List of the leaders of the provincial branch offices of the Korean-American Association (March 1947) Personal history before and Province Name Position during the American Military Remarks Government period Vice-president of the Taehan minguk hakto hoguktan (Korean Student National Defense Corps); Graduated from Boston University; Vice-Minister of the Education Founding member of the and Culture Department (1949); Hanǯguk minjudang (Korean Vice-Minister of the Ministry Pak Democratic Party); of Agriculture (1949); Chairman Chongman Governor of Chǯungnam Province Director of the Fisheries (1947); Bureau;; Participated in the Governor of Chǂnbuk Province Technological Committee that (1947) visited the United States; Secretary-General of the National Assembly; Dean of Chǯungnam Kukhak University Hong Vice- Nakku chairman Graduated from the Kyǂngsǂng chǂnsu hakkyo (綍蔏訷蕮踕繩) Chairperson of the National (1922); Passed the examination Election Commission (1954); Cho Vice- for judges and public prosecutors Minister of Justice (1954); The Yongsun chairman (1925); Served as a judge in the nd 2 Chief Justice of the Sunch n District of the Kwangju ǯǂ Supreme Court of Korea (1958) Provincial Court (1936); Justice on the Taegu District Court (1948) Graduated from the Department Chief Secretary within the Managing Yi Sǂkki of Law at Chuo University, Japan; Ministry of Education (1950); Director Passed the examination for high- Director of the Home Affairs 238 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~ ranking civil officials (1939); Division within the National served as the Magistrate of Asan Assembly (1953); CEO of the County (1941); Mayor of Taejǂn Taeyang Corp.; Member of the City(1946); 3rd Lower House (1954) Vice-Mayor of Seoul City (1948) Graduated with a major in Member of the 2nd National political economics from Waseda Assembly (1950); Head of the University, Japan (1923); attended National Assembly Investigation Wesleyan University in Ohio Team into the Massacre of (1925); successfully completed Kǂchǯang Residents (1952); his studies at Columbia’s served 8 years in prison for his Department of Politics and involvement in the Sǂ Sǂ Minho Chairman Sociology (1927); Established Chǯangsǂn Incident; Member Songmyǂng School (1935); of the 5th Lower House; Opposed served a one-year prison term to the Korea-Japan Normalization for his involvement in the Korean Treaty of 1965; Established the Language Research Society Minju Sahoedang (Democratic Incident (1942); Mayor of Socialist Party) (1966); Joined Kwangju City; Governor of the Sinmindang (New Democratic Chǂnnam Province (1946) Party) (1971) Graduated from the Law Department of Tohoku Imperial University; Passed the examination for high- ranking civil officials (1939); Magistrate, Yangsan County, Kyǂngbuk Province (1941); Director of the Railway Police Director of Hamgyǂng Agency (1948); Pak Vice- Province’s Transportation Security Director of the Ministry of Sǎnggwan chairman Administration (1944); Home Affairs’ Security Chǂnnam Director of the Security Department (1949) Department of the 6th District of the Police Administration Agency (1946); Director-General of the 8th District of the Police Administration Agency (1946) Graduated from Seoul Sǂllin Commerce High School; Worked at the Namdaemun Director of the Commerce and Branch Office of the Hanil Bank; Industry Bureau within the Director of the General Affairs Chǂnnam Provincial Division of the Namdaemun Government (1949); Branch Office of the Hanil Bank; Director of the Regional Manager of the Sunchǯǂn Branch Community Bureau within the Office of the Hanil Bank; Kim Managing Chǂnnam Provincial Government Vice-president of the Kwangju Hǎisǂng Director (1949); Chamber of Commerce & Member of the organizing Industry; committee of the Chǂnnam Director of the Chǂnam Provincial headquarters of the National Government’s Commerce Society (1949); Department; Director of the Deputy-Governor of Chǂnnam Transportation Department; Province Mayor of Kwangju City; Participated in the establishment of the Chǂnnam Branch Office of HEO Eun 239
the Hanǯguk Minjudang (Korea Democratic Party) (1948) Kim Member of the National Election Chairman Sǂngguk Commission (1948) William Vice- Blair chairman Graduated from the Fall River campus of the University of Massachusetts; Managed a farming plant in the Chǯoe Vice- United States; Hǎisǎng chairman Became an advisor to the Ky ngbuk ǂ American Military Government after 1945; Inaugurated as the Governor of Kyǂngbuk Province (1946) Worked in the Personnel Kim Managing Department within the Kyǂngbuk Tǯaemuk director Provincial Government Director of the Personnel Chǂn Managing Department within the Kyǂngbuk Pongbin director Provincial Government (1946) Kim Governor of Kyǂngbuk Province Kyǂngnam Chairman Pyǂnggyu (1947) Vice-President of the Kyǂngnam Branch Office of the Taedong ch´ǂ ngnyǂndan (Taedong Youth Corps) (October, 1948); Kyǂngnam Province’s representative to the Taehan kungmindang (1949); Yang Vice- Mayor of Pusan City(1948) Governor of Kangwǂn Sǂngbong chairman Province (1949); Governor of Kyǂngnam Province (1949); Vice-chairman of the Kyǂngnam Branch Office which played a leading role in the spread of the One Nation principle (Ilminjuǎi) (December, 1949) Keio University, Japan; Participated in the Declaration of Korean Independence of February 8, 1919; Member of the Chosǂn ch´ǂngnyǂn yǂnhaphoe (Korean Kim Vice Youth Independence Corps) Chǯǂlsu chairman (1920); Chosǂn mulsan changnyǂhoe (Korean Products Promotion Society) (1923); Chosǂn ch´ǂngnyǂn ch´ongdongmaeng (Korean Youth League Federation (1924); 240 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
Member of the Legislative Assembly (1945); Member of the Provincial Legislature (1946); Governor of Kyǂngnam Province; President of the Chayu minbo (1949) Director of the Personnel Managing U Tǂkchun Department within the Kyǂngnam director Provincial Government Kim Managing Nakche director Note: 1) The list of members for each provincial branch office was based on data presented in AMERICA (ᑌ), Vol. 2, Issue # 1 (March 1947), p.2; The materials referred to in order to gain insight into these individuals personal backgrounds include: Famous Names in Korean Modern and Contemporary History (Hanǯguk kǎnǜhyǂndaesa inmyǂngnok), Yǂgang Publishing Co. 1987; The Encyclopedia of Korean National Culture (Minjok munhwa taebaekkwa sajǂn); and select autobiographies
The Korean-American Association’s propagation of the image of the United States as a ‘humane and just nation’ and related clashes
