UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
Through the Eyes of the Big Man:
Experiences of Contemporary Educational Leaders in Papua New Guinea
by
Catherine Jane Macleod
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
GRADUATE DIVISION OF EDUCATION RESEARCH
CALGARY, ALBERTA
January, 2012
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Studies for acceptance, a thesis entitled "Through the Eyes of the Big Man:
Experiences of Contemporary Educational Leaders in Papua New Guinea" submitted by
Catherine Jane Macleod in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION.
GRADUATE DIVISION OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARH
GRADUATE DIVISION OF EDUCATIONAL RESERACH
GRADUATE DIVISION OF EDUCATIONAL RESERACH
GRADUATE DIVISION OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH
DOCTORAL STUDENTS ONLY External Examiner (or External Reader)
Date
ii Abstract
By nature, Small Island Developing States are negotiating a permeable traditional societal culture and an engulfing globalization. Although the body of research is expanding, there is limited literature on the identity of contemporary indigenous educational leaders as they mediate their praxis, primarily based on Western theory, and their traditional cultural belief systems. This qualitative single-case study, conducted on- site over a three year period, investigated the perceptions and experiences of 14 indigenous educational leaders in a Westernized organization in Papua New Guinea
(PNG). Three findings emerged from the study. One, both postcolonial and globalizing influences are salient to the experiences of the leaders and data confirm existing research on cross-cultural educational leadership in that PNG local culture effectively and powerfully filters and mediates individual and collective leaders' thoughts and actions.
Two, research uncovered manifestations of the Melanesian Big Man as identified in existing socio-cultural and anthropological research on the identity and subsequent leadership practices of the current day leaders. Data analysis suggest the legacy and prevalence of four distinctive traditional leadership characteristics: (a) respect; (b) influence and power; (c) loyalty and obligation; and (d) opportunism and ambition.
Participant experiences and reflections about these four attributes augur a change in understanding leadership in Papua New Guinea and require further investigation to explore the extent to which these plausible shifts in understanding indigenous leadership are reflective in other developing nation contexts.
Three, a hybrid leadership identity is emerging in PNG. Research data highlight that local leaders, acknowledging past contributions and models of expatriate colleagues,
iii are profoundly conscious of the influence and value of PNG cultural beliefs and practices on their actions as educational leaders. The contemporary PNG leader's role is that of the rounded self-adjusting fulcrum, oscillating and balancing the influences of Western organizational policy and expectations with tangible and intangible cultural values and assumptions about traditional PNG leadership. Participant reflections as indigenous leaders in a Westernized educational organization indicate that they are bridging traditional and contemporary leadership assumptions and practices and co-creating a distinct localised leadership responsive to the unique and diverse social and cultural context existing in Papua New Guinea today.
iv Acknowledgements
A number of people contributed significantly to this research endeavour. I would like to sincerely thank my supervisors, Dr. Bishop and Dr. LaGrange respectively and the members of my supervisory committee for their guidance and support despite the challenges of distance, quality of internet connection, and time zones. In addition I would like to recognize my friends and colleagues both in Canada and in Papua New Guinea for their encouragement and good ideas. I am indebted to my family for their unquestioning faith in my ability to complete the task and in particular I thank Neal for his insights, his
wisdom, his thoughtful questions, and his remarkable patience.
Finally, I offer my deep gratitude and thanks to my wantoks in the International
Education Association of Papua New Guinea for their openness and generosity in sharing
their stories, their hopes, and their dreams as educational leaders in Papua New Guinea
which truly is the Land of the Unexpected.
v Dedication
This research is dedicated to the current and future leaders of the International
Education Agency of Papua New Guinea for their commitment to learning and contributions to education and leadership development. Tenkyu tru olgeta!
