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Historical Dialectology in the Digital Age HISTORICAL DIALECTOLOGY IN THE DIGITAL AGE EDITED BY RHONA ALCORN, JOANNA KOPACZYK, BETTELOU LOS AND BENJAMIN MOLINEAUX Historical Dialectology in the Digital Age HISTORICAL DIALECTOLOGY IN THE DIGITAL AGE Edited by Rhona Alcorn, Joanna Kopaczyk, Bettelou Los and Benjamin Molineaux Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: edinburghuniversitypress.com © editorial matter and organisation Rhona Alcorn, Joanna Kopaczyk, Bettelou Los and Benjamin Molineaux, 2019 © the chapters their several authors, 2019 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road, 12(2f) Jackson’s Entry, Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in Ehrhardt MT Pro by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire and printed and bound in Great Britain. A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 3053 1 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 3055 5 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 3056 2 (epub) The right of Rhona Alcorn, Joanna Kopaczyk, Bettelou Los and Benjamin Molineaux to be identified as the editors of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). Contents List of Figures and Tables vii Notes on Editors xi Notes on Contributors xiii Preface xvi Acknowledgements xvii 1 Historical Dialectology and the Angus McIntosh Legacy 1 Rhona Alcorn, Joanna Kopaczyk, Bettelou Los and Benjamin Molineaux Part I Creating and Mining Digital Resources 2 A Parsed Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle English 19 Robert Truswell, Rhona Alcorn, James Donaldson and Joel Wallenberg 3 Approaching Transition Scots from a Micro-perspective: The Dunfermline Corpus, 1573–1723 39 Klaus Hofmann 4 Early Spelling Evidence for Scots L-vocalisation: A Corpus-based Approach 61 Benjamin Molineaux, Joanna Kopaczyk, Warren Maguire, Rhona Alcorn, Vasilis Karaiskos and Bettelou Los Part II Segmental Histories 5 Old and Middle English Spellings for OE hw-, with Special Reference to the ‘qu-’ Type: In Celebration of LAEME, (e)LALME, LAOS and CoNE 91 Margaret Laing and Roger Lass vi CONTENTS 6 The Development of Old English æˉ : Middle English Spelling Evidence 113 Gjertrud F. Stenbrenden 7 The Development of Old English eo/ēo and the Systematicity of Middle English Spelling 133 Merja Stenroos 8 Examining the Evidence for Phonemic Affricates: Middle English /t͡ ʃ/, /d͡ ʒ/ or [t-ʃ], [d-ʒ]? 156 Donka Minkova Part III Placing Features in Context 9 The Predictability of {S} Abbreviation in Older Scots Manuscripts According to Stem-final Littera 187 Daisy Smith 10 An East Anglian Poem in a London Manuscript? The Date and Dialect of The Court of Love in Cambridge, Trinity College, MS R.3.19 212 Ad Putter 11 ‘He was a good hammer, was he’: Gender as Marker for South-Western Dialects of English. A Corpus-based Study from a Diachronic Perspective 244 Trinidad Guzmán-González Index 266 List of Figures and Tables Figures 2.1 An example of a full sentence token in PPCHE format, represented as a tree diagram 21 2.2 Material from the PPCHE (in blue) is complemented by material from PLAEME (in red) 26 2.3 Competing expressions of sentential negation in Middle English. Vertical lines indicate the PLAEME window. The dashed lines represent lowess regression lines taking only PPCHE data into account. The solid lines are based on both PPCHE and PLAEME data 30 2.4 Competition between recipient–theme ditransitives with and without to in Middle and Early Modern English. The vertical lines indicate the PLAEME window. The dashed curve represents the fit from the Probability Multiplication Model adopted by Bacovcin (2017). The solid line represents the fit from the same model to PPCHE, PCMEP and PLAEME data combined 32 2.5 Use of wh-forms in argument-gap headed relative clauses in Middle and Early Modern English. Vertical lines indicate the PLAEME window. The dashed and solid lowess regression lines (PPCHE data only and PPCHE + PLAEME data combined) are virtually identical 35 3.1 Town clerks and assistant scribes in the Dunfermline court and council records 48 3.2 Anglicisation in the Dunfermline Corpus (relative frequencies) 52 3.3 Distribution of past suffix variants in the Dunfermline Corpus 55 3.4 Distribution of past suffix variants according to stem-final segment, pre-war group (D, E, E’) 56 3.5 Distribution of past suffix variants according to stem-final segment, post-war group (H, H’) 56 viii LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES 4.1 The diachronic development of V6 (Aitken 1977; Aitken and Macafee 2002; Macafee 2003) and its enrichment by members of V19 set due to LV 65 4.2 The diachronic development of V12 (Aitken 