The American Military Government’s active support for the education of the new human resources who would lead the new Korean state provided the former with an opportunity to imbibe these individuals with a perception of the United States as the ideal model for the proposed Korean entity. To this end, the Military Government, with the support of the U.S. State Department, dispatched a delegation from the Korean Educational Commission to the United States in March 1946. This delegation consisted of six people: the Dean of Seoul National University’s College of Education, Chang Yiwuk; an administrative official within the Bureau of Agriculture and Commerce by the name of Kim Hun; the principal of Kyǂnggi Girls High School, Ko Hwanggyǂng; the former director of Severance Medical School, Ku Yǂngsuk; a chemical engineer of the Bureau of Mining & Industry HEO Eun 241 named Na Kiho; and Mun Changuk, the Director of the Foreign Affairs Department. The majority of this delegation, specifically Kim Hun, Ko Hwanggyǂng, and Mun Changuk, were members of the Korean-American Association. The members of the delegation sought to obtain important information related to their respective fields while also visiting their Alma maters as part of efforts to develop further avenues for the exchange of human resources. Upon their return to Korea, the members of the delegation emphasized the fact that their trip had served to pave the way for the future education of the human resources needed to bring about the cultural development of Korea.16 The members of the Korean-American Association viewed the United States’ intention of educating individuals who possessed pro-American leanings in a positive light. Kim Tǯaesǂn, the Director of the Investigation Bureau of the American Military Government’s Police Administration Department, and also a member of the board of the Korean-American Association, pointed out the need to dispatch outstanding students to the United States in order to allow them to receive an ‘education in the ways of a democratic state’. Kim’s statement was motivated by the U.S. Department of State’s announcement that it planned to make it easier for Korean students to receive scholarships from American organizations, and by the American Military Government’s own decision to dispatch a Korean educational delegation to the United States.17 Nevertheless, these few friendly overtures on the part of the United States were not enough to automatically make Koreans regard the United States as the ideal model for a state and as the country which should educate the future leaders of Korea. Such a shared perception of values and the world cannot be formed in a short period of time. In this regard, there is a need to analyze the members of the Korean-American Association’s perceptions of the United States in a more detailed fashion. The Korean-American Association defined the ‘United States’ as an entity that conveyed the institutions and values required to establish a modern nation state and bring about a significant improvement in the 242 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~ nation’s education and health. More to the point, it regarded the United States as an entity that supported ‘weak nations’ desire for freedom and liberation’ as part of its doctrine of national self-determination.18 Armed with such perceptions, the members of the Korean-American Association came to view the United States as a modern, active, and dynamic entity and Korea as a pre-modern, static existence. As such, while Korea was defined as “a land of men of virtue (kunja) and of maternity”, the United States was the “a land of freedom and of paternity.”19 The general position of the Korean-American Association was given clear voice by its chairman Yi Hunǯgu. Yi stressed the fact that the association had not been set up to secure positions of privilege for its members through the establishment of ties with the American Military Government, but rather to strengthen the historically close relations with the United States in order to ensure the religious, cultural, and industrial development of Korea. Yi defined the United States as a country which in its capacity as a disseminator of advanced civilization had greatly contributed to modern Korean history. He enumerated the following facts: first, American missionaries had come to Korea and brought about great advancements in the religious, cultural, and medical fields; second, as evidenced by the Korean conspiracy case and the Shinto shrine controversy, these missionaries had participated in Korea’s independence movement; third, the United States had supported numerous Korean students during the Japanese colonial era, acting like ‘an Uncle Sam who provided scholarships to numerous Korean students’. To Yi Hunǯgu, the United States was an entity that had contributed to the development of religion and culture in Korea. Based on these historical perceptions of the United States, Yi defined the United States and U.S. military forces not as entities that had divided and conquered the Korean peninsula, but rather, respectively, as a power that had promised to achieve the complete independence of Korea and a military force dispatched as a ‘delegation sent to facilitate the independence of Korea’ stipulated in the Cairo Declaration.20 HEO Eun 243
Shortly after the collapse of the 1st U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission at the end of 1946, Yi Hunǯgu began to strongly criticize both the left and right wings. He pointed out that the ‘heroic leaders’ of these left and right wing factions who dreamed of becoming the George Washington or Lenin of Korea had effectively ceded their nation’s opportunity to establish a provisional government by providing the powers with an excuse to break off the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission. Furthermore, Yi argued that the empty ideological struggles and numerous political parties formed by the left and right wings had led to a worsening of the problems associated with the stabilizing of public welfare and security.21 However, the United States which Yi expounded upon to the Korean public was a state that provided aid in a good faith manner in order to protect liberal democracy, and which did not have any political, economic, or territorial ambitions where the Korean peninsula was concerned.22 Yi essentially asked whether the public would choose “achievement of independence as a truly democratic state” or the “achievement of independence as a dictatorial state which exerted total political and economic control over the people (inmin)”. Yi claimed that he would of course choose the former and that the majority of the Korean public would also agree with him. Although Yi clearly understood the nefarious influence which the struggle between the two ideologies would have put on the Korean peninsula, his solution was essentially to opt for one of them. Yi attempted to actively persuade the Korean public that the United States represented the ideal model for a liberal democratic country. However, attention needs to be drawn here to the fact that around September 1946 when the Korean-American Association was busy emphasizing the acceptance of American-style institutions and values was the time when the Korean public’s resentment toward the occupation policy of the United States bubbled to the surface,23 and also when, based on their respective perceptions of the state of political and economic development, South Korean intellectuals with various opinions of how the United States should be defined openly clashed with one another. 244 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
