Outline of Professor Ronald Glossop's World Federation?
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The Meaning of the Federalist Papers
English-Language Arts: Operational Lesson Title: The Meaning of the Federalist Papers Enduring Understanding: Equality is necessary for democracy to thrive. Essential Question: How did the constitutional system described in The Federalist Papers contribute to our national ideas about equality? Lesson Overview This two-part lesson explores the Federalist Papers. First, students engage in a discussion about how they get information about current issues. Next, they read a short history of the Federalist Papers and work in small groups to closely examine the text. Then, student pairs analyze primary source manuscripts concerning the Federalist Papers and relate these documents to what they have already learned. In an optional interactive activity, students now work in small groups to research a Federalist or Anti-Federalist and role-play this person in a classroom debate on the adoption of the Constitution. Extended writing and primary source activities follow that allow students to use their understanding of the history and significance of the Federalist Papers. Lesson Objectives Students will be able to: • Explain arguments for the necessity of a Constitution and a bill of rights. • Define democracy and republic and explain James Madison’s use of these terms. • Describe the political philosophy underpinning the Constitution as specified in the Federalist Papers using primary source examples. • Discuss and defend the ideas of the leading Federalists and Anti-Federalists on several issues in a classroom role-play debate. (Optional Activity) • Develop critical thinking, writing skills, and facility with textual evidence by examining the strengths of either Federalism or Anti-Federalism. (Optional/Extended Activities) • Use both research skills and creative writing techniques to draft a dialogue between two contemporary figures that reflects differences in Federalist and Anti-Federalist philosophies. -
Separation of Powers: a Primer
7/6/2015 www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/jul/5/celebratelibertymonthseparationofpowersapri/print/ You are currently viewing the printable version of this article, to return to the normal page, please click here. Separation of powers: A primer By Ryan J. Watson and James M. Burnham - - Sunday, July 5, 2015 Constitutional concepts like free speech or the right to bear arms are ingrained in our popular culture, but just 36% of Americans can name all three branches of the federal government.1 Even fewer understand why and how our Constitution allocates power among the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial branches. As we celebrate Liberty Month, it is worthwhile to review how the Constitution's separation of powers supplies a key bulwark protecting individual liberty in the world's most successful Republic. The Founders were familiar with human nature and the correlative tendency of every ruler towards tyranny. They had experienced oppression at the hands of the English King and realized that the only way to truly protect individual liberty was to limit the power of any single government official. James Madison, a central architect of the Constitution, rightly observed that if "men were angels, no government would be necessary." Federalist No. 51 (1788). He knew that every official or body would seek to accumulate "all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands," and that such a concentration would be "the very definition of tyranny." Federalist No. 47 (1788). Thomas Jefferson agreed, labeling such a concentration of power as "precisely the definition of despotic government." Notes on the State of Virginia, Query 13 (1784). -
Another Word on the President's Statutory Authority Over Agency Action
ANOTHER WORD ON THE PRESIDENT’S STATUTORY AUTHORITY OVER AGENCY ACTION Nina A. Mendelson* By delegating to the “Secretary” or the “Administrator,” has Congress indicated an intent regarding presidential control of executive branch agencies? This seemingly simple interpretive question has prompted significant scholarly debate.1 In particular, if the statute names an executive branch agency head as actor, can the President be understood to possess so-called “directive” authority? “Directive” authority might be understood to cover the following situation: the President tells the agency head, “You have prepared materials indicating that options A, B, and C each satisfies statutory constraints and could be considered justified on the agency record. The Administration’s choice will be Option A.” The President could, of course, offer a reason— perhaps Option A is the least paternalistic, most protective, or most innovation-stimulating of the three. If the option preferred by the President otherwise complies with substantive statutory requirements on the record prepared by the agency,2 the question is whether the statutory reference to “Administrator” or “Secretary” should be understood as a limit on the President’s authority to direct the executive branch agency official to act in a particular way. A number of scholars have argued that statutory delegation to an executive branch agency official means that “the President cannot simply * Professor of Law, University of Michigan Law School. Thanks for valuable discussion and comments especially to Kevin Stack, as well as to Philip Harter, Riyaz Kanji, Sallyanne Payton, Peter Strauss, and participants in symposia at Fordham Law School and Cardozo Law School. -
