Introduction

What Is a Heiau? Archaeologists usually follow the same process to determine note: the specific religious function of a potential heiau. If it is sim- Parts of this introduction Hei• au. n. Pre-Christian place of worship, shrine; some heiau were ilar to the often war-related heiau luakini known to archaeol- are abridged, edited sections elaborately constructed stone platforms, others simple earth terraces. ogists, then they will likely suggest such a label. If the site of manuscripts by three writers. —Püku‘i and Elbert, Hawaiian Dictionary looks more like those the archaeologist recalls were agricul- Këhaunani Cachola-Abad tural heiau mäpele, then that label will be used. What Is a Heiau? Nearly two hundred years after the ending of the ‘ai kapu12 Applying such comparisons to determine a site’s function Heiau Luakini and with it the formal structure of Hawaiian religion, heiau works well when dealing with types of sites that are consis- J. Mikilani Ho remain an important part of Hawaiian culture.13 Despite cur- tent in their appearance. Heiau, on the other hand, exhibit Desecration rent efforts of Hawaiians to record, preserve, and use these tremendous diversity in their sizes, shapes, environmental Preservation Issues: A Vision 14 sites, much information about them has been lost, obscured, settings, and functions. This is not always acknowledged of the Future or purposely kept secret through the generations. What we by archaeologists today and not readily known by the general Site Etiquette know about them today largely comes from native Hawaiian public. Käwika Makanani informants of the early 1900s. Archaeologists and historians How diverse are heiau forms? A common notion of heiau What Has Been Lost? relied upon them to identify which sites were heiau and to is that they comprise a set of human-built structures that are explain how they were used. Today, after over two centuries made up of one or more of these elements: 1) rectangular of westernization, such informants are not always available— terraces, 2) rectangular enclosures, 3) rectangular platforms, and even when available, they are often not given credibility. 4) rock mounds, or 5) upright stones. While such descrip- Instead, when unrecorded sites are encountered, federal and tions encompass a majority of heiau, numerous well-docu- Hawai‘i state historic preservation laws empower Western- mented ones fall outside these parameters. trained archaeologists to determine which are heiau and to The idea of heiau being generally rectangular is not a decide how they were used. This reliance on non-Hawaiian firm rule. Kamakau noted that some heiau were rounded.15 archaeological evaluations of sites is not valid given the Thrum recorded two such heiau: Pä‘ïlio at Kïlauea on Kaua‘i tremendous diversity in heiau forms and functions. and Hakika at Paliluahine on O‘ahu.16 When evaluating whether a site is or is not a heiau, There are also sites that do not match the stereotype of most archaeologists compare it to heiau with which they heiau being composed of terraces, enclosures, walls, mounds, have become familiar. If the site is similar to ones from their or upright stones. One such heiau is Nä Imu Kälua Ua at experience, then the site is generally deemed a heiau. If dis- Nä‘iwa, Moloka‘i, which consists of a series of open compart- similar, the site is usually classified as something other than ments on the ground, each about two feet square, formed by a heiau, such as a house platform or an agricultural terrace. flat stones placed on edge at right angles to one another.17

xix Sacred places on a landscape lacking built structures make or scoop.” Pohäküpä was a more than 3,800-square-foot rec- up another category of heiau. At Honomuni on Moloka‘i, tangular compartment dug 4.5 feet deep into the ground, Stokes was taken to a “level stretch of grassy land” which paved with ‘ili‘ili (stone pebbles), and furnished with two was a heiau associated with washing the bones of deceased small platforms. ali‘i. It was called Kapukapu‘ahakea18 according to an “old These “unusual” heiau were prominent enough to be native informant” who “was not only very positive in calling remembered and recorded by the early 1900s. If one adds it a heiau, but was also insistent in regard to the location.”19 unreported heiau that families and groups of specialists Thrum recorded three such sacred places among Kaua‘i used in more personal settings, the range of diversity would heiau: Naulili at Makaweli, as well as Ka‘ahu and Köpahu stretch to encompass heiau that today could be misidentified at Waimea.20 Even in the 1930s, Walker was able to identify as having been used for other purposes, such as habitation or similar places on Maui after speaking with Hawaiian infor- agriculture. An example of this is the males’ hale mua, where mants. Malumaluakua and Kukuikomo in Waiehu were two gods of the ‘ohana (extended family) were worshiped.26 such heiau. Walker concluded that “in this region a heiau These numerous heiau do not fit within the popular image seems to mean merely a sacred spot not marked necessarily of a heiau and attest to the fact that no common physical by either walls or platforms of stone.” 