At this time, a magazine by the name of which attempted to present a comprehensive approach to American politics, economics, culture, and ideology appeared on the scene. The September 1946 issue of , a special ‘American Edition’ contained articles written by Ok Myǂngchǯan and Pak Chǯiwu on the topic of Americanism and the characteristics of the United States.24 Having accepted the ‘Frontier Hypothesis’ laid out by Frederick Jackson Turner, Ok Myǂngchǯan25 argued that the institutions and spirit formed during the westward expansion of its frontier had become inherent characteristics of the United States. Here, Ok carefully raised the question of whether the United States could resolve its social problems, such as the serious conflicts between labor and management, and issues related to religion and racism, under the current circumstances in which the Western expansion that had long served to buffer internal problems and facilitated the development of the U.S. economy had been completed. In Ok’s mind, the ‘end of the expansion of the Western frontier’ would hasten the termination of an American-style democracy that had been based on ‘equal opportunity and individual freedom’. Therefore, Americanism should no longer be regarded as a symbol of freedom, but rather as an internally poisoned entity.26 Moreover, he maintained that the rapid spread of capitalism had resulted in American exceptionalism being supplanted by a new sense of universality. However, Ok’s claims of universality were not premised on U.S. expansionism. Repeating Turner’s famous statement to the effect that the United States should focus on ‘laboratories’ rather than ‘guns’ to resolve its internal conflicts, Ok reached the conclusion that the United States would be able to resolve its internal contradictions once the expansion of its Western frontier had reached its utmost limit. However, Turner also asserted that the United States should continue its expansion overseas once the limits of the Western frontier had been reached.27 As such, Ok Myǂngchǯan possessed an incomplete understanding of the nature of the expansionism being advanced by Turner. Unlike Ok Myǂngchǯan, Pak Chǯiwu did not regard American HEO Eun 245 civilization as having been formed by the frontier spirit, nor did he completely accept Turner’s Frontier Hypothesis. Turning to the question of why the United States had been able to develop more than other areas such as Australia and Africa where ‘frontier spirits’ were also said to exist, Pak focused in on the U.S.’ combination of a rich natural environment and capitalism. Pak defined American culture as “highly- advanced capitalist culture generated by the development of capitalism in the contemporary era and the existence of a special place called America.” Pak perceived the overwhelmingly advanced nature of American capitalism as the reason why Americanism had been able to naturally integrate diverse races at home and ensure a ‘universal’ influence in other countries.28 Meanwhile, O Kiyǂng attempted to draw the Korean public’s attention to features of the United States which ran contrary to those expounded upon by Yi Hunǯgu. Thus, while Yi’s perceived the United States as an entity attempting to plant the seeds of civilization in desolate Korea, O perceived the United States as an entity that had brokered the Treaty of Portsmouth in 1904, recognized Japan’s control over Korea, and allowed the Korean people to live like slaves for about 40 years as it went about isolating Korea from the international community.29 O Kiyǂng’s presentation of an image of the United States so starkly different from the one painted by the members of the Korean-American Association in October 1946 can be explained by his belief that the American Military Government had implemented a policy that revolved around the use of pro-Japanese elements to strengthen the anti-communist division system, and his perception that the United States was in the process of implementing its goal of turning South Korea into an anti- communist outpost in Northeast Asia. O Kiyǂng maintained that his perception of history provided the basis for the overcoming of the Cold-War based perception of the world being disseminated by the United States and the Soviet Union. Pointing out that imperial Russia had long sought to turn Korea into a ‘buffer state,’ O claimed that the perception of Russia’s Far East Policy of the past as one 246 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~ based on ‘invasion’ and the current Soviet Union’s policy as being rooted in the notion of ‘liberation,’ in effect belied a superficial understanding of reality. In other words, O believed that Russian and Soviet policy shared the commonality of having desired to turn the Korean peninsula into a strategic buffer zone. This proves that O Kiyǂng was well aware of the fact that Korea’s geopolitical status weighed more heavily in the determination of the Soviet Union’s policy towards Korea than the ideological struggle. In addition, he highlighted the fact that U.S. policy toward the Korean peninsula was also based on similar considerations.30 In short, the Korean-American Association presented ‘features of the United States’ that ran contrary to those presented by individuals who criticized the United States in September 1946 as the grievances of the Korean public erupted to the surface amidst the growing number of political and economic conflicts and clashes that engulfed Korea from September 1945 to the second half of 1946. As such, the Korean- American Association played a significant role in continuing and even extending the discourse on the American Military Government’s rule in Korea during the period in which the change in the Korean public’s perception of the United States became palpable.