vi Table of Contents
Approval Page ii Abstract iii Acknowledgements v Dedication vi Table of Contents vii List of Figures x
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 Research Objectives 1 Identification of the Problem 2 Significance of the Study 3 Background and History 4 Definition of Terms 6 Theoretical Framework 8 Assumptions and Limitations 11 Research Questions 13 Chapter Summary 14
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 16 The Melanesian Big Man 16 Early Research 16 Later Understandings 18 Recent Perspectives 19 Research Interpretation 23 Educational Leadership and Culture 26 Culture and Identity 26 Culture, Globalization, and International Educational Leadership 28 Culture, Globalization, and Indigenous Educational Leadership 31 Organizational Culture, Educational Leadership, and Change 33 Chapter Summary 40
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 41 Introduction 41 Research Questions and Propositions 41 Research Design 43 Case Study Design 44 Unit of Analysis 45 The Researcher 46 The Research Participant 47 Data Collection 49 Overview 49 Pilot and Initial Contact 50 The Interview Process 51
vii Field Notes and Documentation 52 Data Analysis and Management 53 Early Analysis 53 Collaborative Analysis 54 Challenges 55 Limitations and Rival Theory 55 Chapter Summary 57
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH CONTEXT 58 Introduction 58 Papua New Guinea: A Brief History 58 The International Education Agency of Papua New Guinea 61 Early Organization 61 Localisation in the IEA 62 Papua New Guinea: A Postcolonial Context 64 The Researcher: An Adventure Begins 66 Chapter Summary 67
CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH FINDINGS 68 Introduction 68 Defining the Big Man 70 Respect 74 Traditional Assumptions 75 Contemporary Experiences 77 Community Experiences 80 Current Perceptions 82 Influence and Power 84 Traditional Assumptions 84 Influence and Power Through Action 87 Influence and Power Through Expertise 90 Obligation and Loyalty 95 Traditional Assumptions 96 Contemporary Experiences and Challenges 98 Finding a Balance 102 Obligation, Loyalty, and Reciprocity 107 Opportunism and Ambition 112 Traditional Gifts 112 Experiences with Expatriates 115 Good Timing, Aspirations, and Advantage 117 Finding a Balance 124 Chapter Summary 126
CHAPTER SIX: ANALYSIS 128 Overview 128 Two Caveats 129
viii Proposition One: Papua New Guinea's Societal and Postcolonial Context Does Influence Leadership 130 Postcolonialism and Westernization 130 Expatriate Influences 132 Societal Change Influences 135 Proposition Two: Big Man Attributes are Evident 140 Respect 141 Obligation and Loyalty 144 Influence and Power 147 Opportunism and Ambition 148 Proposition Three: A New Hybrid Leadership Identity is Emerging in Papua New Guinea 150 Identities in Transition 150 Balancing Identities 156 Chapter Summary 161
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION 164 Introduction and Overview 164 Further Research Possibilities 171 Researcher Postscript 172
REFERENCES 174
APPENDIX A: INVITATION EMAIL CONTACT TO PARTICIPANTS 189
APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM 190
APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW GUIDE 193
APPENDIX D: SAMPLE PARTICIPANT SUMMARY 194
APPENDIX E: FOCUS GROUP AGENDA 196
APPENDIX F: PARTICIPANT MATRIX AND ATTRRIBUTE DESCRIPTORS 198
ix List of Figures
Figure 1. Intersection of research questions 14
Figure 2. Intersection of research questions 42
Figure 3. The intersection of traditional and Western leadership attributes 152
Figure 4. The intersection of traditional, Western and hybrid PNG leadership attributes 154
x Through the Eyes of the Big Man 1
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Research Objectives
This research focuses upon educational leadership in a cross-cultural context as it brings together the multiple perspectives of localized1 leaders in a not-for-profit educational organization currently operating in the developing and postcolonial nation of
Papua New Guinea (PNG). The United Nations (UN) recognizes Papua New Guinea as one of the 38 Small Island Developing State (SIDS) in that:
Small Island Developing States (SIDS) include low-lying coastal countries
that share similar sustainable development challenges, including small
population, limited resources, remoteness, susceptibility to natural
disasters, vulnerability to external shocks, and excessive dependence on
international trade, http://www.unesco.org/new/en/natural-
sciences/priority-areas/small-island-developing-states/about-unesco-and-
sids/sids-list/
Acknowledging Papua New Guinea's status as a SIDS is significant because it helps to
define and better understand the study's context as a developing and postcolonial nation
resulting from its remote location augmented by a legacy of foreign explorers,
developers, and entrepreneurs.
