Campbell N. Moody’s Reflections on the Christian Mission Kazue Mino

hile cross-cultural encounters in the course of Christian From the beginning of their mission in 1865, EPM Wmission often occasioned conflict between foreign missionaries mainly worked among Minnan-speaking Chinese- missionaries and local people, these interactions also led mis- Taiwanese, as well as with the Pepo. Minnan is one of the most sionaries to a renewed awareness of Christianity. As A. Hamish widely used Taiwanese vernaculars, and the Pepo, or plains Ion pointed out in his examination of British missionaries in the tribes, are indigenous peoples who have actively assimilated Japanese Empire, missionaries, as members of a minority group in Chinese-Taiwanese cultures and languages. In Taiwan EPM a foreign society, were liable to try to control their environment by stressed medical and educational activities in their Christian emphasizing their cultural superiority over missionary endeavors. They opened a “heathen” foreigners.1 In her case study of dispensary as soon as the Taiwan mission Walter Dening (1846–1913), however, Helen was established. Then in 1877, after con- Ballhatchet demonstrates that there are centrating staff in Taiwan-fu (present-day also noteworthy examples of missionaries ) to form the Mission Council, which whose views on Christianity and missionary became the headquarters of the Taiwan activity were changed through their attempt mission, they founded a theological college to capture the meaning of Christianity for to train Taiwanese evangelists, followed those who received it.2 by a middle school in 1885 and a girls’ For the influence of the mission field school in 1887. Local mission stations were on perceptions of Christianity, the case of established in southern and central Taiwan, Campbell N. Moody (1865–1940) is sugges- and missionaries made occasional visits to tive. Between 1895 and 1924 Moody, a Scot- preach or baptize candidates. tish missionary of the English Presbyterian While another missionary, William Mission (EPM), worked mainly in colonial Campbell (1841–1921, active in Taiwan Taiwan. Stimulated by interactions with 1871–1917), and Moody in particular were Taiwanese people, Moody consciously criti- known for articulating the virtues of station cized “the Western eye,” that is, a viewpoint visiting and street preaching, some EPM that tends to perceive the ethnic and reli- missionaries in Taiwan did not regard these gious other through negative stereotypes.3 methods as particularly effective, which SOAS Library Archives, University of London Examination of Moody’s literary works frustrated Moody. He expressed his feelings Campbell N. Moody and his personal correspondence written in a personal letter, writing that, with the during his early years as a foreign missionary, between 1895 exception of Campbell, the missionaries in Taiwan-fu “treat po-to and the 1910s, throws light on how he formed and articulated [open-air evangelism] with a sort of mild scorn.”5 Nevertheless, his attitude toward sociopolitical and religious issues through with Chiang-hoa (Zhanghua) in central Taiwan as a base station, interaction with Taiwanese people, then under Japanese rule.4 he continued to practice street preaching and supported the establishment of more than ten mission stations in mid-Taiwan, Mission Activities including churches in Lok-kang (Lugang, 1897), Chhau-tun (Caotun, 1900), Toa-siaN (Dashe, 1905), and Ji-lim (Erlin, 1924). Campbell Naismith Moody was born in 1865 to a Free Church Moody was also well known for his simple lifestyle, exem- family in Bothwell, Scotland. A graduate of the University of plified by his wearing worn clothes, eschewing the use of rick- Glasgow and the Free Church College, Glasgow, Moody started shaws, and traveling third-class. Lim Hak-kiong (1857–1943), working in 1890 as a home missionary in Gallowgate, an impov- a Taiwanese evangelist and later minister who worked with erished district in Glasgow. In 1895 he joined EPM and sailed Moody in the Chiang-hoa region, described him as follows: to Taiwan, which had been occupied by the Japanese earlier that same year. He was also involved in missions in Singapore He was not a rich person. He was frugal, and wore ragged (1901–2). After he married Margaret Rintoul Findlay in 1907, they clothes. When his mother sent him Western clothes, he sent them back to her. For he did not want people to think he was hard worked together in Taiwan (1908–9, 1915), Australia (1909), and to approach. He ate frugally too. Once, a cook bought a slice of New Zealand (1909–14). Margaret suffered poor health and died cero for him but since he wanted to avoid luxury, he made the in 1915 in Taiwan. In 1921 Moody married Margaret Christian cook sell the fish back. Thus he lived thriftily, and spent what he Arthur, known as Peggie, who had joined the Taiwan mission received before God and contributed them to churches.6 in 1919 and who later wrote Moody’s biography. Moody consciously tried to maintain close contact with Tai- Kazue Mino is a doctoral student at Kyoto University wanese people and adopted some of their practices in order to Graduate School of Education, in Japan, where she is carry out missionary tasks. When he engaged in street preaching, studying the history of English Presbyterian Missions he often did so with one or two Taiwanese evangelists, whom he in Taiwan under Japanese rule, focusing on the Scottish typically let take the lead. Moody also adopted Lim’s methods missionary Campbell N. Moody. for gathering crowds, using musical instruments such as drums, —[email protected] gongs, and bugles. To gain an audience, he would cry, “Where the children of God have gone!,” employing a method widely used in Taiwan when people were searching for lost children

