" land in the river floodplain by coming and family members were married with Cocopa, clearing additional land, participating in dam Quechan, Luiseno, and Cahuhla leadership buhding, and extending the levee and canal famhies. The famhy of "Tomas" was inter­ system to the newly cleared land (Shipek married with Luiseno and Cahuilla leadership. 1982). The mnner and lookout system was inte­ Some of the coastal areas also feh into grated on a tribal basis. It was organized on a this category of tribal lands. Among these relay basis for expediting the transmission of were the Silver Strand, the sand bar in front mformation from one end of Kumeyaay of San Diego Bay, and the Mission Beach sand 302 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY bar. Well-marked and well-used trahs criss­ conditions that were almost constantly affect­ crossed the territory from the Colorado River ing local resource availability. Furthermore, to the coast and from north to south through this complex structure integrated movement the mountains, along the coast, and along the between ecological zones which required a desert edge of the mountains. Again, these variety of food-resource acquisition tech­ trails were tribal rather than band lands, and niques. This included movement from the were for the use of ah (Shipek 1972, n.d.d). coast to the desert by way of foothhls and As mentioned earher, movement between mountains, and subsistence-related pursuits bands was fachitated by the sib system which ranging from fishing to hunting, to desert crosscut the structural organization of the riverine plant husbandry including irrigation band. However, except for the floodplain farming (Shipek 1977, 1981, 1982, n.d.b). lands of the New and Alamo rivers, in order for an individual or a family to move from NOTES one band to another, the sib mates in the new 1. Portions of this research were included in a paper band had to be willing to accept them as more presented for the Mission Register Research Sympos­ than just "visiting relatives" and to assign ium at the 1982 meeting of the Southwestern them a section of the band lands which Anthropological Association. For publication pur­ poses, the sections containing marriage (Shipek 1983) belonged to the sib. The band also had to be and political data were separated in order to more willing to have new members share the joint- completely incorporate clarifying material from eth­ use band lands, or land at the band level of nographic and other ethnohistoric sources. ownership (Shipek 1972, n.d.d). 2. It was through the descendants of these Kuuchuh SUMMARY kwataay that I was able to interview most of these elders who normally avoided all contact with non- The correlation of ethnographic with eth­ Indians. nohistoric and Mission Register data has 3. The cause of the apparent sib localization recorded clarified the analysis of Kumeyaay political by Spier (1923) has been discussed elsewhere (Shipek structure by confirming the fact that the 1983). Kwaaypaay was not a "born" member of his REFERENCES band. He was not the head of the largest shiimull in a band, but was normahy the only Bean, Loweh J. adult male of that sib in the band. This 1972 Mukat's People. Berkeley and Los Angeles: structure contrasts with that of the Cahuilla University of Cahfornia Press. and the San Luiseno where the "Captains" Boscana, Fr. Geronimo were the heads of the largest hneages. The 1933 Chinigchinich. In: Chinigchinich, A Revised and Annotated Version of Alfred Robinson's crosscutting of the shiimull organization by Translation of Father Geronimo Boscana's the territorial band organization increased the Historical Account of the Beliefs, Usages, tribal or national level of Kumeyaay integra­ Customs, and Extravagancies of the Indians tion. Ethnohistoric data noting rapid commu­ of Mission San Juan Capistrano CaUed the nication of information between the Colorado Acagchemen Tribe, P. T. Hanna, ed. Santa River and the coast supports the ethnographic Ana: Fine Arts Press. description of a nationally organized relay Burrus, Ernest J. mnner or courier system. This national organ­ 1967 Diario del Capitan Comandante Fernando de ization of the shiimull/hands, with ahiance Rivera y Moncada con un Apendice Docu­ mental. (Edicion Prologo (Espaiiol y Ingles) leaders or Kuuchult kwataay, fachitated the y notas pro E.J. Burrus.) 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Gericke, Phihp 0., trans, and ed. 1983 Kumeyaay Socio-Pohtical Organization: As 1972 Historical Notes on Lower Cahfornia with Revealed in the San Diego Mission Registers, Some Relative to Upper California Fur­ A Prehminary Analysis. In: Mission Register nished to the Bancroft Library by Manuel C. Research, Jeanne Munoz, ed. Palo Alto: Rojo, 1879. Los Angeles: Dawson's Book Ballena Press. Shop. Gifford, Edward W. n.d.a Kumeyaay Plant Husbandry and Land Man­ 1931 The Kamia of Imperial Valley. Washington, agement. Manuscript in preparation. D.C: Bureau of American Ethnology Bul­ letin No. 97. n.d.b Kumeyaay Ethnobotany. Manuscript in preparation. Heintzelman, Samuel P. 1853 Report of July 15, 1853. Washington, D.C: n.d.c KUCHAMAA, The Sacred Mountain of the House Executive Document No. 76, 34th Kumeyaay. Manuscript in preparation. Congress, 3rd Session. n.d.d Pushed into the Rocks: Changes in Southern Kroeber, A. L. California Indian Land Tenure 1769-1980. 1962 The Nature of Land Holding Groups in Pinyon Press (in press). California. Berkeley: University of Cahfornia Archaeological Survey Reports No. 56: Spier, LesUe 19-58. 1923 Southern Diegueiio Customs. Berkeley: Uni­ Luomala, Katharine versity of California Pubhcations in Ameri­ 1963 Flexibhity in Sib AffUiation Among the can Archaeology and Ethnology 2: 297-310. Dieguefio. Ethnology 2(3): 282-301. White, Raymond C 1978 Tipai-Ipai. In: Handbook of North American 1963 Luisefio Social Organization. Berkeley: Uni­ Indians, Vol. 8: California, Robert F. Heizer, versity of California PubUcations in Ameri­ ed., pp. 592-608. Washington, D.C: Smith­ can Archaeology and Ethnology 48 (2): sonian Institution. 91-194.

Rudkin, Charles, trans, and ed. Wolcott, Marjorie Tisdale 1956 Observations on CaHfornia, 1772-1790, by 1929 Pioneer Notes from the Diaries of Judge Father Luis Sales, O.P. Los Angeles: Daw­ Benjamin Hayes. Los Angeles: Privately son's Book Shop. Printed.