The International Education Agency of Papua New Guinea (IEA), established in
1977 by the newly constituted Papua New Guinea government is a not-for-profit
organization, administered by an elected Board of Directors. The DEA offers pre-school to
1. For a full definition of this term see p. 8. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 2 tertiary education in 21 communities around Papua New Guinea. In 1996, as a way of honouring its commitment to build local capacity and develop educational expertise, the
IEA embarked on a localisation program. In the IEA localisation refers to the deliberate and systematic transition from expatriate to Papua New Guinean, or localised staffing.
Prior to 1996, all IEA leadership, including school principal and deputy principal and organization head office leadership staff positions were held by Western expatriates.
Since the introduction of localisation, 95% of the teaching positions and all of the non- teaching positions have been localised. Currently and as result of localisation, Papua New
Guineans hold 33 of 50 school-based educational leadership positions and five of ten head office administrative positions; a total representing 66 per cent of the leadership positions in the IEA. It has been more than a decade since the inception of the localisation program and an examination of the unique experiences and perspectives of these localised leaders is both logical and timely.
Identification of the Problem
Studying leadership in an international SIDS or acknowledged developing country context is an emerging focus for educational researchers. Much of the cross- cultural research in education to date has taken place in more developed regions such as
Asia and Southern Europe and the research is scant regarding the development of education practices in developing nation (Ahnee-Benham & Napier, 2002; Begley, 2008;
Brown & Conrad, 2007; Bush, Purvis, & Barallon, 2008; Gronn & Ribbins, 2003;
Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Hallinger & Leithwood, 1998; Walker, 2003). There is considerable research denoting the influence of national culture on the educational leadership process (Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Heck, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 3
2002a; Lumby & Foskett, 2008; Walker, 2007; Walker, Chen, & Qian, 2008; Walker &
Dimmock, 2002b); however there remains a gap in the investigation of the influence of, and relationship between, local societal culture and the perceptions and actions of educational leaders (Begley, 2008; Lumby & English, 2009; Dimmock & Walker, 2008;
Walker, 2007). There is agreement that more study is needed in the area of educational development, including leadership practices, in less studied or developing nations.
Significance of the Study
For Papua New Guinean localised leaders, adapting from a traditional to a primarily Western model of educational practice no doubt requires leaders to construct new meanings and understandings of their identity as leaders. Not only does this investigation take up the call for further research on the reality of leadership identity as it exists within a non-Western cultural context, it also creates an opportunity to examine the subjective reality of their leadership experiences in a postcolonial or neo-colonial context.
Findings from this research in a Papua New Guinea, as a "social, historically specific, culturally-situated activity"(Yates, 2005) can provide parameters for more knowledgeable dialogue about indigenous leadership development in developing nations.
Given the social, economic, and political realities of a globalization, theories developed as a result of this inquiry may inform localization policies and/or programs in other developing or postcolonial nations.
As a Western researcher, acutely conscious of the damage of colonial assumptions that have infiltrated externally imposed research activities, I am aware that in working alongside local leaders, key questions must be considered such as, "How does this research support and promote the leader's individual and collective development" or, "In Through the Eyes of the Big Man 4 what ways does this specific research facilitate and benefit leadership development in
PNG?" The intent of this research is to embrace and hold up the Papua New Guinea leader's experiences to date so that it can contribute to the growing body of international educational leadership knowledge and at the same time, benefit individual educational leaders and the IEA's policies and practices.