The onset of divisions amongst the members of the Korean-American Association
The pro-American members of the Korean-American Association eventually splintered into three distinct groups following the establishment of divided states on the Korean peninsula. The first group, made up of individuals such as Yi Hunǯgu, broke with the Hanmindang and Rhee Syngman regime, and began to clamor for the establishment of a unified state. Yi Hunǯgu’s perception of the world, and especially his perception of international politics, was greatly altered following the actual establishment of the separate states of North and South Korea. On October 1, 1948, or shortly after the establishment of the divided states, HEO Eun 247
Yi founded the Taehan nodongdang (Korean Labor Party). This new party advocated policies such as the removal of the corrupted perception of Sadae (serving the great), and of the dependence on anti-nationalist foreign elements; the improvement of public welfare; and the establishment of an equitable social and economic system.31 Yi, who had since the colonial era emphasized the need to improve agricultural life and educate farmers as part of an overall framework for reform, suddenly found himself breaking with the landlord-centered policy line of the Hanmindang and championing the notion of economic equality.32 The outstanding change in Yi’s perception, especially as pertains to international politics, is evidenced by a simple comparision with the statements he made while chairman of the Korean-American Association. Yi Hunǯgu, who had regarded the United States as a truly democratic country up until the beginning of 1947, saw his perception of the United States altered after the establishment of divided states on the Korean peninsula. Shying away from his traditionally unilateral support for the United States, Yi identified the ‘extreme frictions between the two camps’ as the external factor which had caused the establishment of divided states.33 Meanwhile, Yi also believed that the tensions caused by the United States focus on a military-first strategy would inevitably exercise a negative influence over the Korean peninsula. Yi perceived that the global heightening of tensions occasioned by the worsening of the Cold War had become an obstacle to the achievement of peaceful unification on the Korean peninsula. He emphasized the need to search for measures to achieve peaceful unification through the holding of joint meetings between representatives from the various domestic political parties, and to take the results of these discussions to the UN in order to bring about a ‘bloodless’ means of attaining unification.34 Yi regarded peaceful unification not as something that could be simply achieved through the holding of formal elections, but rather as a denouement that could only become possible once the gap between North and South Korea had been bridged in terms of the welfare of laborers and farmers.35 A second group of individuals that included the likes of Kim Tǯaesǂn 248 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~ and Cho Pyǂngok chose to actively participate in the movement to strengthen the anti-communism based divided state structure. Cho Pyǂngok for one perceived the frontier spirit of the United States as a struggle to establish justice and public order.36 During the era of the American Military Government, Cho emerged as an individual who possessed his own subjective perception of the United States as a country that, as part of its quest to protect freedom, would support South Korea to the end of the world.37 Cho clashed with Yun Chǯiyǂng, the Minister of Home Affairs during the Rhee Syngman regime, over the issue of the transfer of police affairs from the U.S. military government to the new entity.38 However, he subsequently heeded Rhee Syngman’s request and set about involving himself in the establishment of a ‘divided state’, even going as far as accepting the post of special envoy to the United States. Pointing out the advent of an international situation in Northeast Asia in which communist forces that included North Korea would encircle and attack South Korea after the withdrawal of U.S. military forces, Cho implored the powers that be within the U.S. State Department to not only expand the scope of the U.S. military forces stationed in Korea, but also to provide South Korea with strong economic and military support. When official from the State Department pointed out the need to implement the reforms required to build a self-sufficient independent nation, Cho replied that such talk of those reform was facetious under the current environment in which the very survival of South Korea as a nation was at stake.39 Thus, Cho Pyǂngok, a thorough anti-communist, joined forces with Rhee Syngman in the quest to bring about the survival and strengthening of South Korea as a bulwark of anti-communism. Meanwhile, Kim Tǯaesǂn was at the forefront of the establishment of the anti-communism system. Kim was appointed to the post of the Director of the Seoul Police Agency during the Rhee Syngman government, where he oversaw the reimplementation of Japanese-style control mechanisms employed during the colonial era. He set about expanding and strengthening Aegukpan (ᠱၚᒀ, patriotic associations) as HEO Eun 249 an implement with which to keep a watchful eye on the movements of the public and media.40 He also served as one of the leaders of the kungmin podo yǂnmaeng (ၚᑙᔑᇶᣝᏇ, National Guidance Alliance) that had as its goal the establishment of the ruling structure for an anti-communism state. As Kim subsequently became deeply involved in the dissolving of the panmin tǯǎkwi (Special Investigation Committee on Anti-national Activities) as well as in the assassination of Kim Ku,41 he effectively eschewed the liberal democracy that he had superficially pursued in favor of a violent and virulently anti-communist system. The third group consisted of those individuals who had been excluded from power and the ideological integration process by the Rhee Syngman regime. Ironically, man of those who found themselves excluded from participating in the establishment of the structure for the divided nation placed their services at the behest of the party most responsible for the strengthening of the Cold War structure: the United States. Prominent examples of such individuals include O Chǯǂnsǂk, who was a member of the Korean-American Association, and Chang Yiuk, the president of Seoul National University. O Chǯǂnsǂk, who had held the post of director of the Education Department within the American Military Government and been actively involved in the transplanting of an American-style education system in Korea, opted to temporarily leave for the United States following the inauguration of the Rhee Syngman regime.42 For his part, Chang Yiuk, who was very close to O Chǯǂnsǂk and had been deeply influenced by the latter during their studies in the United States43, received an offer in December 1950 from Donald S. McDonald, an Assistant Consular at the U.S. Embassy, to participate in a program set up by the U.S. State Department to translate documents seized in Pǯyǂngyang.44 Neither of these individuals returned to Korea after having completed this translation project, choosing instead to participate in psychological warfare operations directed at North Korean residents, communist soldiers, and United Nations Command POWs.45 Those who had participated in the American Military Government in large part because of their belief in 250 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~ liberal democracy did not hesitate to accept this request to be at the forefront of the Cold War, and sincerely implemented their tasks as the conveyors of an ideology designed to strengthen the liberal camp. These individuals came into conflict with the Rhee Syngman regime because they selected a democratic ruling system rather than the militaristic ruling structure as the best means to strengthen the anti-communist state. Nevertheless, the fact that they sought to maintain and strengthen the Cold War and divided nation structures meant that in the end they were not very fundamentally different from the members of the Rhee Syngman regime.
