Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 296-303 (1982). Kumeyaay Socio-Political Structure^ FLORENCE C. SHIPEK HEN the Spanish entered Alta Califor­ approximately 10,000 occupying the territory Wnia, the Kumeyaay held the land for from the coast to the crest of interior about 50 mhes north and south of the present mountains (Shipek 1977, 1981). Withm this border between Mexico and Cahfornia. They region, population density varied between 5 had developed a national identity within the and 7 persons per square mile from the region extending from the coast to the sand southern to the northern boundaries of Ku­ hihs west of the Colorado River, including meyaay territory. from time to time a small section of the river Kumeyaay socio-pohtical structure was so below the Quechan (Shipek 1982). Over time, drasticahy disrupted by the Spanish, Mexican, these people have been variously cahed "Di­ and American political and economic pohcies, egueno" (because many were within the and by the depopulation resulting from re­ region ahotted by the Spanish to Mission San peated epidemic diseases and drought, that Diego), Ipai and Tipai (Luomala 1978; trans­ the reconstruction of the original socio­ lates: human beings in contrast to animals and pohtical economic system has required collat- now used to indicate "Indian" as opposed to mg data from many sources. Beginning in non-Indian), and Kamia (Gifford 1931; used 1955, repeated ethnographic interviews with for the unmissionized desert populations). numerous Kumeyaay elders were conducted. Ethnographic data and Spanish mission and At that time, at least five were 95 years of age exploration records indicate that the people or older; one was at least 115; another ten throughout this area cahed themselves "Ku­ were above 80, and about 15 were above 70. meyaay" (various Spanish spellings rendered Approximately another 20 were in theh phoneticahy). Although they have been cahed sixties during the late 1950s and early 1960s. hunter-gatherers, the Kumeyaay had actually These people were from throughout Kumeya­ developed intensive plant husbandry of native ay territory from Mataguay, Mesa Grande, food resource plants (including emergency and San Pasqual on the north to Neji, Ha'aa, drought food sources) combined with broad­ and San Jose El Zorro on the south, and from cast of a native semi-domesticated grass seed coastal San Diego bands to mountain and (now extinct), fhe swidden of chapparal for New River bands in the east. Many of these food resources, and planting of corn, beans, elders had been part of the band leadership and squash in selected mountain and desert structure and others had participated in band locations having appropriate summer moisture activities prior to the reservation period. Two (Shipek 1972, 1977, n.d.a, n.d.b). Using this families were descendants of an ethnohistor­ intensive resource management system had icahy recorded general or Kuuchult kwataay.'^ ahowed them to develop a population of According to these elders, even after the federal government began to impose reserva­ tion controls, the traditional leadership quiet­ Florence C. Shipek, Division of Behavioral Science, Univer­ sity of Wisconsin-Parkside, Kenosha, Wl 53141. ly continued its activities in opposition to [296] KUMEYAAY SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE 297 Bureau of Indian Affairs controls until the from one area to another in times of necessity late 1950s. Those elders who were over 80 by (Luomala 1963; Shipek 1977). This tribal the early 1960s were primarhy individuals structure with the sib organization cross- who had avoided most non-Indians and who cutting the territorial band organization con­ had opposed Bureau controls. These people trasts whh the parallehng patrhineage- also had more information concerning details territorial organization of both the Cahuilla of traditional organizational structure than (Bean 1972) and the San Luiseno (Whhe did those under 80, except for a few of the 1963; Shipek 1977). latter who had been raised by traditional CAPTAIN- KWAAYPAAY leaders, grandparents, or great-grandparents. Several interviews were conducted with these The San Diego Mission registers identified people to clarify the material presented here. the "Capitan" or Kwaaypaay of a band as While interviewing these elders in relation resident in the central village of the band. to Docket 80 before the Indian Claims Com­ Unth July 1777, a majority of adults were mission (Mission Indian Claims Case), gene­ identified by an Indian (Kumeyaay) name, alogical research in the Mission Registers was and the shiimull of both father and mother. being conducted at the request of several Analysis of the band membership revealed bands. Portions of the results of this research that the Kwaaypaay did not belong to any of have been used in testimonies presented in the larger shiimull in the village (Shipek Dockets 80 and 80-A-l before the Indian 1983). In fact, except for an occasional Claims Commission, the Federal Power Com­ brother or