Background and History
This research explores the leadership experiences of localised male educational
leaders in Papua New Guinea; an area of interest inspired by existing research and
understandings of the Melanesian Big Man. It is important to acknowledge that in Papua
New Guinea today there are a growing number of female leaders in private as well as
public enterprises; however the parameters of this research are limited to their male
counterparts. Therefore, the language and terminology used throughout the thesis is
gender-specific as it refers to the traditional Melanesian Big Man as well as the current
male leaders in the EEA.
Leadership development is perceived as fundamental to any education
improvement regardless of country or culture (Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Lumby, Crow,
& Pashiardis, 2008; Walker & Dimmock, 2002b) and in Papua New Guinea, as a Small
Island Developing State, meaningful educational reform largely rests on successful
leadership development within the local postcolonial context culture as it is growing and
evolving today (Apelis, 2006; Brown & Conrad, 2007; Bush, et al., 2008; Gronn &
Ribbins, 2003; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Louisy, 2004; Pagelio, 2002; Walker,
2002; Walker, et al., 2008). Through the Eyes of the Big Man 5
The traditional leadership construct of Big Man (Allen, 1984; Apelis, 2006; Clay,
1992; Godelier, 1991; Godelier & Strathern, 2008; Lamour, 1997; Liep, 2008; Lindstrom,
1981,1984; Roscoe, 1988,2000; Sahlins, 1963; Standish, 1978; Strathern, 1993; White,
1980; White & Lindstrom, 1997) is unique to Melanesia, especially the islands of New
Guinea and has occupied the attention of anthropologists and ethnographers since the early 1900's when early European explorers first noticed a dissonance between the
Indigenous representation of local headmen or 'chiefs' with their more 'Westernized'
assumptions about local leadership (Speiser, 1996). Fundamentally, the archetypical label
of Big Man "directly translates the meaning of many indigenous Melanesian terms for
'leader'" (Roscoe, 2000, p. 84) and is a "ubiquitous feature of Melanesian leadership
systems" (Allen, 1984, p. 23). Although the manifestation and interpretation of the big
man differs among provinces, communities, and even tribes within Papua New Guinea
culture, the term is today "common currency" (Lindstrom, 1981, p. 902) for a 'man of
influence,' 'man of renown,' man of prestige,' all acquired "from his proficiency in
demonstrating, through display and exchange, his influence (or power) over others"
[emphasis in original] Roscoe, (2000, p. 107).
Since achieving independence in 1975, making it one of the youngest countries in
the Commonwealth, the political picture in Papua New Guinea weaves together threads
of Western democracy and traditional tribal organization. In any of the local daily
newspapers, one can read stories of a Westminster style democratic political debate on
one hand and reports of tribal warfare on the other. In both cases, the concept of Big Man
is unquestionably evident. My work in Papua New Guinea over four years has taken me
to numerous remote villages and communities in a country with a population of close to Through the Eyes of the Big Man 6 six million (Census 2000) communicating in 800 plus languages in tribes dispersed in remote highland, coastal, and island regions as well as the country's growing towns and cities. Research and experience lead me to believe that, be they self-made economic entrepreneurs (Sahlins, 1983), ambitious Highland warriors and despots (Read, 1959, p.
433 as cited in Roscoe, 2000), accomplished and powerful 'great men' exacting equivalent compensations or exchanges (Godelier & Strathern, 1991 as reviewed by
Hays, 1993), or chiefs or sub-chiefs locally recognized (Standish, 1978), the Big Man ideology is deeply embedded in the leadership identity of Papua New Guinean society today. Thus, it is not surprising that the construct may exist in the world and work of education reform as well.
In conclusion, the Papua New Guinea Big Man is a well-known yet little- reviewed traditional leadership construct in the field of international educational research.
This research process will enable local educational leaders to explore, review, clarify, and confirm their experiences as Big Man leaders in EEA schools today in hopes of
uncovering how the traditional and the more Western-oriented leadership constructs
interact and ultimately influence individual leadership beliefs and identity. In short, the
findings aim to contribute to the growing knowledge base of culturally informed
educational leadership research.