21 traits unify and define all heiau. A more accurate definition Natural landscape features such as rock outcroppings also would instead focus on the role of these sites within the served as heiau. Hawaiians on Kaua‘i considered ‘Elekuna at Hawaiian culture. From a Hawaiian cultural perspective, Keonekanionohili to be a heiau although it was, as Thrum heiau are places of worship where mana (supernatural or wrote, “simply a mound of out-cropping sandstone at the divine power) is concentrated and transferred. The mana base of which were placed the offerings of devotees.” Never- of a heiau originates from its deities in their spirit forms and theless, it seems to have been a heiau of some distinction as kino lau (tangible body forms in the environment). Those Thrum recorded that “it was visited on various occasions by who create and use the heiau further enhance its mana royalty.”22 There is a related pair of O‘ahu heiau that are nat- through their labor, prayers, and offerings. A deity’s mana ural geological features: Aläla and Wailea. Fishermen prayed increases as faithful worshipers present ho‘okupu (offerings) and gave offerings at these sites and also used them as sight- at the heiau. Worshipers also gain mana by being in the ing points to relocate bountiful fishing grounds.23 Hawaiians presence of the deities, communicating with them, and venerated another projecting, natural rock on O‘ahu in the receiving inspiration and support from them. Kona District, where Sterling and Summers noted that they The literal meaning of the word’s components also sug- were known to have “spent all day worshiping the stone from gests this definition of heiau. The word hei is an alternate a distance.”24 pronunciation of hai, which means “to sacrifice.” The second Earthworks represent another type of heiau. An example root word, au, among other things, holds the notion of comes from Niuli‘i in Kohala where Stokes recorded movement and flow,27 referring perhaps to the transfer of Pohäküpä Heiau.25 Its name describes how it was probably mana to and from the deities and worshipers as a result of a created, pohä meaning “to break or crack,” and küpä, “to dig successful connection between the two at the heiau. xx introduction Such a cultural definition of heiau is the only kind that can Heiau Luakini encompass all recorded examples of this vastly diverse group. Conversely, using a limited set of physical criteria to deter- Among the many stereotypes attached to heiau form and function, mine what sites in question are or are not heiau amounts to images of the luakini are the most firmly rooted.29 Commonly, heiau using a stereotype to form a judgment. luakini (referred to as heiau po‘okanaka in some sources) are said to Given this situation, one can see the parallel problem of consist of a “flat, unifying, rectilinear foundation...on which the using such stereotypes to identify the specific religious func- features all sit.”30 They are thought to be comparatively large, tions of sites recorded only generically as heiau. The validity reflecting the sizeable labor pools accessible to the highest chiefs of such evaluations would depend on how accurately and who commissioned them. This “generic” luakini might be described thoroughly these sites are described in available records. It as follows: would also require that unique physical traits define each function-based category. Archaeologists would have to ask The heiau luakini, the most kapu of sites, would have been commis- four major questions in order to evaluate the specific religious sioned for ceremonies on occasions of state, which in some cases function of a given heiau: required human sacrifice. Situated on a promontory, hillside, or 1 What are all the possible categories of heiau functions? other imposing place, its impressive size exudes an aura of mana. 2 What physical traits are shared by all heiau examples Outside its entrance and adjoining the main structure is a platform within a category? paved with pebbles called a papahola. A paehumu or wooden fence 3 Which of the shared traits within a category are unique surrounds the sacred space delineating the heiau. Within the heiau to each category? are thatched structures. The hale pahu (drum house) shelters the 4 Does the site in question display those unique physical large drums used in ceremonies. Offerings to the war gods of the traits? luakini are singed or cooked within the hale umu (oven house). Even identifying all possible categories is a problem. Some The most sacred house is the hale mana where kähuna place heiau terms that are often thought to refer to functions could sacred images and conduct key ceremonies. instead relate to heiau physical forms, as Valeri argues regard- ing the terms waihau and unu.28 Alternatively, heiau labels A small but important structure is the hale wai ea (literally, “house may relate to a Hawaiian classification system not well under- of [the] sovereign, rising, life-giving waters”), which contains the ‘aha stood by us today that may define heiau by the offerings made cord necessary for the consecration of a luakini. Outside the paehumu within them, the status of those who used them, or by sets of is the haleopapa, where high chiefesses worship and where they partic- related deities worshiped within them. ipate in dedicatory ceremonies of the luakini. Chiefs lay möhai (sacri- One way archaeologists have avoided—though not fices) on a wood-framework standing altar or lele. A row of ki‘i (carved resolved—the problem of inaccurate assessments of heiau figures) is oriented facing the lele. Behind the ki‘i is a tall wood scaf- based on their religious function is to simply compare a heiau folding used as an oracle tower. This lananu‘u mamao (oracle tower) in question to well-described categories. Heiau luakini could is covered with ‘oloa (fine white kapa). Within the luakini is a pit be considered such a thoroughly documented class. Luakini called a lua pa‘ü, into which offerings are discarded after their use.