Middle Power Leadership on Human Security
Middle Power Leadership on Human Security Ronald M. Behringer Department of Political Science University of Florida April 2003 Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Halifax, Nova Scotia, May 30-June 1, 2003. Please e-mail any comments to [email protected]. Abstract My study examines the conditions under which middle power states, such as Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway, may exercise effective leadership in the realm of human security. I hypothesize that a middle power-led human security initiative is more likely to be successful if the initiative does not threaten the fundamental principles of the superpower. My paper demonstrates that although it is possible for a human security initiative to overcome American opposition that is based on political or military interests, an initiative will be less likely to succeed if it challenges the core principles of the United States. I test the hypothesis by conducting a qualitative analysis of four cases of human security initiatives where the middle powers have played leadership roles. The cases include the endeavor to create a United Nations rapid deployment peacekeeping force, which led to the formation of the Standby High Readiness Brigade for United Nations Operations (SHIRBRIG) in 1996; the campaign to ban anti-personnel landmines, which resulted in the 1997 Ottawa Convention; the struggle to establish the International Criminal Court, which came into existence in 2002; and the unsuccessful attempt to regulate the legal trade in small arms and light weapons. The United States has taken different positions on these issues. The U.S. approved of the idea of a standby UN rapid response force, but did not participate in the establishment of SHIRBRIG. -
The Ancient Constitution Vs. the Federalist Empire: Anti- Federalism from the Attack on "Monarchism" to Modern Localism
Copyright 1990 by Northwestern University, School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 84, No. I THE ANCIENT CONSTITUTION VS. THE FEDERALIST EMPIRE: ANTI- FEDERALISM FROM THE ATTACK ON "MONARCHISM" TO MODERN LOCALISM Carol M. Rose* Anti-Federalism is generally thought to represent a major "road not taken" in our political history. The Anti-Federalists, after all, lost the great debate in 1787-88, while their opponents' constitution prevailed and prospered over the years. If we needed proof of the staggering vic- tory of the Federalist Constitutional project, the 200th anniversary cele- brations of 1987 would certainly seem to have given it, at least insofar as victory is measured by longevity and adulation.' One of the most imposing signals of the Federalists' triumph is the manner in which their constitution has come to dominate the very rheto- ric of constitutionalism. This is particularly the case in the United States, where the federal Constitution has the status of what might be called the "plain vanilla" brand-a brand so familiar that it is assumed to be correct for every occasion. This Constitution is the standard by which we understand and judge other constitutions, as for example those of states and localities. 2 Indeed, the federal Constitution's rhetorical dominance extends to some degree even to other parts of the world, when foreign citizens look to it for guidance about their own governmental 3 structures. What, then, might be left over for the defeated Anti-Federalists? This Article is an effort to reconsider the degree to which the Anti-Feder- alist road may still be trod after all, and in particular to reconstruct some * Professor of Law, Yale University. -
Global Governance 2025: at a Critical Juncture
Global Governance 2025: at a Critical Juncture NIC 2010-08 September 2010 This page was intentionally left blank. This page was intentionally left blank. Global Governance 2025: At a Critical Juncture Inquiries regarding this report may be made to Mathew Burrows, Counselor to the National Intelligence Council, on (703) 482-0741 and to the EU Institute of Security Studies on 0033-1-56-89-19-51. NIC 2010-08 September 2010 This page was intentionally left blank. Preface The United States’ National Intelligence Council (NIC) and the European Union’s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) have joined forces to produce this assessment of the long-term prospects for global governance frameworks. This exercise builds on the experience of the two institutions in identifying the key trends shaping the future international system. Since the mid 1990s, the NIC has produced four editions of its landmark Global Trends report. The most recent one, Global Trends 2025: A Transformed World, published in late 2008, noted that momentous change was ahead, with the gap between increasing disorder and weakening governance structures widening. The EUISS produced the first EU-level report on the factors affecting the evolution of the international system in 2006, The New Global Puzzle. What World for the EU in 2025? The report stressed that a multipolar system is emerging and that matching the new distribution of power with new rules and institutions will be critical to preserving international peace and stability. The US and the EU do not always see eye to eye on every issue on the international agenda, but they share fundamental values and strategic interests to an extent not matched by any other partners in the world. -