Definition of Terms
To further clarify the parameters of this study, the following terms and their
definitions are operationally defined:
Small Island Developing States (SIDS). A UNESCO term for Small Island Developing
States (SIDS) and includes low-lying coastal countries that share similar sustainable Through the Eyes of the Big Man 7 development challenges, including small population, limited resources, remoteness, susceptibility to natural disasters, vulnerability to external shocks, and excessive dependence on international trade. Their growth and development is often further challenged by high transportation and communication costs, disproportionately expensive public administration and infrastructure due to their small size, and little-to-no opportunity to create economies of scale.
Localisation. The Concise Oxford English Dictionary defines localisation as "to make local in character". For the purposes of this inquiry, localisation refers to the deliberate, strategic, and systematic replacement of expatriate educational leaders with qualified educational leaders who are citizens of Papua New Guinea (PNG).
Developing Nation. For purposes of this inquiry, developing nation refers to nations identified by the UN as 'low human development'. The United Nations (UN) Human
Development Index (HDI) ranks Papua New Guinea 137 out of 169 nations and is thus considered low human development. http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/PNG.html.
Melanesia. Melanesia refers to the group of island nations of the south east Pacific. The islands of Fiji, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea, Maluku, Solomon, Torres Strait,
Vanuatu, and Palau are traditionally considered to be part of Melanesia.
Citizen. The term is commonly used in Papua New Guinea and refers to an individual born and raised in Papua New Guinea (PNG).
Expatriate. In Papua New Guinea, the term refers to individuals born and educated in a developed Western country and working in Papua New Guinea. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 8
The International Education Agency of Papua New Guinea (IEA). The IEA is a non profit, private education organization offering international education from early childhood to tertiary for expatriate and citizen students throughout Papua New Guinea.
Theoretical Framework
Successful research investigations are grounded in a well-defined theoretical framework (Anfara & Mertz, 2006; Bailey, 1997; Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2003a, 2003b,
2009) and employing an qualitative interpretive case study methodology, the investigative process will enable Papua New Guinean principal, deputy principal, and head office organizational leaders to share and reflect upon their lived experiences and perceptions of their localisation or integration into leadership positions in this predominantly Westernized international education organization. Papua New Guinea is aptly labelled Land of the Unexpected and not surprisingly, the theoretical construct guiding this research inquiry is unexpected and complex. As researcher, I propose that the investigation of participant experiences in a localisation program in an acknowledged postcolonial developing nation represents a union of theoretical propositions.
An interpretative research paradigm recognizes the existence of multiple realities and seeks to understand the subjective experiences of the research participants as it
"delve[s] into depths of human consciousness" (Burrell & Morgan, 1979, p. 31).
Renowned qualitative researchers Norman Denzin and Yvonna Lincoln (2005) assert that all research is interpretative as it is "guided by the researchers beliefs and feelings about the world and how it should be understood and studied" (p. 22). This case study is guided by an interpretive mindset in that I am approaching the participant's experiences and stories with the intent to propose theoretical framework. Equally significant is the Through the Eyes of the Big Man 9 postcolonial status of Papua New Guinea, a reality which inherently demands a postmodern and critical theoretical stance. Denzin and Lincoln (2005) hold that a central tenet of postmodernism is that it privileges "no single authority, methodology, or
paradigm" (p. 27) as it exists in an era where "multiple approaches to knowing and telling exist side by side" (p. 961). In addition, research conducted through a postmodern lens commits to question "all truth claims of making and serving particular interests in local,
cultural, and political struggles" (p. 961).
Papua New Guinea is decidedly a developing nation where tribal culture and
traditions dominate the cultural landscape. Diversity, be it geographical, ethnic, cultural,
or social, is coterminous to Melanesia and as such, this research approach must be both
practical and beneficial so that it might provide a greater understanding of leadership
identity development within a developing world context - a recognized untapped area of
educational research (Dimmock & Walter, 2002; Hallinger, 2003).