introduction xxi are often thought to be dedicated by a ruling chief to one or smaller luakini overlap with those of heiau dedicated to such more war gods who are invoked to assist in war and the gen- activities as hula, fishing, kapa making, and healing. Thus, eral prosperity of a nation and who receive human sacrifices. while the average size of all luakini would surely be larger If one were to address the smaller question of whether a than averages for other classes, the size of any single site site is a luakini, the next step would be to determine if all cannot be securely used to assert that it is or is not a luakini. luakini display uniformity in their appearance. Some archae- Indeed, there is a lack of physical uniformity even within the ologists have suggested that luakini share a “flat, unifying, well-documented luakini class. rectilinear foundation...on which the features all sit.” 31 Further clouding the issue of identifying unique function- However, counterexamples to such a view exist. The Maui based traits of a category of heiau is that Hawaiian oral tradi- ruling chief Kahekili offered human sacrifices to Käne at tions relate that many heiau were used for multiple functions, Malumaluakua Heiau in Waiehu. This heiau was “a level often crossing what are typically seen as the boundaries sepa- spot without evidences of walls or platforms” situated in rating the different categories of heiau. In fact, the boundaries the middle of a kukui grove and marked by “a large rock between heiau categories are not distinct. This is not surpris- in the center.”32 ing when one considers that Hawaiians worshiped countless Another example outside the stereotypic archaeological deities whose genealogies, histories, domains, and worshipers definition of luakini is Helekü Heiau. Chief Alapa‘inui built were interrelated. After all, why should we expect Hawaiians this luakini in Hälawa Valley, Moloka‘i. It is “a collection of to compartmentalize their religious sites into unique and small pavements, pens and terraces” situated on a slope form- neatly separated categories based on physical traits that we ing a disunited set of structures at varied elevations.33 More- might be able to perceive today without being immersed in over, Alapa‘inui built another heiau, Kakau, in nearby Hälawa the culture that created them? Iki that was also situated on a slope and composed of sections Clearly, archaeological evaluations of the religious func- that were not connected to one another.34 Alapa‘inui dedi- tions of heiau are burdened with layers of uncertainty. In the cated Kakau to the war god Kükä‘ilimoku, which strongly absence of recorded histories of sites, the ability of archaeolo- suggests that it too was a luakini. These luakini are further gists (or anyone using only physical evidence) to determine if representations of heiau diversity—perhaps a building style a site is a heiau, and secondly, if a site served a given specific of Alapa‘inui’s kahuna kuhikuhipu‘uone (a priest who advised religious function, depends on the degree of uniformity heiau on building and locating heiau) or a style of the Hälawa area. exhibit in their forms and functions. This uniformity simply These examples illustrate the lack of physical uniformity does not exist. There are no physical features that all heiau among recorded luakini. share. This is true even when applied to such well-described Another characteristic that archaeologists have used to categories as heiau luakini. define luakini is that they are comparatively large, reflecting If archaeologists or others continue to base their evalua- the sizable labor pools accessible to ruling chiefs said to have tions on flawed stereotypes of heiau, further misidentification commissioned them. Yet this feature cannot be confirmed of sites will occur. And if archaeologists remain unaware of as a unique attribute of all luakini. The dimensions of many the problem, they will continue to overestimate the reliability xxii introduction of their judgments. Or, even worse, they might assert that Hälawa Valley, where at least sixty-eight ancient site com- their own flawed definitions of heiau should be given more plexes have been identified so far.36 But the destruction of weight than Hawaiian assessments originating from within spiritual places—whether heiau, ko‘a, ahu (altars), pöhaku the Hawaiian culture. (stones), or wahi pana (celebrated places)—is not new. In the This is precisely what happened with Kukuiokäne Heiau, traditional period, natural disasters such as tsunami, probably destroyed in 1990 to build a portion of the H-3 Freeway that interpreted to be the will of the spirits, surely took their toll. provides a fourth traffic corridor connecting the windward Chiefs embroiled in warfare were known to demolish the and leeward sides of O‘ahu. Despite the public outcry and heiau of their opponents.37 However, new heiau and smaller protests from Hawaiian religious practitioners and cultural shrines continued to be built by the ali‘i and maka‘äinana, experts who identified the