Conclusion
This study analyzed the activities of the Korean-American Association established to improve Korea-U.S. relations during the era of the American Military Government, as well as the perceptions of its members. The Korean-American Association was more than a simple organization designed to foster cultural exchanges. It was an entity which was directly involved in the establishment of the political and ideological bases of the American Military Government’s rule. The association not only played the role of an institution that educated Korean intellectuals to assist the Military Government, but also directly participated in the latter’s rule. The core members of the Korean- American Association occupied key posts within the Military Government. In fact, the majority of the Koreans involved with the American Military Government were members of the Korean-American Association. The leaders of the Korean-American Association were individuals who had reaped the benefits of American religious and material civilization during the Japanese colonial era, and who regarded Westernization as the best choice for survival. At a time when public resentment of the American Military Government’s policies had reached a boiling point, the Korean-American HEO Eun 251
Association helped to formulate ‘features of the United States’ that were remnants of the historical Korea-U.S. relationship that existed during the opening period, features which ran contrary to those possessed by the critics of the United States. In short, while directly participating in the ruling structure established by the American Military Government, the members of the Korean- American Association also produced a roadmap for the spread of the discourse within Korean society on the topic of the United States as a country that pursued humanitarian justice. In addition, using a method that revolved around constant reminders of the historical nature of the Korea-U.S. relationship, the association also played an important role in establishing a positive discourse on the United States, a denouement which was inevitable if the latter was to expand its influence within Korean society.
Key Word:The Korean-American Association(ࢠฎ), U.S. Army Military Government, Expansionism, Frontierism, Cold War, recollection, Discourse
Notes :
1 With regard to the U.S.-Korea relationship and the formation of the pro- American group during the opening period, please refer to Han Chǂlho, 1998, The Pro-American Enlightenment Group (Chǯinmi kaehwapa yǂnǯgu), Kookhak Community Corp.; For more on Korean intellectuals’ encounters and perceptions of the United States during the opening period, please refer to Chang Kyusik, 2004, “Intellectuals” encounters with the Western world and their perception of modernity during the opening period (Kaehanggi, kaehwa chisikinǎi sǂgu chǯehǂmgwa kǎndae insik)”, Modern and Contemporary Korean History (Hanǯguk kǎnhyǂndaesa yǂnǯgu), Vol. 28; For a more in-depth discussion on the experiences and perceptions of those who went to the United States during the Japanese colonial era, please refer to Chang Kyusik, 2005, “The acceptance of modern knowledge and 252 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
establishment of the notion of the nation-state amongst those who studied in the United States during the Japanese colonial era IIljeha miguk yuhaksaengǎi kǎndae chisik suyonggwa kungmin kukka kusang)”, Modern and Contemporary Korean History (Hanǯguk kǎnhyǂndaesa yǂnǯgu), Vol. 34; Chang Kyusik, 2006, “The encounter with Western modernity and perception of U.S. civilization developed by those who studied in the United States during the Japanese colonial era (Iljeha miguk yuhaksaengǎi sǂgu kǎndae chǯehǂmgwa miguk munmyǂng insik)”, Journal of Korean Historical Studies (Hanǯguksa yǂnǯgu), Vol. 133 2 “The Political Advisor in Korea (Benninghoff) to the Secretary of State” (September 15, 1945), Liberation Three Years on and the United States: Vol. 1 (Haebang 3 nyǂnǯgwa miguk 1), Translated by Kim Kuktǯae, Dolbegae Publishing Co. p. 56; “The Political Advisor in Korea (Benninghoff) to the Secretary of State” (September 29, 1945), ibid, p. 70 3 Chang Tǯaeksang compared his relationship with Rhee Syngman during the American Military Government era to that between ‘the sun and a planet that orbits it’. Chang claimed that one of the reasons why he sided with Rhee Syngman over the members of the Provisional Government was that the two shared a common experience of the West and a kindred respect for Western- style thinking, and that as such it was only natural that ‘those who received similar educations and shared similar attributes would became friendly with one another’ (Chang Tǯaeksang, 1973, Liberal Spirit of the Evergreen (Sangnokǎi chayuhon), Yeungnam University Museum, p. 362); Of course, the fact that Chang was involved with the Hǎngǂp kurakpu) (跎蔋粟绚臠, Industrial Promotion Club) during the colonial era, and that he became a thorough anti-communist after liberation, must also be taken into account when analyzing the union established between Chang and Rhee. 4 In Article 3 of its General Provisions, the Korean-American Association laid out its goals as follows: “the association aims to promote amicable relations, invigorate cultural exchanges, and develop the respective economies of the United States and Korea” (AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 2, Issue # 1 (March 1947), p. 103). 5 Dong-A Ilbo, September 3, 1946 6 With regards to the perception and activities of the missionaries who were actively involved with Koreans during the Japanese colonial era, please refer to Yi Manyǂl, 1988, “Korean Christianity and the influence of the United HEO Eun 253
