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Estonian: Typological Studies Iv TARTU ÜLIKOOLI EESTI KEELE ÕPPETOOLI TOIMETISED 14 PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ESTONIAN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF TARTU 14 ESTONIAN: TYPOLOGICAL STUDIES IV edited by Mati Erelt TARTU 2000 ESTONIAN: TYPOLOGICAL STUDIES IV TARTU ÜLIKOOLI EESTI KEELE ÕPPETOOLI TOIMETISED 14 — , i PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ESTONIAN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF TARTU 14 ESTONIAN TYPOLOGICAL STUDIES IV edited by Mati Erelt TARTU 2000 ESTONIAN: TYPOLOGICAL STUDIES IV This work was supported by the Estonian Science Foundation, Grant No.: 3259. © University of Tartu, 2000 Printed by Bookmill CONTENTS M ati E relt On the Pro-Forms in E stonian.............................................................7 Külli Habicht Grammaticalization of Adpositions in Old Literary Estonian ... 19 Helle Metslang Reflections on the Development of a Particle in Estonian ........59 Renate Pajusalu Indefinite Determiners mingi and üks in Estonian........................87 Urmas Sutrop Basic Terms and Basic Vocabulary.......................................... 118 Ilona Tragel Usage of the Verb andma ‘to give’ in the Domain of Verbal Communication .................................. 146 Enn Veldi Estonian and English: a Lexicographer’s Point of View. I .............................................173 H aldur Õim Otse, sirge and õige: a Domain of Metaphoric Extension in Estonian........................198 ON THE PRO-FORMS IN ESTONIAN M ati E relt University of Tartu Estonian pro-forms include pronouns and pro-adverbs, but pro­ verbs are absent: prosubstantives: mina ‘I’, ise ‘oneself etc. pronouns proadjectives: niisugune ‘this kind o f etc. pronumerals: mitu 'several’ etc. proadverbs: siin ‘here’, nii ‘so’ etc. There are six kinds of pronouns in Estonian: 1) personal pronouns: m ina-m a T sina~sa 'you sg. tema­ ta ‘he/she' m eie-m e 'w e' teie~te ‘you pi. nemad~nad ‘they’; 2) reflexive pronouns: ise: enese-enda 'oneself, oma 'one’s’, iseenda-iseenese 'one’s own omaenda-omaenese 'one s own'; 3) reciprocal pronouns: teineteise 'each other’, üksteise 'one another’ • 4) demonstrative pronouns: see (need) ‘this’ ( ‘these’), too (nood) ‘that’ (‘those’), sama 'sam e’ samane 'sam e' see­ sama (needsamad) ‘the same over here' toosama (nood­ samad) ‘the same over there’, samasugune ‘the same kind of’ niisamasugune ‘the same kind of seesamagune ‘the same kind of’ niisugune ‘this kind of seesugune ‘this kind of’, selline ‘such’ säärane ‘such’, säherdune 'such see­ sinane ‘the very', sinane ‘the very’ sihuke(ne) ‘such’, nihuke(ne) 'such'; 5) interrogative-relative pronouns: kes who’ mis ‘what, that’, kumb 'which' missugune 'which, what kind of, milline ‘which, that’ mäherdune 'what kind of’, misuke 'what kind of määrane 'what kind o f; 6) indefinite pronouns: keegi ‘someone’, miski 'something' mingisugune 'some, a certain’, miskisugune 'som e' ükski 'none of the’ mitu ‘several’, mitmes ‘in several’ m itu-setu 'several, quite a few' mitmes-setmes, palju 'many, a large 8 On the pro-forms in Estonian number of; much, a large amount of üks a ’ mõningane 'som e’ iga 'every, each' igamees ‘everyone’ kõik ‘all’ mõlemad ‘both' kumbki ‘either, neither, emb-kumb ’either’, kogu 'all, entire' terve ‘all, entire’ The Estonian pronoun system is remarkable in that the personal pronouns have full forms and short forms (see Pool 1999 about their usage), the relative and interrogative pronouns have the same form (Mida sa ütlesid? ‘What did you say?’ See, mida sa ütlesid, on vale ‘What you said is wrong’), and that the possessive pronouns are absent. As far as the latter statement is concerned, one can find some disagreement among the Estonian linguists. Nobody denies the absence of the possessive pronouns of the Indo-European type, i.e. the adjectival equivalents of personal pronouns, e.g. Russ m o ü , meoii, Hatu, earn, Ger mein, dein, sein, ihr. Eng my, your, our, etc. However, most Estonian grammars have termed oma and enese-enda (as well as the compound pronouns formed with them) as possessive pronouns where they occur as the attribute to a noun. These grammars, including the academic grammar of Estonian, provide a classification of the pronouns, which includes two identical sets (EKG I: 28): reflexive pronouns: enese-enda, oma, iseenese-iseenda, omaenese-omaenda; and possessive pronouns: enese-enda, oma, iseenese-iseenda, omaenese-oma­ enda. The pronoun enese-enda is claimed to have a defective paradigm (without the nominative). This pronoun, as well as the other enumerated pronouns, is considered to be reflexive when it occurs as an extension to the noun - the attribute (2). (1) Mees tagus endale/omale rusikaga vastu rinda ‘The man was thumping his chest with his fist’ (2) Mees läks oma/enda naisega tülli ‘The man started a quarrel with his wife’ However, semantically both uses are reflexive because they refer to the (logical) subject. Thus, the classification of pronouns has been based only on the syntactic relations of the pronoun and not on the referential