site as Kukuiokäne Heiau, the respectively, who all regarded them as the focal points of State of Hawai‘i accepted the assessment of Bishop Museum great spiritual forces. archaeologists that the site was an agricultural terrace and Contact with the West in the late eighteenth century put allowed bulldozers to level the top of it, cover it with dirt, an end to the isolation of the most remote civilization in the and pave it over for the H-3 Freeway. Today, in retrospect, world, and very nearly destroyed Hawaiian culture. The the lead archaeologist who investigated the site is “con- nineteenth century first saw the abolition of the traditional vinced” that he made a mistake and that the site was part belief system, and then the demolition of the visible symbols of Kukuiokäne Heiau.35 of that system, the heiau. The introduction of new ideas, If heiau are to be preserved for Hawaiians and others today superior technology, especially firearms, and the incurable and in the future, stereotypes of physical features thought to diseases that ravaged the highly vulnerable Hawaiian popu- define heiau must be discarded. The limitations of archaeo- lace in the early decades after contact were all factors that logical assessments based on physical traits need to be recog- shook the people’s belief in the old view of the world. In nized by archaeologists and the powers that be, and then addition, the Hawaiians could not have failed to notice that acknowledged to native Hawaiians whose cultural patrimony haole were not held to the same standards as they were, and archaeologists are often allowed to control. escaped harm upon violating the various kapu. Finally, Hawaiian leaders who had access to the views of foreigners What Has Been Lost? probably experienced a liberalizing process.38 As a result, upon the death of Kamehameha in May 1819, several of Now the kapu is freed and the kapu places are trodden underfoot. these leaders stepped forward to nullify the traditional spiri- —J. K. Mokumai‘a (Sterling and Summers) tual system. Their immediate target was the system of kapu, the force that held Hawaiian society together and regulated Along the slopes of the steep-walled Ko‘olau Range, Kukuio- every aspect of life. käne Heiau (Ko‘olaupoko) lies totally destroyed below a sec- While the various historical accounts are sketchy and tion of the new H-3 Freeway, the same freeway that also cuts contradictory, it is generally agreed that the primary mover through an important ancient Hawaiian complex in North behind this radical event was the headstrong Ka‘ahumanu,

introduction xxiii the favorite wife of the late Kamehameha. She and her along with his wife Manono, died in this valiant but vain supporters convinced his son and successor, Liholiho, now effort to reinstate the kapu.46 The mana of Kü and his known as Kamehameha II, to agree to the abolition of the brethren was humbled. traditional laws.39 In November 1819, the decision was rati- A smaller uprising in Hämäkua met the same fate,47 and fied at a feast prepared at Kailua, Kona, specifically orches- by and large the Hawaiian people accepted the new order trated to void the complex of ‘ai kapu—the laws that regu- or resigned themselves to their fate.48 The kähuna pule, the lated food distribution, preparation, and consumption.40 priests who served on the heiau, lost much in the abolition, At the fateful moment the cry of “‘Ai noa!”—eating without however. Although little has been recorded of their response restriction—sprang from the lips of the anxious diners and to the declaration of ‘ai noa, one account tells of a kahuna of the culture of the küpuna was hurried toward a rapid decline.41 Popoiwi Heiau on Maui who, upon learning of the overthrow Liholiho ordered that the heiau be destroyed and the sacred of the kapu, demonstrated “his distress and despair” by railing images be burned. Nearest at hand was Ahu‘ena, the late against the order as he threw off his clothes. Seeing no mean- Kamehameha’s personal heiau, and it was the first to fall ing for his life without the kapu, he also predicted his own victim to the new order. death—a prophecy that was mysteriously fulfilled the very The ‘ai kapu were only symbolic of the entire complex of next day.49 beliefs and regulations, and as they fell, so too did the whole There is evidence that some kähuna refused to heed Liho- system. In turn, the society that system had joined into a liho’s command to destroy the heiau and some found ways to cohesive whole came unglued.42 Certainly the transformation preserve the ki‘i akua, or temple images. As a consequence of had begun well before 1819, but the voiding of the kapu the general acceptance of the abolition, however, the legions accelerated the process.43 of kähuna trained in the formal theology and rituals could While many Hawaiians welcomed the relief from laws neither command the people’s allegiance nor exploit their they had come to view as onerous or irrelevant, others feared fear of spiritual retribution to preserve or reconstruct the the inevitable wrath