States (Hanǯguk kidokkyowa migukǎi yǂnghyang)”, A Reanalysis of Korea- U.S. Relations (Hanmi kwanǯgyeǎi chajomyǂng), The Institute for Far Eastern Studies, Kyungnam University; For more on the process through which the missionaries aided in the cultivation of pro-American elites, please refer to Kim Sangtǯae, 1998, “The Christian group in Pyǯǂngan Province and the formation of pro-American elites (Pǯyǂngando kidokkyo seryǂkkwa chǯinmi eliteǎi hyǂngsǂng)”, Journal of Historical Criticism (Yǂksa pipǯyǂng), Vol. 45 7 The majority of those who went to the United States during the 1920s were greatly impressed by the U.S.’ material civilization. While they identified individualism, racial discrimination, and a general lack of spirituality as the inherent weaknesses of American society, they were nevertheless struck by the degree of development of American civilization. (“Appreciation of those who studied in the United States for America’s material civilization”, The Rocky, Vol. 3 (1928); Hallym University Institute of Asia Culture Studies, English version, Vol.1) Han Chǯijin, a student at the University of Southern California, emphasized the need for Koreans to adopt and incorporate three factors (individualism, materialism, and pragmatism) of the superior Western civilization. To this end, he asserted that in the 20th century, Westernization would mean survival, while Orientalization would only result in destruction (“The characteristics of Western civilization and Koreans’ future responses,” ibid). Han Chǯijin had the opportunity to put his thoughts into action when he was made an advisor in charge of education within the Bureau of Public Information of USAMGIK’s Department of Public Information after 1945. 8 Meanwhile, the Kumi haku kurakpu (Korean Students Club in the United States) was organized on September 5, 1945. Those involved with the Hǎngǂp kurakpu actively participated in the establishment of this club, which represented the first pro-American group established after liberation. In other words, the Rhee Syngman faction organized a separate group. The members of the Kumi haku kurakpu included Kim Sǎngsik, Yi Chǯunho (professor at Hongik University/Yonsei University), Cho Chǂnghwan (professor at Hongik University/Yonsei University), Yun Posǂn, Kim Toyǂn, Pak Injun, Ku Chaok, Kim Yǂsik, Yi Wǂnchǯǂl (professor at Hongik University/Yonsei University), Kim Myǂngsǂn, Chǂng Pona, Chang Tǯaeksang, An Sǎnghan, Yi Kapsu, Kim Chunyǂn, Chǯoe Tusǂn, Yi Myǂnghyǂk, Yi Chunghǎi, and Yi Hansang. ( Art Yearbook; 1947 (Yesul yǂnǯgam -1947), Yesul sinmunsa, 1947, pp. 161- 254 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
162); With regards to the members and activities of the Tongwuhoe and Hǎngǂp kurakpu during the colonial era, please refer to Chang Kyusik, 2000, The Political and Economic Thought of the Christian Nationalist Movement during the Colonial Era (Iljeha kidokkyo minjok undongǎi chǂngchǯI kyǂngje sasang), PhD dissertation, Yonsei University; Chǂng Pyǂngjun, 2001, Syngman Rhee’s Independence Line and the Movement for the Establishment of a Government (Rhee syngmanǎi tongnip nosǂnǯgwa chǂngbu surip undong), PhD dissertation, Seoul National University; Ko Chǂnghyu, 2004, Syngman Rhee and the Korean Independence Movement (Rhee syngmanǯgwa hanǯguk tongnip undong), Yonsei University Press; There was also the Yangyanghoe, an organization which was established by those who had a close relationship with the American Military Government. Members of this Yangyanghoe included Ko Hwanggyǂng, Yi Myomuk, Kim Poline, Pyǂn Honggyu (PhD in theology from Drew University, Secretary-General of the Methodist Church), and Yu Yǂngsun. 9 O Chǯǂnsǂk, 1978, Lonely Lord of the Castle (Oeroun sǂngju), Kwangmyǂng chǯulpǯansa, pp. 76-80 10 Yun Chǯangsǂk, a native of Kongju who was put in charge of the Korean- American Association’s Social Department, had originally worked at Sinmyǂng Kodǎng Girls’ High School in Taegu after returning from his studies in the United States. His close ties with George Williams, an official within the American Military Government, eventually resulted in his appointment to the post of personnel manager within the Military Government’s Department of Public Information (AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 1 Issue # 1, September 1946, p. 15). As many researchers have pointed out, George Williams was the first son of Minister Williams, an American who became the first missionary in the Kongju area. George Williams played a significant role in helping Korean Christians that had studied in the United States become active participants in the American Military Government. For his part, Sǂ Minho, who was appointed as the Governor of Chǂnnam Province and put in charge of the local branch of the Korean-American Association, was able to forge close ties with the Chǂnnam office of the American Military Government after having been introduction by Underwood, who was then serving as an advisor to USAMGIK (Sǂ Minho, 1997, Liberal Democracy and I: the prison years (Chayu minjujuǎiwa na, Iǜ Okchunggi pǯyǂn), p. 270). HEO Eun 255