relationships. Mati Erelt 9 On the other hand, in the grammars of Indo-European languages the adjectival equivalents of personal pronouns have been regarded as possessive pronouns, e.g. Russ mou, meoii, nam, earn, Ger mein, dein, sein, ihr, Eng my, your, our do not include a reference not to the subject but to the person. The possessive pronouns can be used also in those sentences where the person is not the subject as in the Russian sentence Onez 6pan meow K u m y ‘Oleg took your book Thus, possessiveness is associated with the speech act and not with the proposition. The action situation is associated with reflexivity. Some Russian grammarians have, in fact, regarded the Russian pronoun ceoü as a possessive pronoun, calling it a reflexive possessive pronoun (GRJ 1952: 393). However, we cannot follow this treatment because it would violate the consistency of the semantic classification. One could make an attempt to justify the treatment of possessive pronouns as a separate category by stating that reflexive pronouns are pro-substantives, but possessive pronouns are pro-adjectives. On the other hand, it is only oma that can be adjectival. The pronoun enese-enda remains a pro-substantive in any position. However, adjectiveness is not a sufficiently good reason to distinguish possessiveness-reflexiveness in the case of oma either. The reason for this lies in the fact that there are also other pronouns with a double nature as far as the parts of speech are concerned. Nevertheless, actually they represent a single kind of pronouns, e.g. the demonstrative pronoun see: Ma näen seda. See mees on tark. ‘I can see it. This man is wise’ If we treat the difference of the referential relationship as the basic difference between reflexiveness and possessiveness, then the possessive pronouns are absent in Estonian. In place of the possessive pronouns we use the genitive forms of the personal pronouns: minu “my’ sinu 'your’ tema ‘his, her’ meie ‘our’, teie 'your pi. nende ‘their’ Both the pronoun enese-enda and the pronoun oma could be regarded as reflexive pronouns. They could be characterized as follows: the former is primarily a verb dependent and the latter primarily a substantive modifier - the attribute. Among the Estonian grammarians, only Valter Tauli (1972: 66-67) dared to state that the possessive pronouns are absent in 10 On the pro-forms in Estonian Estonian, and enese-enda and oma can be regarded as reflexive pronouns also when they have an attributive nature. Unfortunately, Tauli did not provide any comments about his classification of the pronouns. Actually, many Estonian grammars include only a single kind of pronouns, which is not singled out as a separate category in this article (similarly to Tauli’s grammar). They are the so-called determinative pronouns (cf. EKG I: 30): ise, oma, iga, igamees, kõik, mõlemad, kumbki, emb-kumb, kogu, terve. Estonian grammars characterize determinative pronouns as pronouns that modifies the substantive and can bring into prominence its referent or emphasize its integrity The highlighting function is fulfilled by the pronoun ise, the paradigm of which coincides starting with the genitive with the paradigm of enese-enda, and the pronoun oma. For example, (3) Ta ise ei teadnud sellest midagi ‘He himself knew nothing about it’ (4) See on tema enda asi ‘That’s his own business’ (5) See on mu oma asi ‘That’s my own business' Syntactically, these pronouns function as the apposition. The function of ‘emphasizing the integrity’ which is essentially a quantifying function, is fulfilled by the other determinative pronouns: kõik, iga, etc. For example, (6) Kõik kuulajad olid esinejast vaimustatud All the listeners were enthusiastic about the presenter’ Thus, the determinative pronouns bring together two groups of pronouns that fulfill rather different essential functions. It would be worthwhile to treat the appositive ise and oma as reflexive pronouns as well. On the other hand, there is no explicit referential relationship with the subject here as one is dealing with a noun-phrase-intemal relationship. However, the appositive ise assumes that what is designated by its head is already known; the referent has been discussed earlier. If we extend the concept of reflexiveness from the (logical) subject to what is already known Mati Erelt 11 (from the semantic point of departure to the communicative point of departure), then ise (and analoguously oma) could be included among the reflexive pronouns. Also, in English grammar the appositive use of the pronouns myself, yourself, etc., as in the sentence I m yself did it, is treated as the emphatic use of the reflexive pronouns. Thus, I would like to claim that there is no pronoun enese-enda with a defective paradigm in Estonian, which in one case is a reflexive and in another case a possessive pronoun, contrasting with the determinative pronoun ise with a full paradigm. From the purely synchronic point of view, Estonian has the reflexive pronoun ise, which can occur in various syntactic positions - as a verb dependent, attribute, and the apposition.
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