of their ancestral spirits. A coalition of heiau.50 Thus, except for the diehards, they forsook the spirits disaffected chiefs, priests, and commoners who opposed the that had guided their ancestors for generations and turned abolition turned to the leadership of Kekuaokalani, a promi- their backs on the sacred temples. This led to the next phase nent young Hawai‘i Island chief.44 Shaped in the mold of his of heiau history: their physical destruction. uncle Kamehameha, it is not surprising that the late king had The Protestant missionaries who arrived in 1820 did not assigned custody of the powerful spirit Kükä‘ilimoku to this initiate the massive social changes that began with the aboli- nephew rather than his son Liholiho. However, Ka‘ahumanu tion of 1819. However, there is no question that they would seized the initiative before Kekuaokalani could organize an have strived mightily to destroy the indigenous spiritual sys- effective resistance and attacked him at Kuamo‘o, Kona.45 tem had it still been intact. Their respect for the Hawaiian The larger government army, better organized, equipped, individual, his culture, and his society was defined primarily and trained, easily dispatched the dissidents. Kekuaokalani, in terms of American Christianity. From that viewpoint, the xxiv introduction Hawaiian was accorded the lowest of ranks: heathen. The gious places.53 Few of them—the ranchers and sugar planters Reverend Hiram Bingham, self-appointed leader of the first who dominated Hawaiian economic life in the late 1800s— missionary company, upon encountering Hawaiian civiliza- had any interest in preserving places formerly treasured by tion, was so “appalled” that he dared to ask of the native Hawaiians, especially if those places occupied land that could people, “Can these be human beings?”51 generate income. Archaeologist J. Gilbert McAllister docu- Bingham and his brethren would have stopped at nothing mented numerous cases of site destruction on O‘ahu. Kikahi to destroy the Hawaiians’ faith in their spirits, along with Heiau in Wai‘anae was “destroyed and planted in cane.”54 their places of worship, had they been given the chance. As McAllister’s Hawaiian informants could not identify the pre- it was, they were left merely with the task of eradicating the cise location of nearby Kalamaluna Heiau, but they pointed vestiges of the old faith, either minor rituals at the heiau or out its approximate location “in the cane field.”55 It too had such practices as the hula, healing, sports, games, and cele- been destroyed for the sake of sugar production. brations of milestones in the life cycle. The 1893 overthrow of Queen Lili‘uokalani by American The British Reverend William Ellis, in an 1823 tour of the businessmen and military forces, the subsequent annexation island of Hawai‘i, found that Chief Kuakini, governor of the of the islands to the United States in 1898, and the granting island, had ordered that a heiau in Kailua, Kona, be disman- of functional territorial status in 1900 all marked a new phase tled and that its stones be laid as the foundation of a Christian in the dismantling of Hawaiian sacred places and of Hawaiian church. His sister Ka‘ahumanu later took up this idea after culture. The territorial years brought tremendous pressure consolidating her power following the death of Kamehameha on nonwhites—Hawaiians and Asian immigrants—to assimi- II and the succession of his eleven-year-old brother Kaui- late into the dominant culture. Dancing hula kahiko (tradi- keaouli as Kamehameha III. In tours around O‘ahu and the tional hula) was severely discouraged in many institutions neighbor islands from 1826 to 1830, she exhorted her subjects that controlled Hawaiian life: church, school, family, and to embrace Christianity, the new pono, or correct way of life, business. Speaking the Hawaiian language was forbidden and and “urged that churches be built on the sites of old luakini.”52 punished in the schools. Even Hawaiian parents, brainwashed The converted kahuna nui (high priest) Hewahewa also by the popular but flawed American ethos of the “melting speeded the process of Christianization. pot,” taught their children to speak English, for that was the In the mid-nineteenth century, the Mähele of 1848 sig- way to become good, acceptable Americans. Many of today’s naled the end of the traditional land system characterized by kupuna generation recall how they or their family members stewardship, communal tenure, and cooperative economic were harassed and punished for speaking their ancestral practices. The conversion to a private-property-based capital- language in school. ist system meant that the many haole who gained landowner Given turn-of-the-century colonial attitudes that glorified status could do as they chose with their properties, including American culture and devalued other cultures, Hawaiian spir- any sacred sites those properties might contain. The new ituality was made to seem irrelevant, if not evil. At the same owners often fenced their land, thus cutting off access to reli- time, the profitability of sugar and pineapple increased the