Comparatively, the colonisation period in Papua New Guinea was relatively brief
(Apelis, 2006; Foster, 1995; Roscoe, 2000) lasting 105 years (Pagelio, 2002) and since
Independence in 1975 the country has undergone immense social, political, and economic
transitions in a comparatively very short period of time (Fife, 1995). Research
documenting the social and political inequities generated through systemic structures
inherent in the Big Man interpretation of leadership (Godelier & Strathern, 2008;
Lindstrom, 1984; Standish, 1978; Strathern, 2008; Roscoe, 2000) combined with the
reality of past colonial rule supports a critical perspective to this inquiry process.
Theoretical frameworks that are grounded in postcolonial critical theory have a decided
political edge as the theory stems from "the revolutionary, anti-colonial work of various Through the Eyes of the Big Man 10 activists" (Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999, p. 23) and is change-oriented, investigating the historical and current dynamics and interactions of power and justice in cultural relations
(Kincheloe & McLaren, 2005). In addition, adopting a critical postcolonial perspective enables the researchers to "announce their partisanship in the struggles for a better world"
(Kincheloe & McLaren, 2005, p. 305).
However, applying a different perspective, this qualitative research study supports a social constructivist theoretical framework in that the constructivist research paradigm values the co-construction or reconstruction of knowledge and social realities and is congruent with the interpretivist and postmodern theories (Guba & Lincoln, 2005).
Research studies framed by a constructivist theoretical framework invite participation in an attempt to reconstruct interpretations and connect new and emerging understandings to participants' existing experiences (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). In this research, it will be my task to work alongside the localised Papua New Guinea leaders and carefully amass and sift through their lived experiences in order to better understand and hopefully illuminate the 21st century Papua New Guinea educational leader's identity in the IEA.
This qualitative study is coherent with the above assumptions about research in a postmodern paradigm as it recognizes the limitations inherent to both critical postcolonial and social constructivist theoretical frameworks as they may influence the research process and data analysis. Without question, the intent of this research is to reconstruct and co-construct participant experiences as educational leaders in the IEA and integrates a strong element of participant involvement; however the reality of Papua New Guinea's colonial history cannot be overlooked. Subsequently, this research may identify and introduce "new and interconnected ways of understanding power and oppression" Through the Eyes of the Big Man 11
(Kincheloe & McLaren, 2005, p. 306) and examine how these may be influencing the day-to-day experiences of the Papua New Guinean leaders in the IEA. However, I am cautious about holding out an agenda laden with overt postcolonial political assumptions because as a non-native, my research role is to uncover, question, and examine more than it is to presume existing perceptions and sentiments of the research participants.
Ultimately the jurisdiction of any qualitative research endeavour today is the
"world experience, for this is where individual belief and action intersect with culture"
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 8). By nature, postcolonial and critical theories, having emerged from the postmodern paradigm, predominantly represent a Western intellectual perspective (Appiah, 1991; Grossberg, 1996; Loomba, 2005; Walker, 2003). Citing the
1994 work of Gyan Prakash, Loomba (2005) fears that an adherence to one particular
theoretical grand narrative can by itself, marginalise local narratives and she advises that
postcolonial studies demand "theoretical flexibility and innovation" (p. 211) and only by
avoiding "closed paradigms" (p. 211) can researchers fully investigate current realities as
they have emerged from histories characterised by pre- and colonial experiences. Finally,
Loomba cites Mallon (1994) who advocates that postcolonial investigations produce a
"fertile tension between theoretical approaches" (p. 211) and invites an image of riding
two horses simultaneously. Where else but in Papua New Guinea, a nation abundant in
natural diversity, or the Land of the Unexpected, could one so fittingly embark on such
an exciting ride?
Assumptions and Limitations
Three assumptions are embedded in this research inquiry. Assumption one, with
its origins in cultural, anthropological theory, is that the phenomenon of social change is Through the Eyes of the Big Man 12 inevitable and Papua New Guinea, as one of 38 Small Island Developing States, cannot escape from the change and development characterizing the modern world. Assumption two underscores education's pivotal role for development in a developing nation.