1977; Aitken and Macafee 2002; Macafee 2003) and its enrichment by members of V17 set due to LV 66 4.3 The diachronic development of V13 (Aitken 1977; Aitken and Macafee 2002; Macafee 2003) and its enrichment by members of V18 set due to LV 66 4.4 Relative proportions of <l>-less and <l>-ful spellings by morphemes presenting <l>-less spellings, with a total number of attestations for each morpheme 75 4.5 Distribution of <l>-ful and <l>-less spellings in words with <l>-less forms attested in the FITS Corpus, by decade. The black line represents a density plot for the temporal distribution of the overall number of words in the entire corpus 76 4.6 Regional distribution of <l>-less spellings in view of regional coverage in the corpus: <l>-less spellings in LV contexts are given in red, with exact counts in black. The overall density of words by location is given in blue 77 4.7 Attested spellings with and without <l>, by phonological environment 78 4.8 Comparison of tokens for morphemes with <l>-less forms attested and not attested in pre-coronal contexts 79 4.9 Back-spellings: Germanic vocabulary with an unetymological <l> 81 4.10 Proportions of unetymological <l> in Germanic roots 81 4.11 Romance morphemes with <l>-less and <l>-ful spellings 83 7.1 The counties where texts with <eo> type spellings are localised in LALME (map outline: Abigail Brady) 142 7.2 Proportions of <eo> and <e> type spellings of Old English eo/ēo words in those texts in which <eo> type spellings appear, arranged according to county 142 7.3 Proportions of <eo> and <e> type spellings of Old English eo/ēo words (not including she) in those texts in which <eo> type spellings appear, arranged according to county 143 7.4 The distribution of <eo> type spellings in texts localised in the nine South-West Midland counties (average of proportional figures per text) 144 7.5 The distribution of <eo> type spellings per half-century (average of proportional figures per text) 145 7.6 Proportions of <eo> and <e> type spellings of Old English eo/ēo words in those individual texts in which <eo> type spellings appear, arranged according to (approximate) quarter-century 145 7.7 Proportions of <eo> and <e> type spellings of Old English eo/ēo words (not including she) in those texts in which <eo> type spellings appear, arranged according to (approximate) quarter-century 146 7.8 Proportions of <eo> and <e> type spellings of Old English eo/ēo words LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES ix in those texts in which <eo> type spellings appear: comparing the individual texts 147 8.1 The early ME septenary line 166 9.1 <(com)moditꝭ> commodities. LAOS text 36: liferent from Dirleton, East Lothian. May 1447. (Source: Edinburgh University Centre for Research Collections (CRC)) 189 9.2 Extract from LAOS text 36: liferent from Dirleton, East Lothian. May 1447. (Source: Edinburgh University Centre for Research Collections (CRC)) 192 9.3 Illustration of palaeographic forms of the {S} abbreviation over time (Johnson and Jenkinson 1915: 63) 193 9.4 The likelihood of npl {S} token to be realised as <ꝭ> over the period 1380–1500 (shading represents 95% confidence interval) 203 9.5 The likelihood of {S} being realised as <ꝭ> over the geographical area represented by LAOS: black dots represent locations of individual texts, red shading represents a higher likelihood of <ꝭ>, blue shading represents a lower likelihood of <ꝭ> 203 9.6 The percentage of {S} tokens belonging to each ‘type’ category realised as <ꝭ> (tokens from texts with no type specified excluded) 204 9.7 The percentage of {S} tokens realised as <ꝭ> following each SFL 206 9.8 The path of a pen-stroke for stem-final <dꝭ> and <nis> 208 10.1 eLALME dot map for <o> spellings in MAN, CAN, BEGAN 228 10.2 eLALME dot map for <e> spellings in LIKE, RICH, SHINE 231 10.3 eLALME dot map for <e> spellings in FIRE, DID, MIND 232 10.4 eLALME dot map for spellings of MIGHT indicating loss of fricative 234 Tables 3.1 Occurrence of English variants in the Dunfermline Corpus (raw frequencies) 51 3.2 Distribution of past suffix variants in the Dunfermline Corpus 54 4.1 Aitken’s (1977) outline of V6, V12 and V13 69 4.2 Aitken’s (1981) outline of V6, V12 and V13 70 4.3 Potential LV contexts in the FITS database 74 4.4 FITS morphemes by grapho-phonological context fitting the LV environments 78 4.5 Back-spelling environments by phonological context 80 4.6 Romance items in the LAOS Corpus by grapho-phonological context fitting the LV environments 82 4.7 Back-spellings: Romance vocabulary with an unetymological <l> 83 4.8 Potential contexts for back-spellings (sample words with stressed V6, V12 and V13) in Romance vocabulary
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