July 2014 135 in busy parts of towns and villages.7 Moody’s personal letters between Bruce and Moody suggests that Moody’s opposition to home clearly show that he adopted a strategic approach to his negative stereotypes, which was cultivated by his educational work, and it is likely that he made use of information concern- experiences, was partly self-critical. ing the methods of the China Inland Mission (CIM). In 1898 he Moody recognized that he shared the negative image of mentioned in a letter that he was curious about the CIM and the moral shortcomings of heathen people. While resident in admired its missionaries for being “rather better at preaching Singapore he once came to the aid of an elderly man who was than other missionaries are” because of their “intimate contact drowning in a drain. None of the many Chinese people gathered with the people, and constant evangelistic efforts,” including around dared to help, for fear that the Malay police would charge living and dressing according to native custom.8 them with assault, which brought Moody close to breaking out “in righteous indignation.” Immediately afterward, he learned Colonialism and Negative Stereotypes that the elderly man had been pushed into the drain by American marines. Moody was “compelled to burn in silent shame,” for From 1895 into the early 1900s, those involved in the Taiwanese he recognized that, in feeling “righteous” anger, he had shared armed resistance against the Japanese often hid among unarmed the common assumption that the Chinese were heartless people. civilians, leaving Japanese officials unable to distinguish between Moody observed, “Thus East and West were one in heartless self- “robbers” and “good people.”9 In a letter to his former co-worker regard”; heartlessness could not be solely attributed to particular in Gallowgate, Moody censured the Japanese army, believing ethnic groups.16 them to “bring these troubles on themselves” by “taking little care Moody noticed that his negative images of the cultural other to distinguish between guilty & innocent,” which gave reason were also the product of simple linguistic misunderstandings. for innocent civilians, who had not previously fought against In a letter to a friend dated 1899, he describes how he and Tai- Japanese forces, to turn to revengeful resistance.10 At the time, wanese evangelist Chheng encountered the body of a Taiwanese criticism of the Japanese for their harsh treatment of the Taiwanese man who had been shot dead by Japanese police officers. They was fairly common. The publication in English of several articles learned that the victim had told the soldiers that he came from condemning “the savage and relentless severity” of the Japanese Lam-tau (Nantou), a hotbed of resistance, and the Japanese triggered anonymous correspondence from a missionary stationed officers had jumped to the conclusion that he was taking part in in Taiwan-fu who discussed the 1896 massacre perpetrated by criminal activities. During a sermon at a mission station, Chheng the imperial army in Yunlin, mid-Taiwan.11 referred to the incident as “a laughable matter.” Moody expressed By 1907, when Moody published his first literary work, The his great shock at the Taiwanese people’s severely “callous” Heathen Heart, he had come to focus on the broader problems of attitude toward the sufferings of others.17 But in 1931 he added cross-cultural interaction, including the sense of superiority over to a copy of this letter, “This hardly does justice to the irony of the colonized people exhibited by both Japanese and Western Chinese ‘laughable.’” Presumably, the word Moody translated colonialists. Furthermore, he noticed that Christian missionaries, “laughable” was kho-chhio in Minnan Taiwanese, which means funny but can take on very cynical and contemptuous overtones. Considering that Moody acknowledges the shy but “honest, In interactions with and kindly” Chheng’s commitment as a Christian worker in The Saints of Formosa (1912), it is probable that he had recognized his Taiwanese people, Moody misunderstanding much earlier than 1931.18 had many opportunities In his interactions with Taiwanese people during open-air evangelism, Moody had many opportunities to shed his negative to shed his negative images images of non-Christians. His personal letters record that he often of non-Christians. was “struck with the kindness and affection” Taiwanese children showed to each other, and he expresses the thought that there was less domestic violence against women in Taiwan than there himself included, could similarly hold themselves to be superior was in Scotland.19 At times Moody described experiences that to non-Christians. As Moody reflected, disregard for “heathen” made