introduction xxv demand for productive land. Hawaiians, having first been destroyed the shrine.63 In Waialua, the U.S. Army built removed from their ancestral lands and then denied the prof- gun emplacements into the terraces of Kahöküwelowelo, its those lands produced, and finding little respect for them- a school and “monastery” for kähuna. selves or their traditions, developed smoldering resentments In spite of the ongoing demolition of Hawaiian sacred against their haole masters.56 Hawaiians who lived near newly places, Hawaiian spirituality survives and in fact permeates damaged and destroyed heiau, by now a century removed the culture. The ill and the bewildered still seek the minis- from the declaration of ‘ai noa, often expressed concern about trations of kähuna lä‘au lapa‘au (medicinal priests), not to their destruction and believed at least in some cases that spir- mention other types of kähuna. Reverence for the spirits that itual retribution had been visited upon the perpetrators. inhabit various places and objects, especially pöhaku, is docu- The pineapple cannery of Libby, McNeill & Libby was mented and retold in story after story. The naming of a new- built on the heiau known as Haluakaiamoana, “of which born infant sometimes follows the traditions of old, particu- nothing now remains.” McAllister continues, adding this larly in the perpetuation of family names, the use of sacred interesting note: “The failure of the cannery is credited to names, and the giving of inoa pö—names decreed by an the desecration of this old temple.”57 Another windward ancestor’s spirit in a dream.64 temple, Kukuiokäne Heiau at Luluku, was heavily damaged Many Hawaiians continue to believe in Pele, the mercurial by the same company. Their pineapples were disease-stricken and haunting spirit of volcanoes and fire. While stories of her and the project failed. Again the company’s sacrilegious ghostly appearances are often retold for their entertainment actions had been met with divine punishment, or so value, to a person listeners will express relief that it was some- Hawaiians believed.58 one else who experienced one of Pele’s eerie visits. Hälau o The O‘ahu Railway Company also destroyed several Kekuhi, a hula academy founded by the late Auntie Edith heiau on its route from Honolulu around Ka‘ena Point to the Kanaka‘ole and now led by her daughters Pua Kanahele and North Shore. One heiau was destroyed at Mäkua, but without Nälani Kanaka‘ole, perpetuates the hula and mo‘olelo tradi- any apparent retribution.59 A fishing shrine named Hölua tions of the Pele clan. The hälau often visits Kïlauea Volcano near Ka‘ena Point was also destroyed by the railroad.60 to receive inspiration and to offer performances to their The bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, and patron spirit. In addition, the National Park Service, in com- its attendant fears of Japanese invasion, led the armed forces pliance with the Native American Religious Freedom man- to construct defensive barriers along the seacoasts, particu- date, waives entrance fees for native Hawaiians who enter larly on O‘ahu. As a result, at least one major temple—Kü‘ï- Kïlauea Volcanoes National Park for spiritual purposes. lioloa Heiau on Käne‘ïlio Point, Wai‘anae—was partially damaged.61 Some distance away, a fishing shrine stood in the middle of Mäkua Beach until the 1930s. At that time, McAllister talked to older fishermen who “regarded it with respect” and still seemed to be using it.62 A more recent report, however, indicates that the military has since xxvi introduction Desecration it appear as though the rock is the offering. Well-intentioned people will often take stones from a heiau wall for this prac- People who desecrate sacred places are motivated by igno- tice, thereby adding to the deterioration of walls, platforms, rance, indifference, or avarice.65 Whatever the motivation, or other features. the damage is irreversible. Artifact thieves commit another People from foreign cultures now use Hawaiian sacred type of desecration: They erase information about the place sites to practice their beliefs. Offerings such as candles, where an artifact is found, about its use, function, and manu- incense, burial urns, and dead animals are left by non- facture, and ultimately about the people who used it. Hawaiians in the belief that they fulfill a spiritual need. Hawaiian sites are made even more vulnerable by a grow- These same New Age metaphysical believers are notorious ing trade in artifacts. Archaeologists report destructive raids for their desecration of Native American and Australian by pot hunters looking for artifacts on sites on Kaho‘olawe sacred sites. The so-called offerings they leave are an affront and in Kona on Hawai‘i Island. During the course of this to Hawaiian culture as well, and particularly to the native project, evidence of looting and destruction at Kamaile Heiau people who ho‘omanamana (worship) at these sites. Even (in Wai‘anae) and