<Em>Joseph Smith and World Government</Em> by Hyrum L
BYU Studies Quarterly Volume 1 Issue 1 Article 13 1-1-1959 Joseph Smith and World Government by Hyrum L. Andrus Robert E. Riggs Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byusq Recommended Citation Riggs, Robert E. (1959) "Joseph Smith and World Government by Hyrum L. Andrus," BYU Studies Quarterly: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 13. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byusq/vol1/iss1/13 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Studies Quarterly by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Riggs: <em>Joseph Smith and World Government</em> by Hyrum L. Andrus BOOK REVIEWS 71 joseph smithsinithand world government by hyrum L andrus salt lake city deseret book company 19581938 127 appp 1751751.75 As part of the latter day restitution of all things a consti- tution for a political kingdom of god was revealed to joseph smith the political kingdom with its government of god as the facts have been reconstructed by dr andrus was supposed to grow out of the church and be subject to the ultimate rule of the priesthood all officers of the government were to be nominated by priesthood authority and citizens of the king- dom would recognize the will and dictation of the almighty as revealed to church leaders nevertheless the political and spiritual kingdoms were to be distinct entities with a consti- tutionaltutional separation of powers between zion and the political government being republican representative and democratic Published by BYU ScholarsArchive, 1959 1 BYU Studies Quarterly, Vol. -
Constituting Federalism
1 Constituting Federalism The ideas denoted by the term "federalism" have been central to the American constitutional order, and federalism as a political form plays an increasingly important role around the world. This seminar will focus on the United States constitutional experiences with federalism, a term not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, but one that has, since the second half of the twentieth-century, become frequently invoked in constitutional discourse. Federalism is proffered as an explanation when justices approach questions of whether to override congressional judgments about the deployment of national powers or to preclude states from regulating particular arenas. Beneath the mix of interpretations of the Constitution and the sometimes dry discussions of jurisdictional rules and doctrines of comity lie conflicts about equality, immigration, criminal procedure, regulation of the economy, protections to be accorded workers and consumers, and the authority of states, Indian tribes, and localities. These will be the subjects of discussion at the seminar. The seminar meets Friday afternoons, 2:00–5:00 p.m., February 7, 14, and 21, and 28 at the New-York Historical Society, 170 Central Park West, New York City. FACULTY Judith Resnik is the Arthur Liman Professor of Law at Yale Law School where she teaches about federalism, procedure, courts, equality, and citizenship. Her books include Representing Justice: Invention, Controversy, and Rights in City-States and Democratic Courtrooms (with Dennis Curtis, 2011); Migrations and Mobilities: Citizenship, Borders, and Gender (co- edited with Seyla Benhabib), Federal Courts Stories (co-edited with Vicki C. Jackson, 2010). Recent essays include "Federalism(s)' Forms and Norms" (forthcoming in NOMOS, Federalism and Subsidiary, 2014). -
Understanding Federalist 51
Understanding Federalist 51 1 9/6/2011 Political Science Module Developed by PQE Learning Objectives Identify the significance of the Federalist Papers to an understanding of the American Constitution. Identify Madison’s purpose in writing Federalist 51 . Explain the role of separation of powers in the preservation of liberty. 2 Political Science Module Developed by PQE 9/6/2011 Constitutional Change 1 Learning Objectives (Cont.) Describe the role played by checks and balances in the preservation of liberty. Identify the provisions included in the Constitution to prevent legislative dominance. Explain the phrase: “Ambition must be made to counteract ambition.” Describe how the “compound republic” protects liberty. 3 Political Science Module Developed by PQE 9/6/2011 Learning Objectives (Cont.) Describe the solution Madison offers to the problem of the tyranny of the majority. 4 Political Science Module Developed by PQE 9/6/2011 Constitutional Change 2 Key Terms The Federalist Papers Separation of Powers Legislative Power Executive Power Judicial Power Checks and Balances 5 Political Science Module Developed by PQE 9/6/2011 Key Terms (Cont.) Compound Republic Federal System Tyranny of the Majority 6 Political Science Module Developed by PQE 9/6/2011 Constitutional Change 3 The Federalist Papers Essays written in 1787 and 1788 by James Madison, John Jay, and Alexander Hamilton under the penname of Publius Designed to advocate the ratification of the new constitution by the states An authoritative but unofficial explanation of American government by those who created it 7 Political Science Module Developed by PQE 9/6/2011 Federalist 51 Madison wrote Federalist 51 in 1788. -