11 “Present of the Korean-American Association Hoon Koo Lee -> Lieutenant General John R. Hodge Commanding General United States Army Forces in Korea” (Sept. 27 1945) AMERICA, Vol. 1, Issue # 1 (September 1946) 12 AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 1, Issue # 1 (September 1946), p. 1 13 J. Earnest Fisher, who served as an advisor for the Political Education Bureau of the American Military Government’s Department of Public Information, was appointed to the position of councilor within the Korean-American Association. 14 AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 2, Issue # 1 (March 1947), p. 88 15 Pak was appointed to the post of Director of the Public Information Bureau in December 1945. 16 Chosǂn Ilbo, January 18, 1946; Seoul Sinmun, April 23, 1946; Tong-A Ilbo, August 18, 1946; Kim Hun, “The future of U.S. and Korean Agriculture – Records of observations (1),” AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 1, Issue # 1 (September 1946); For a more detailed look at the schedule and activities of the delegation, please refer to Chang Yiwuk, 1975, My Memoirs, Samtoh Co., pp. 216-231 17 Kim Tǯaesǂn, “Education of the leaders of the new Korea (Kǂnǯguk chosǂnǎi chidoja yangsǂng munje)”, AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 1, Issue # 1 (September 1946), p. 28 18 An outline of close Korean-American ties (Hanmi chǯinsǂn chido),” AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 1, Issue # 1 (September 1946), p. 1 19 Ibid. 20 Yi Hunǯgu, “The significance of the establishment of the Korean-American Association and the outlook thereof (Hanmi hyǂphoe sǂlipǎi ǎiǎiwa chǂnmang)”, AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 1, Issue # 1 (September 1946), pp. 2-3. Yi’s philosophy was also shared by the members of the provincial branch offices of the Korean-American Association. Yi Sǂkki, the Mayor of Taejǂn City, practically repeated Yi’s assertions verbatim during the ceremony marking the opening of the Chǯungnam branch office. Here, attention should be drawn to the fact that Yi Sǂkki was not amongst those who studied in the United States. “… The United States was the first country to establish amicable ties with Korea during the Taehan Empire. Therefore, it has had a tremendous influence on Korea from both a religious and cultural standpoint. Furthermore, the current military government has also played an important role in helping Korea to establish a new government through such 256 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
actions as the dispatch of an educational delegation and Korean students to the United States. In addition, missionary educators, who have long been a crucial part of the shared religious culture that has helped a close relationship to take root between our two countries, have made a profound contribution to the achievement of Korea’s complete independence in their capacity as advisors to the American Military Government. I would like to convey my sincere gratitude for all they have done for Korea” (AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 2, Issue # 1 (March 1947), p. 53). 21 Yi Hunǯgu, “The International political situation and the promotion of friendly ties between Korea-U.S. (Segye chǂngsewa hanmi chǯinsǂn)”, AMERICA (董胃翓竨), Vol. 2, Issue # 1 (March 1947), p. 4 22 Yi Hunǯgu, ibid, p. 5 23 For more on this, please refer to Chǂng Haegu, 1988, Study on the October Public Uprising of 1946 (10wǂl inmin hangjaeng yǂnǯgu), Yeuleumsa Publishing Co. 24 Ok Myǂngchǯan, September 1946, “Americanism- with a special focus on the Frontier”, Sinchǯǂnji, Vol. 1, Issue # 8; Pak Chǯiwu, September 1946, “American culture”, ibid. 25 Little could be uncovered about the personal history of Ok Myǂngchǯan other than the fact that he was a literature critic. However, he is known to have translated and introduced various writings in in order to help the readers develop a better objective understanding of the United States and the Soviet Union. 26 Ok Myǂngchǯan, ibid, p.82 27 While westward expansion was reaching its limits, Turner pointed out in 1896 that this expansionism should be taken overseas on the grounds that expansionism had been at the core of American life for almost three hundred years and that the United States’ influence abroad had already grown exponentially (Emily S. Rosenberg, 1982, ibid, p. 14). 28 Pak Chǯiwu, ibid., p. 93 29 O Kiyǂng, October, 1946, “Appeal to the United States and USSR through Lieutenant General John Reed Hodge and Colonel General Ivan Chistiakov, Sinchǯǂnji, Vol. 1, Issue # 9, pp. 9-10 30 Ibid, p. 11 31 Seoul sinmun, October 8, 1948 32 For more on Yi’s experiences studying in the United States during the HEO Eun 257