Pu‘uwäniania Heiau (in Ko‘olaupoko) indi- seemingly abandoned sites must not be considered available cates that thieves are active on O‘ahu as well. Unfortunately, for non-Hawaiian practices. Sacred sites were located, the artifacts they steal may be legally sold or taken out of designed, and constructed within the Hawaiian cultural state if they come from private lands, or if the seller/owner values system; their empowerment comes from that culture, simply attests that they have come from private lands. Antique its people, and their rituals. shops sell artifacts bought from pot hunters as well as native Much can be done to protect Hawaiian sites. In Australia, Hawaiians. In contrast to this commercialization of Hawaiian Aboriginal elders acknowledged that “the discontinuity of culture, private ownership of artifacts is illegal in many coun- many aspects of traditional knowledge contributed to a tries around the world. Federal and state laws protecting lack of respect for sites” after they learned that much of the endangered Hawaiian plant and animal species are much vandalism was traced to their own community.66 Hawaiian more stringent than those safeguarding cultural artifacts. küpuna, together with archaeologists and the State Historic Worshipers can desecrate a sacred place. Some of them Preservation Division, could be used to educate a community believe that stacking rocks expresses reverence for a place; about the cultural resources in its own backyard, or ahupua‘a in reality, this practice was born out of the fertile imagination (land division), while fostering a caring sense of responsibility of a tour bus driver. Aside from having no Hawaiian cultural for those resources. Community input could be solicited basis, stacking rocks disturbs the surrounding environment on issues related to site preservation, maintenance, or even of a site and, what is worse, contributes to its destruction by restoration. Local guardians could be appointed for each site. removing it even further from the condition in which it was Studies have shown that community involvement has reduced left to us by küpuna. Rocks wrapped in laukï (ti leaves) even- the effects of vandalism and looting.67 Of course, none of tually turn to litter. This phenomenon is not a Hawaiian these steps will succeed without the support of strong tradition, and those who practice it insult the site by making enforceable laws protecting sites and artifacts.

introduction xxvii Site Etiquette

The motives, attitude, and behavior of each person who visits a 1 Do not remove anything that is a part of the site, particularly Hawaiian sacred site can contribute to its reverence and sanctity— rocks from heiau walls. or help to destroy it.71 Some view these places as tourist attractions 2 Remain on designated paths, for your own protection as well and visit them to be entertained, just as they would visit Sea Life as for the protection of the site. Walls, coral, and paving Park or the Polynesian Cultural Center. According to ancient around shrines and upright stones should not be disturbed. Hawaiian traditional practices, those who do not belong at a heiau Damaging sites is punishable by law.73 or ko‘a should not go there. Respected Hawaiian elders believe that 3 Keep a respectful distance outside the site so as not to disturb, they could irreparably harm a sacred place, both physically and alter, or damage it. spiritually. In some instances it is believed that enthusiastic people, 4 Avoid photographing the site if it is in use by native people including Hawaiians with good intentions, have destroyed the spirit who may be conducting rituals or services. or contributed to its departure from a site through inappropriate 5 Trash must be left in the appropriate receptacles. If there are actions and removal of material. The late Auntie Kau‘i Zuttermeister none, it must be carried away from the site. In fact, visitors are described such an incident at Kë‘ë, Hä‘ena, on Kaua‘i Island. She welcome to remove trash left by others, so that the site bene- and many Hawaiians believe that touching some stones can cause fits from their presence. spiritual damage. Improper visits and improper offerings may be 6 Because some plants belong at certain sites, it is best to leave offensive to residing spirits and cause them to leave. In fact, some all plants alone. Hawaiians believe that outsiders may harm themselves by leaving 7 Do not leave physical offerings of any kind. These are not inappropriate offerings.72 Heiau are sacred places where prayers and cleaned up by a kahu, or caretaker, as they would have been offerings are made to Hawaiian gods. They are sacred places not in former times, and they eventually become litter. unlike the edifices of modern-day temples, cathedrals, and syna- gogues. Some heiau have walls; some do not, using instead the elements of nature as their boundaries.

People who find themselves at a heiau or ko‘a or other spiritual places should have an attitude of respectful reverence. The following guidelines are suggested.