him puzzle. He witnessed David Landsborough (1871–1957, people was often based upon a negative stereotype that viewed active in Taiwan 1895–1939), a medical missionary, receiving them as being morally backward. Such attitudes were not counsel from a non-Christian woman who was dying from the uncommon among EPM missionaries in the late nineteenth and surgery he had performed on her, “very considerately” urging early twentieth centuries; Chinese-Taiwanese were described him not to distress himself over the matter. Moody records that as unsympathetic12 and as severely “demoralised” people, with the patient and her family had shown kind and sincere concern their “adulteries” and their “woeful” and “foolish” idolatry.13 for Landsborough and himself and reflects, with a certain sense Significantly, the connection between lack of Christian faith and of discomfort, on their own stumbling, unsuccessful attempt to moral backwardness was also made in contemporary Scottish “say something about the Savior” to the patient so that she would society, from which many EPM missionaries came. Against make a confession of sin before her death.20 the background of rapid urbanization and the widening social His experiences in Taiwan played a part in inspiring Moody divide, the emerging middle class came to have an important to believe that a rethinking of the true meaning of Christian mis- place in many Scottish congregations, with a popular assump- sion was necessary, as he recorded in The Heathen Heart: tion that poverty and moral shortcomings were interrelated 14 products of an individual’s “spiritual failure.” By the 1880s Of course it would sort with our prejudices to represent the this self-justifying tendency was being criticized by church Heathen Chinese as the slaves of every vice, without natural members themselves, exemplified by A. B. Bruce (1831–99), a affection, unloving and unloved, oppressing and oppressed, professor at the Free Church College who had greatly influenced their minds crushed with gloomy superstition, living in per- Moody during Moody’s days as a theology student.15 The contact petual fear, no hope beyond the grave. It would be satisfactory

136 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 38, No. 3 to the Christian preacher to convince himself that the Gospel have raised concern among some members of the Mission was as light shining in deepest darkness, a balm for intolerable Council, for minutes of the council show traces of tension sores, a comfort for unspeakable distress. But these things are between Moody and the council, and between the council and 21 not so. the Foreign Missions Committee (FMC). On February 1, 1906, the council called attention to the fact that “certain preachers Thus, through his experiences in missionary fields, Moody in the Chianghwa [Chiang-hoa] region did not receive salary had come to articulate his recognition that the heathen, or people according to the scale agreed upon by the Council, and Mr. of different ethnicity and religion, also have hearts and that the Campbell was instructed to communicate with Mr. Moody on the moral superiority of which contemporary Christians tended to subject.”30 It was reported on July 4 the same year that Campbell be so self-righteously proud was by no means the essence of had received Moody’s reply about the issue, but Moody left Christianity. This journey of self-recognition is well represented for furlough and the subject was not discussed until his return by the title of his work The Heathen Heart. to Taiwan two years later. On October 28, 1908, urged by the Foreign Mission Secretary in a letter, the council noted the need Relationship with Taiwanese Evangelists for an early attempt for “understanding” and that they should “confer” with Moody about the matter, but the discussion was Meanwhile, Moody’s attitude and behavior toward Taiwanese postponed again.31 The issue remained unresolved, for at the were significantly influenced by his close contact with Taiwanese end of 1908 Moody revealed to the council that, because of his evangelists. Most of the Presbyterian Taiwanese evangelists of wife’s illness, he had already sent FMC his resignation and the late Qing and colonial period were students or graduates was preparing to leave Taiwan.32 Until their return to Taiwan of the theological college,22 and some of them had been encour- in 1914, Campbell and Margaret Moody worked temporarily aged by missionaries to become involved in mission activities. in Australia and New Zealand. Taiwanese ministers Liau Tit (1889–1975) and Koeh Tiau-seng Moody’s six-year absence did not discourage him from (1883–1962), who were baptized by Moody and who more than continuing his support for Taiwanese evangelists. Koeh recol- once went out with him to do open-air evangelism, recollected lected that in the aftermath of the First World War, as he faced how as adolescents they had been influenced by Moody’s atti- great difficulty maintaining his family of six on a monthly wage tudes as a Christian evangelist.23 of 14 yuan, Moody suddenly visited, asked him to join village But these Taiwanese Christians also deeply impressed evangelism, and insisted on offering him 80 yuan for accept- Moody. In particular, Lim Hak-kiong, who frequently