Assumption three accepts that localisation contributes positively to a nation's well-being and development in that it enables citizen Papua New Guineans to assume control of their national development and destiny. Papua New Guinea is a developing nation undergoing incredible economic and societal change and arguably any shift in perceptions and experiences about leadership identity may be considered as inevitable and more as a result of social evolution in a rapidly changing technological and globally connected world. The focus of this particular research explores the level of influence of traditional
Big Man thinking on educational leaders working in a primarily Westernized context and can deepen the understanding of the extent of colonial discourse and/or globalisation's grasp on indigenous leadership identity in this South Pacific developing nation.
Bailey (1991) advises that limitations refer to the conceptual and methodological shortcomings in the qualitative study design. The fact that this research will be conducted
in English presents a limitation to this study. Lincoln and Gonzales y Gonzales (2008)
write that qualitative research methodologies that integrate a participant's first language
facilitate the transportation of data across culture and work to increase a study's validity.
As researcher, I am conscious of my responsibility to ensure that this research process
demonstrates language integrity as well as cultural safety for the participants. The
research was initially conducted in English; however I encouraged and invited responses
in Melanesian Pidgin, the accepted local dialect, and collaborated with a Papua New Through the Eyes of the Big Man 13
Guinean professional colleague to review and translate the Pidgin immediately following the interview.
I accept that my position as Western researcher could easily be defined as intrusive in light of the postcolonial context of Papua New Guinea and thus I have the responsibility or ensuring that all aspects of the research process clearly evidence respect for Papua New Guinea culture and knowledge as well as participant experiences. Having worked closely with Papua New Guinean teachers and principals in the organisation for four years, I believe that we have developed a relationship characterized by mutual respect. Using the Pidgin language, we are considered 'wantoks'2, meaning that as colleagues, we speak one language. I have visibly worked to deepen my understanding of the Papua New Guinean culture and over the years have openly discussed a number of culturally-relevant topics including Big Man ideology acknowledging the value of trying to learn and forge new understandings based upon our differing experiences and traditions. This research presents an opportunity for Papua New Guinea educational leaders to use their self-defined leadership experiences in order to inform future organizational direction and policy.
Research Questions
The essential question framing this research is: "What is the identity of today's educational leader in Papua New Guinea?" Related questions are:
1. In what ways is a leaders' identity influenced by traditional assumptions and
practices of leadership?
2 Wantok- literal translation is 'one tongue'. Commonly understood as 'one family' Through the Eyes of the Big Man 14
2. In what ways are leaders responding to the differing external expectations of
their leadership role?
3. In what ways are previous understandings and experiences with leadership
influencing the leaders' role?
These questions can be visualized through the use of the Venn diagram (Figure 1). In the Venn, Set "A" represents cultural and traditional assumptions about leadership in
Papua New Guinea and Set "B" represents the IEA's more Western oriented leadership model. Case study findings from this investigation will shed light on the content of Set
"C" as well as illuminating the possibility of a unique hybrid and localized leadership identity located at the intersection of the three circles.
PNG Big Man Leadership
IEA Western- oriented Unknown Leadership
Figure 1. Intersection of research questions
Chapter Summary
Any investigation of cultural practices within a recognized developing nation in today's global context demands an approach that is fundamentally practical and ethical. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 15
The responsibility lies with the researcher to work alongside the local population as they negotiate and navigate unfamiliar and unpredictable terrain requisite with national
development in the 21st Century. A viable education system supported by knowledgeable
and genuine citizen leaders can assist by providing a strong foundation for future national
development. This investigation is practical in that the findings can guide policy makers
and leaders in Small Developing States as they work with others to develop locally
generated policies rather than simply "policy borrowing" (Phillips & Ochs, 2004, p. 131).