sons, the Kwaaypaay was normally mission, the Federal District Court, the San the only adult male of his sib in the band. Diego Superior Court, and before the Bureau Later ethnohistoric records, such as those of of Indian Affairs for various band member­ early American explorers and others passing ship and federal recognition purposes. through Fort Yuma and the New River area, noted that the "Captain" was generahy some BAND ORGANIZATION form of outsider to the village (Heintzelman Pohticahy, the Kumeyaay were organized 1853). Also, in commenting upon Captain into territorial bands^ which generally con­ Antonio Garra of Cupa (Warner's Hot trolled from 10 to 30 mhes along a drainage Springs), Judge Benjamin Hayes (who entered and up to the drainage divides (Kroeber 1962; the region in 1850 and became a judge in San Shipek 1983). Each band had a central Diego and Los Angeles counties) noted that it primary village and a number of outlier was not uncommon for a "Captain" to be an homesteads located at smah water sources, outsider, i.e., not a born member of his village springs, or at the mouths of secondary creeks (Wolcott 1929). (Shipek 1983). This territorial organization Under careful questioning, the elders re­ was crosscut by the sib (kinship) structure iterated that the Kwaaypaay was a band composed of between 50 and 75 named sibs leader, not a shiimull leader (Drucker 1937). spread throughout the territorial bands. Each They pointed out that each shiimull had band might have lineage segments of between many sections that were scattered over Kume­ 5 to 15 sibs. In other words, each sib or yaay territory and that most individuals only shiimull had hneage segments scattered in knew portions of theh own shiimull. The many bands throughout the various ecological elders also pointed out that some shiimull had zones within Kumeyaay territory. This facili­ no members within the official hierarchy and tated movement of individuals or famihes thus would have no Kwaaypaay of theh own. 298 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY They all claimed that most of the Kwaaypaay peace, or alliances with other bands. Training had been members of only a few shiimull. for the position included learning to speak the The Kumeyaay elders related that at the various Kumeyaay dialects and other lan­ death of a Kwaaypaay, all Kwaaypaay from guages used in surrounding areas. The Kwa­ throughout Kumeyaay territory-Mataguay aypaay also had to learn the proper sequence and 'Elly Kwanan (Santa Ysabel) on the north of rituals for both seasonal rounds and indi­ to Ha'aa and San Jose El Zorro on the south- vidual life crises. met for participating in the cremation (later The Kumeyaay elders all indicated that burial) ceremonies and afterward they sel­ the Kwaaypaay did not give orders, but that ected a successor. The new Kwaaypaay was he was fohowed because of his greater know­ generahy from the ranks of theh sons or ledge and managerial abilities. He announced nephews, and had been trained for the posi­ when he and his family were leaving the tion. The selectee also had to be approved by primary village for their mountain or coastal the band in question. The reason given for lands. While most band members fohowed selecting such an outsider, not a band mem­ him because he knew more about food ber, was that a primary duty of a Kwaaypaay resource availabihty, some members did not, was to mediate and judge disputes between but remained always in the main village, or in band members. A Kwaaypaay having no other one or another portions of the band terri­ sib members within a band would be more tories. Others came and went according to fair and just in solving disputes; after ah, one their own desires. Similarly, whhe ah men could not decide against a member of one's participated in defense if the band were own sib. This contrasts with both the Cahuiha attacked, when the Kwaaypaay decided for a (Bean 1972) and the San Luiseno (White raid on another band, each man decided 1963; Boscana 1933; Shipek 1977) in which individually whether to participate. This indi­ the Noot (Captain) was the head of the largest vidual decision making was in direct contrast patrilineage and did not settle disputes within to the San Luiseno where, according to the band. Among the San Luiseno, it was Boscana (1933), the A^oo^ or Capitan was recorded that such disputes were handled obeyed and followed by all band members dhectly by the families involved. Further, the after a decision had been made. Kwaaypaay was the final arbiter for cases of OTHER OFFICIALS accused witchcraft and thus wielded power over ah. The only other band official regularly The other duties of the Kwaaypaay in­ identified in the Mission registers was the cluded organizing and directing all ceremonies assistant to the Kwaaypaay or the "Second for individuals (naming, marriage, death, and Captain." According to the Kumeyaay elders, memorials), weather control, yearly cycle, this individual was the "talker" or "speaker" harvest, and interband relations.