went ing the job.33 These individual actions were part of Moody’s out visiting stations with Moody and became his good friend, strategy to ensure that Taiwanese preachers were in a position played a significant role in shaping Moody’s thoughts about to practice their mission activities, but they also resulted from Taiwanese people. Moved by Lim’s personality, Moody depicts his own consciousness of the unequal status of Taiwanese and Lim in an especially affectionate way in his literary works. He foreign workers, which was closely intertwined with his reflec- was careful, however, not to simply romanticize Lim and other tions on missionaries’ sense of superiority over the Taiwanese. Taiwanese Christians. Moody, who was used to “Scotch” ways As Moody’s second wife, Peggie, pointed out, he felt uneasy of carrying out a Communion service, frankly acknowledged about the undeniable contrast between the living expenses his cultural shock on witnessing Lim’s and Taiwanese converts’ afforded the missionaries in comparison to those received by “prosaic” way of organizing the service.24 After both observing the the Taiwanese. He stated that “to come as the representative of Taiwanese context and referring to several historical documents Jesus Christ, and yet to live like a rich man, moving from place to on church lives in the Western world, however, he balanced his place in a chair, this sort of thing oppresses and perplexes one.”34 initial impression of the Taiwanese Christians’ attitude, stating that “the reverence and decorum to which we are accustomed” Reaffirmation of Christian Mission were unfamiliar not only to Taiwanese Christians, but also to people of earlier generations in Christian lands.25 Moody was candid in assessing the people and the sociopolitical At times, Moody’s close interactions with Taiwanese evan- context in colonial Taiwan, and thus he was aware of the problems gelists led him to take action that did not conform to the Mission surrounding the attitudes of the colonialists and Western mis- Council’s decisions, as in the case of his management of salaries sionaries, which set them above the ethnic and religious other. for Taiwanese evangelists. During the late Qing and early colo- Personal encounters with thoughtful non-Christian Taiwanese nial era, wages for EPM’s Taiwanese employees were fairly low. made him especially critical of the negative stereotypes of the Moody noted that in the 1880s, missionaries’ domestic helpers “heartless heathen” that Western Christians, including himself, received 10 or 12 shillings a month, but Christian preachers tended to hold, and he was led to denounce the self-justifying 12–20 shillings,26 and the records of the Mission Council show assumption that the essence of Christian mission lies in a mor- that in 1900 they decided to pay Taiwanese preachers monthly alizing influence on non-Christians. That Moody’s attitude salaries of between 4 and 12 dollars.27 Also, the earnings of toward Taiwanese was connected to his concern about the issue church employees were generally lower than the earnings of of missionaries’ self-esteem is exemplified by his response to the people in other occupations. Moody recorded that in 1906, when income gap between foreign and Taiwanese Christian workers. a Taiwanese sawyer Kho Bin (1881–1959) changed employment This change in Moody’s perceptions of heathen people and to become his domestic helper, his monthly income fell from a Christian mission led to his religious quest for the true signifi- pound to 12 or 14 shillings.28 cance of Christianity, both in principle and in practice. First, in Against this background, as both Lim Hak-kiong and the 1910s and 1920s, in order to denounce the assumption that the Koeh Tiau-seng recollect, Moody “secretly helped evangelists essence of Christianity is its moralizing influence and to reaffirm in hardship” by giving them part of his own income on top a truly Christian quality, Moody carried out a comparative study of their fixed salaries.29 Moody’s management of salaries for of the early church and contemporary Taiwanese churches. As a Taiwanese evangelists in the Chiang-hoa region appears to result, he articulated, in both his English and Minnan Taiwanese

July 2014 137 literary works, the crucial importance of “justification by faith Mountain Hut (1938). In this work Moody describes the calamity alone,” particularly in highlighting the error of Christians who of Taiwanese society in the early years of Japanese occupation, hold self-justifying attitudes.35 Second, in the 1930s the plight telling the story of a Taiwanese resistance leader who became a of the Jewish people in Europe and the problem of Japanese fugitive for twenty years.36 Moody’s personal experiences in his nationalism in Taiwan led Moody to consider the meaning of early years as a foreign missionary had played no small role in Christianity in the face of suffering. The result was his sympathy altering his perceptions of the ethnic and religious other and of for the anticolonial nationalism of the Taiwanese people, an atti- Christianity itself, and they inspired him to continuously rethink tude that was most distinctly expressed in his children’s book The and reaffirm the fundamental meaning of being a Christian.