colonial era and his activities in Korea, please refer to Pang Kijung, 1996, “Yi Hunǯgu’s theory of agriculture and perception of economic independence during the colonial era (Ilcheha yi hunǯguǎi nongǂpnonǯgwa kyǂngje charip sasang)”, Journal of Korean Historical Studies (Yǂksa munje yǂnǯgu), Vol. 1; Although Yi Hunǯgu played a supporting role in the establishment of the Hanmindang (Korean Democratic Party), he does not appear to have been deeply involved with the party during his tenure as the Interim Government’s Director of the Agricultural Department. 33 Seoul sinmun, October 8, 1948 34 Kyǂnghyang sinmun, March 18, 1949 35 The opinions of Yi Hunǯgu, one of the members of a renegade faction within the Constituent National Assembly, are clearly evidenced in the ‘Resolution on Peaceful Unification’ promulgated by his group. This resolution called for the integration of the nationalist and patriotic camps and the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces stationed in Korea in keeping with UN Resolutions. (Paek Unsǂn, 1992, “Analysis of the activities of the renegade faction within the Constituent National Assembly (Chehǂn kukhoenae sojangpǯae kwanhan yǂnǯgu)”, PhD dissertation, Seoul National University, pp. 80-85); Given Yi’s statement to the effect that while he agreed with the withdrawal of U.S. forces, a certain grace period was required, it has been surmised that Yi was more focused on the integration of the nationalist and patriotic camps (Yǂnhap sinmun, May 25, 1949). 36 Cho Pyǂngok, 1959, My Memoirs (Naǎi hoegorok), Minǯgyosa, pp. 42-43 37 Ibid, pp. 153-154, Cho Pyǂngok’s perception of the United States and his acceptance of liberal democracy were deeply related to his ardent anti- communist stance. Cho had already begun to study theoretical arguments against communism during his stay in the U.S.. With regards to Cho’s experiences in the United States during the colonial era, please refer to Yi Suil, March 2001, “Cho Pyǂngok’s activities and his acceptance of modernity during his stay in the United States (Miguk yuhak sijǂl yusǂk cho pyǂngokǎi hwaldonggwa kǎndaeǎi suyong)”, Chǂnnong saron, Vol. 7 38 Minju ilbo, August 31, 1948 39 Memorandum of Conversation, by the Director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs (Butterworth), FRUS, 1949, Vol. VII, p. 941 40 Yǂnhap sinmun, April 17, 1949; Chosǂn Chungang Ilbo, April 30, 1949 41 Sǂ Chungsǂk, 1996, Modern Korean Nationalist Movements 2 (Hanǯguk 258 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
hyǂndae minjok yǂnǯgu 2), Yǂksa pipǯyǂngsa, Chapter 3 42 O Chǯǂnsǂk was highly critical of the manner in which the pro-American group who had been actively involved with the American Military Government prior to the establishment of an independent state were perceived and treated. He wrote that those who had been actively involved with the American Military Government had done so for the fatherland, and claimed not to understand why they were regarded as ‘rogue elements working for an enemy state’ (O Chǯǂnsǂk, ibid, p. 118). 43 Chang Yiuk, 1975, ibid, pp. 242-245, Chang was also forced to resign his post as the president of Seoul National University because of pressure of the newly appointed Minister of Education and Culture An Hosang shortly after the establishment of the government. 44 The group who left for Japan in order to participate in this translation project established by the U.S. State Department consisted of 10 people, and included Chang Yiuk, O Chǯǂnsǂk, Ha Kyǂngdǂk, Hwang Chinnam, Sin Tonggi and Kim Yǂngwǂn (Chang Yiuk, ibid, p. 252). 45 Their main tasks were those of, in conjunction with the American agents responsible for psychological warfare, preparing the scripts to be used for psychological warfare purposes, selecting the contents to be used for radio broadcasts, and producing texts for dissemination to prisoners (O Chǯǂnsǂk, ibid, p.22); The United Nations Command invited 50 Koreans to come to Japan to produce educational texts for prisoners. While some of the Koreans who accepted this offer were university professors, others were former ambassadors to the United States (Ham Pyǂngchǯun) and Mexico (Chang Sangmun) (Chang Yiuk, 1975, ibid, p. 256). For more on the psychological warfare activities implemented by the U.S. Far Eastern Command during the Korean War, please refer to Stephen E. Pease, PYSWAR-Psychological Warfare in Korea 1950-1953, 1992, Stackpole books. Chang Yiuk’s propaganda broadcasts were not disseminated in the North but rather in the South. More to the point, Chang had been the host of a 15-minute radio program called for five years. Chang stated later on that he had been the one who had promoted the idea of propaganda broadcasting programs being aired in the South to the person in charge of the U.S. Far Eastern Command. This move, he felt, was necessitated by the need to inspire his own countrymen to maintain the will to fight, something which he perceived as being just as important in order to HEO Eun 259 win the war as attacking the enemy. In addition to expounding the virtue of patriotism, national spirit, and of the spirit of unity to the South Korean people, Chang used his radio addresses to emphasize the values of a democratic nation (Chang Yiuk, 1975, ibid., p. 254.). Above all, Chang emphasized the principles of democracy. For example, he pointed out that although it was natural for an emergency system to be maintained during wartime, situations in which wartime operational control ignored or denied the principles of democracy should never be allowed to take root (Chang Yiuk, 1958, Reality and the Ideal (Hyǂnsilgwa isang), Saebyǂksa, p.89). There was no way that the Rhee Syngman regime could have treated individuals such as Chang Yiuk who had consistently emphasized the principles of democracy in a friendly manner. Furthermore, the Rhee Syngman regime was suspicious of those like Chang who had participated in the propaganda programs set up by the U.S. Far Eastern Command, regarding them as members of a ‘shadow government’ created by the United States (Chang Yiuk, 1975, ibid, p. 253). 260 The Establishment and Activities of the Korean-American ~
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