xxviii introduction Preservation Issues: A Vision of the Future federal projects seem amply protected—on paper. However, existing statutes, procedures, and guidelines are sometimes The religious practices of indigenous nations and peoples shall be fully corrupted by local politics and a disinterest in Hawaiian cul- respected and protected by the laws of States and by international law. ture, as happened in the construction of the H-3 Freeway. In Indigenous nations and peoples shall always enjoy unrestricted access to, addition, the many sites on private land receive little if any and enjoyment of sacred sites in accordance with their own laws and protection under federal, state, and city laws. A landowner customs, including the right of privacy. with a heiau on his property (assuming that the site is recog- —Independent Commission on International Humanitarian Issues nized as a heiau) may wish to develop what he perceives as vacant land. His application for building permits must pass It may be difficult for some to see “just another pile of rocks” through the Hawai‘i State Historic Preservation Division for as a Hawaiian sacred place. One culture’s sacred places and assessment of its impact on recognized, listed sites (including objects will not be the same as those of another, nor will they heiau, domestic sites, and agricultural sites). If the landowner be understood in the same way. These differences, however, applying for a permit wishes to destroy a previously recorded do not make Hawaiian sacred places any less sacred. They site, he must give the state a forty-five-day notice. After that are more than remnants of a distant past; they are enduring waiting period the landowner may legally bulldoze the site, reminders of Hawaiian identity, a rich heritage left by even if it is a major heiau with significant historical and cul- küpuna. Preservation of precontact sites assures future gener- tural value. Sites on the State and Federal Register of ations of Hawaiians the tangible presence of their own his- Historic Places do have additional protection, with the tory, one that can be experienced as an immediate reality waiting period prior to destruction increased to ninety days. rather than as an abstraction in books. Ideally, more than the Only landowners, however, can nominate their own sites for physical edifice remains: Its spirit and vitality continue living the register. Of course, few landowners do this, for fear of as well. diminishing the future value of their land. Who decides which sites are to be preserved?68 Who The recent track record of sites destroyed makes it clear 1960 determines significance? Up to the mid s, these life-or- that sometimes correct preservation decisions are made, death decisions were left to the discretion of the landowner. sometimes not. During the development of the Mauna Lani On the entire island of O‘ahu, only Kükaniloko Heiau was Hotel property on Hawai‘i Island, the Puakö petroglyph field given any official status to protect it from destruction. was designed with a buffer zone to maintain a certain amount Presently the thumbs-up/thumbs-down determination is of integrity at the site, an important component of sensitive made by the State Historic Preservation Division, by the and adequate preservation. Puakö sits on state land, but Office of Hawaiian Affairs, by contract archaeologists (often Mauna Lani curates the site through a memorandum of paid by developers), and by private landowners. Preservation understanding with the state. The petroglyph field at ‘Anae- laws and those who enforce them do not always take into ho‘omalu, Waikoloa ahupua‘a on Hawai‘i Island, however, account the interests of future generations of Hawaiians. stands as a tragic example of wanton destruction. Land devel- Sites on state or federal land or sites impacted by state or opers destroyed thousands of petroglyphs, and with them a

introduction xxix unique part of Waikoloa’s history. The destruction of the form of foreign domination while the colonizers plundered petroglyph fields was the result of politics, lack of control their archaeological treasures with impunity, thus enriching and input by the native people, and weak preservation laws. the museums of Europe. Once under a strong, centralized The list of vanished Hawaiian cultural treasures is a long one. local government, most countries pass laws to regulate Ideally, historic sites should not be held in private owner- archaeology, retain artifacts, and seek the return of previously ship. Rather, these properties should be held in trust in per- removed artifacts.69 petuity for the descendants of the indigenous people and In Turkey, Greece, and Tunisia, all archaeological remains regarded as national treasures. The idea of “national owner- and antiquities automatically belong to the government. In ship” has precedence. Many nations have decided that cul- Israel, if a private landowner does not properly care for a site, tural resources, prehistoric and historic, belong to all the it is taken over by the Antiquities Department. Severe punish- people: Their preservation takes precedence over private ment, often involving significant jail time, deters looting and property rights. In Canada, for example, several provincial vandalism. No artifacts may leave any of those countries. All (state-level) governments with heritage laws have made all excavations must be licensed and are subject to exacting regu- archaeological remains “property of the Crown.” Australia lations and close scrutiny by the government. Archaeological lists all of its historic properties under the National Estate, sites in those countries are highly prized and significant which includes such properties as Aboriginal rock art sites, resources are devoted to their care, given the economies of limestone caves and other geological formations, national the countries involved. Sites are often made into protected parks, nature reserves, and historic buildings. The State of parks, with keepers and small museums.70 These are seen as Hawai‘i or a future sovereign Hawaiian nation—whatever statements of a strong national pride and worth a significant form it finally takes—should establish a similar national trust commitment of government resources. based upon predetermined criteria of what constitutes his- One of the most important issues for a new Hawaiian toric and prehistoric sites. nation would be the drafting of a law asserting national For example, presently strong, protective laws already exist ownership of archaeological and cultural artifacts, similar to in many other parts of the world, including Turkey, Greece, models of indigenous cultural resource management found Tunisia, and Italy. Many of these countries were under some in other parts of the world.

xxx introduction