Notes 1. A. Hamish Ion, The Cross and the Rising Sun, vol. 2, The British Prot- 18. Campbell Moody, Saints of Formosa, 178–79, 214. estant Missionary Movement in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, 1865–1945 19. Campbell N. Moody to friends, June 20, 1898, MCH Tainan. (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurie Univ. Press, 1993), 116. 20. Campbell N. Moody to Mary Ewing Naismith, June 30, 1898, MCH 2. Helen Ballhatchet, “Woruta-Deninngu: Meiji shoki ni okeru Tainan. (Naismith was Moody’s mother). Sennkyoushi no Katsudou” (Walter Dening: Case Study of a 21. Campbell Moody, Heathen Heart, 84–85. Missionary in Early Meiji Japan; in Japanese), Asian Cultural 22. At the college, students learned the liberal arts such as mathematics Studies 16 (1987): 21–55. or geography as well as the catechism and Bible reading, in both 3. Campbell N. Moody, The Saints of Formosa: Life and Worship in a Chi- Peh-oe-ji (POJ) and . POJ, or “colloquial-letters,” is nese Church (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson, & Ferrier, 1912; repr. romanized Minnan Taiwanese and was widely used in EPM mission Taipei: Ch’eng Wen, 1971), 121. literature in Taiwan. After graduation, the students would prepare 4. Carbon copies of Moody’s personal correspondence written dur- to be ordained as ministers by carrying out mission activities and ing 1897–99, with some additional notes by Moody, are archived taking regular examinations. in the Museum of Church History, Tainan Chang Jung Senior High 23. Tit Liau, “68 Hoe-ek-Liok” (Reminiscences of 68 years; in Minnan School, Tainan, Taiwan, the former middle school established by Taiwanese), Oah-mia e Bi-niu (Daily bread) 32 (January 1957): 40–42: EPM (hereafter MCH Tainan). “Zhenben Shengjing Shuwei Diancang Chaxun Xitong” (Digital 5. Campbell N. Moody to Jeanie Renfrew, September 25, 1898, Archive of Scarce Books and Bibles, Search System), Taigu Sin Bong MCH Tainan. Ai (Taiwanese Faith, Hope, and Love; in Minnan Taiwanese), http:// 6. Hak-kiong Lim, “Koo Mui Kam-bu Bok-su e Sio-toan” (In memoriam bible.fhl.net/ob/ro.php?book=41&procb=0>; Tiau-seng Koeh, the late Rev. Moody; in Minnan Taiwanese), Tai-oan Kau-hoe Kong-po “Siau-lian Mui Kam-bu Bok-su” (Commemorate Rev. Campbell (Taiwan church news) 664 (July 1940): 11; repr. as Taiwan Jiaohui Gongbo Moody; in Minnan Taiwanese), Tai-oan Kau-hoe Kong-po (Taiwan Quanlan: Taiwan Di-yi-fen Baozhi (The complete Taiwan church news church news) 664 (July 1940): 8: repr. as Taiwan Jiaohui Gongbo collection: the first newspaper in Taiwan; in Minnan Taiwanese), vol. Quanlan: Taiwan Di-yi-fen Baozhi (see endnote 6); Tiau-seng Koeh, 14, 1939–1940 (Tainan: Taiwan Church News, 2004). Chuan-dao Xing-cheng (Preacher’s progress; in 7. Bun-liong Koeh, personal communication, August 24, 2010. and Minnan Taiwanese), vol. 1 (privately printed), 64, Tainan 8. Campbell N. Moody, letter to Jeanie Renfrew, May 4, 1898, MCH Theological College and Seminary Library, Tainan, Taiwan. Tainan. 24. Campbell Moody, Heathen Heart, 169. 9. “Taiwann Hoku-bu Dohi Tousei Tennmatsu” (Report on rebels in 25. Campbell Moody, Saints of Formosa, 98. northern Taiwan; in Japanese), ca. 1898, Goto Shinnpei Archives, 26. Campbell Moody, Heathen Heart, 163. Ed. Mizusawa City Museum of Goto Shinnpei, archive no. 7-63, 27. William Campbell, Handbook of the English Presbyterian Mission in microfilm reel no. 30, Kyoto University Library, Kyoto, Japan. Formosa (Hastings: F. J. Parsons, 1910), 715. 