Federalists Vs. Democratic-Republicans
Federalists vs. Democratic-Republicans: America’s First Two-Party System Working with your partners, complete the chart using prior knowledge of events and issues in the 1790s. Political Party Federalists Democratic-Republicans Party Leaders John Adams (Massachusetts) Thomas Jefferson (Virginia) Alexander Hamilton (New York) James Madison (Virginia) Major Sources/Regions of Support Views on the Constitution (including the powers of the national and state governments) Views on Popular Participation in Government Views on Economic Policy (including debt, taxation, and the central bank) Views on Foreign Policy (including the conflict between Britain and revolutionary France) Views on the Alien & Sedition Acts of 1798 Federalists vs. Democratic-Republicans: America’s First Two-Party System Working with your partners, complete the chart using prior knowledge of events and issues in the 1790s. Political Party Federalists Democratic-Republicans Party Leaders John Adams (Massachusetts) Thomas Jefferson (Virginia) Alexander Hamilton (New York) James Madison (Virginia) Major Sources/Regions of Support merchants, landowners farmers, artisans, former Anti-Federalists Northern states (especially New England) New York and Southern states Views on the Constitution Favored: ORDER Favored: LIBERTY (including the powers of the national and *centralized government power – to protect *states’ rights – to guarantee individual liberties and state governments) the nation and the people’s liberties prevent excessive exercise of governing authority *implied powers -
The Delegation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions, 85 Minn
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 2000 The elegD ation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions Julian G. Ku Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Julian G. Ku, The Delegation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions, 85 Minn. L. Rev. 71 (2000) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/591 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Delegation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions Julian G. Kut ITihe World Trade Organization exercises a supranational authority in conflict with our forefathers' vision of an America forever sovereign and independent. -Patrick J. Buchanan' [The American people] see the UN aspiring to establish itself as the central authority of a new international order of global laws and global governance. This is an international order the American people will not countenance. 2 -Senator Jesse Helms It is tempting to brush off such concerns about the growing power of international organizations like the World Trade Organization (WTO) and United Nations (UN) as demagogic and paranoid. At the core of their concerns is a conviction that some large measure of power and authority held by the United States government has been impermissibly transferred to remote and unaccountable international organizations in violation of basic constitutional principles or American "sovereignty." Messrs. -
CHAOS, WAR, Or a NEW WORLD ORDER
) / CHAOS, WAR, or A NEW WORLD ORDER WHAT WE MUST DO TO ESTABLISH THE ALL-INCLUSIVE, NON-MILITARY, DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION OF NATIONS PUBLISHED BY THE CAl\IPAIGN FOR \ i\TORLD GOVERNMENT 166 WEST JACKSON BOULEVARD CHICAGO, ILLINOIS By SECOND DRAFT THIRD PRINTING Lola Maverick Lloyd l\IAY, 1938 and ENLARGED EDITION FOURTH PRINTING Rosika Schwimmer NOVEMBER, 1942 Immediate Action The main lines of this blueprint for governmental or unofficial action to organize the world w.ere drawn in 1924. We revised our worli and published the present pa1nphlet in 1937. This is the fourth edition. Believing gov THE PLAN .ernment initiation of world imion to be at present not only hopeless biit even undesirable, we wish to emphasize the part of our plan designed for unofficial HE following outline for international action is addressed to all those action. Immediate action along unofficial lines is imperative. who agree that we must stop theorizing about peace and put the best vVe have seen our globe in no tiwie turned into one arined camp. vVe can T existing theories into practice. It offers an answer to the question, "How transform it as quickly into a fit home for the human family. Self-111ade gov can we start practical action to establish world peace now?" It presents the ermnents in exile have for military purposes been grouped with the gr.eater preliminary steps necessary for a representative World Convention* to draft powers into the "United Nations" . As the first step in peaceful achievement of world union, we urge the iwimediate creation of the self-1nade Provisional the best possible constitution for an all-inclusive, non-military, democratic vVorld Government to take all the unofficial action recommended ·in our ori:g Federation of Nations.