10. Campbell N. Moody to James McCulloch, November 14, 1898, MCH 28. Campbell Moody, Saints of Formosa, 128. Tainan. 29. Lim, “Koo Mui Kam-bu Bok-su e Sio-toan,” 11; Koeh, “Siau-lian 11. “The Japanese in South Formosa: Appalling State of Affairs,” China Mui Kam-bu Bok-su,” 8. Mail, July 18, 1896, Leisure and Cultural Services Department, Mul- 30. Campbell, Handbook, 878. timedia Information System, Hong Kong Public Libraries, https:// 31. Ibid., 947, 950. mmis.hkpl.gov.hk/home; “Rebellion in Mid-Formosa,” The Times, 32. Ibid., 952–53. The following records of the Mission Council also August 25, 1896, www.newspapers.com/newspage/33024641. suggest tension among Moody, the council, and FMC: council chair 12. William Campbell, Sketches from Formosa (London: Marshall Brothers, Campbell’s disapproval of Moody’s manuscript of POJ commentary 1915), 17. on Romans (ibid., 883); strong protest of the council at FMC’s deci- 13. George Ede, “Formosa: Letter from Mr. Ede,” The Messenger and sion to prolong Moody’s furlough because of his illness (909–10); Missionary Record of the Presbyterian Church of England (London: the council’s reprehension of FMC for their “repeatedly singling out Presbyterian Church of England), no. 80 (August 1884): 157–58. one member of the Council [presumably Moody] for preferential George Ede (1854–1904) was an EPM missionary active in Taiwan treatment” (950–51). from 1883 to 1896. 33. Koeh, Chuan-dao Xing-cheng, 254–55. 14. Callum G. Brown, The Social History of Religion in Scotland since 1730 34. Peggie Moody, Missionary and Scholar, 154–56. Later, on March (London: Methuen, 1987), 131–36, 140–43. 11, 1925, in a letter to Foreign Mission secretary P. J. Maclagan, 15. A. B. Bruce, “The Kingdom of God,” in Christianity and Social Life: A Campbell Moody also stated, “I feel very strongly about needless Course of Lectures (Edinburgh: Macniven & Wallace, 1885), 1–16. For expenditure on missionaries’ houses” (Presbyterian Church of Bruce’s influence on Moody, see Peggie C. Moody, Campbell Moody: England Foreign Missions Committee, SOAS Library, University of Missionary and Scholar (Tainan: Taiwan Church News, 2005), 102–4. London, London). Peggie Moody’s biography of her husband was not published until 35. Campbell N. Moody, The Mind of the Early Converts (London: Hodder 2005. It was then published in Taiwan with a translated author name & Stoughton, 1920); Campbell N. Moody, “Spiritual Power in Later (Poqi Hong) and title (Xuanjiao Xuezhe Mei Jianwu), but with the Judaism and in the New Testament,” Expository Times 38 (1927): 561; content in its original language, English. Mui Kam-bu (Campbell N. Moody), Tam-lun To-li (Conversation 16. Campbell N. Moody, The Heathen Heart: An Account of the Reception about doctrines; in Minnan Taiwanese) (Tainan: Tai-lam Sin-lau of the Gospel among the Chinese of Formosa (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Chu-tin-tong [The book room], 1920). Anderson & Ferrier, 1907), 59–64. 36. Campbell N. Moody, The Mountain Hut: A Tale of Formosa (London: 17. Campbell N. Moody to Matthew Laurie, January 4, 1899, MCH Tainan. Religious Tract Society, 1938).

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