This investigation is ethical in that it honours and amplifies the voices of Papua New
Guinean leaders as they establish themselves as authentic and credible education leaders
today; as they are working within and making sense of the juxtaposition of traditional and
Western educational contexts. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 16
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter deals with two primary themes as relevant to the research exploration. One, a review of the literature to date around the leadership construct of Big
Man (Godelier & Strathern, 2008; Lindstrom, 1984; Roscoe, 2000; Sahlins, 1963;
Standish, 1978) as the construct is unique to Melanesia and two, a discussion of some of the current research around educational leadership and culture as it is relevant to a globalized and socio-political climate of change in a postcolonial developing nation context.
The Melanesian Big Man
Early Research
Roscoe (2000), acknowledging the complex political and societal change in Papua
New Guinea, tells us that there are few "substantial" (p. 81) and documented reviews of leadership in Melanesia. In Papua New Guinea, the largest and arguably the most diverse island state of the South Pacific islands, the manifestation and interpretation of the traditional Big Man can differ amongst provinces, communities and even tribes within the country. Essentially, the Big Man, as a leadership theory, is fundamentally a cultural anthropological consideration and has been used to classify local and regional
Melanesian leadership as a structural function within Papua New Guinean society
(Godelier & Strathern, 2008). Both Standish and Roscoe attribute the initial reference to the Papua New Guinea Big Man as an "anthropological label" (Roscoe, p. 84) to
Margaret Mead in 1935; however it was Marshall Sahlins' early depiction of the New
Guinea Big Man as a self-absorbed and shrewd entrepreneur (Sahlins, 1963) that has
since generated discussion among anthropologists and cultural historians regarding the Through the Eyes of the Big Man 17 accurate conceptualization of Papua New Guinean leadership. Even today there is no single definition or interpretation of the construct's historical or current day manifestation.
For many, Sahlins' (1963) early depiction of the New Guinea Big Man in his article, Poor Man, Rich Man, Big-Man, Chief, is stereotypical and oversimplified
(Roscoe, 2000) and does not adequately represent the diversity of leadership orientations evident in Papua New Guinea. In his article contrasting the Melanesian Big Man with the
Polynesian chief, Sahlins portrays the Big Man as a "free enterprising rugged individual"
(p. 289) who commands influence and status by strategically positioning himself in the
group and through his personal power which is the defining characteristic of a
Melanesian Big Man. Sahlins adds "attainment of big-man status is rather the outcome of
a series of acts which elevate a person above the common herd and attract about him a
coterie of loyal, lesser men" (p. 289) thus suggesting that Papua New Guinea Big Man
status is achieved or meritocratic rather than ascribed or inherited.
This dichotomy was challenged first by Godelier and Strathern in 1991 (2008) and
later by Roscoe (2000). Sahlins' well-known depiction of the Melanesian Big Man,
His gaze, as Veblen might have put it, is fixed unswervingly to the main
chance. His every public action is designed to make a competitive and
invidious comparison with others, to show a standing above the masses that
is product of his own personal manufacture, (p. 289)
has since sparked discussion and debate among cultural anthropologists, archaeologists,
and South Pacific academics with the consensus that Sahlins' early research, although
seminal, is flawed due to its stereotypical and oversimplified nature. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 18
Later Understandings
Bill Standish's (1978) discussion of the Big Man in Chimbu provides a number of valuable insights into the characterization and manifestation of Big Man in the Eastern
Highlands of Papua New Guinea. Although he agrees that there exist different conceptualizations of the Big Man throughout Papua New Guinea, his review introduces the fractal nature of the Big Man as an individual who is vested with both formal and informal responsibilities in the eyes of his tribe or clan. Formally, the Big Man's role involved: (a) decisions regarding local rituals such as pig ceremonies and exchanges; (b) diplomatic and representation responsibilities; (c) determinations on whether to initiate
warfare or peaceful settlements; and (d) maintenance of harmony and cohesion within the
local clan or tribe (p.20). Standish's research and review illuminates a traditional despotic or bully-like element to the Big Man's role which, although never formalized, worked to his advantage as he maintained control of the clan or tribe. According to Standish, colonization had a significant impact on the Big Man's role at the local level. Prior to documented European contact, attaining Big Man status was meritocratic and available to any who demonstrated outstanding skill, expertise, knowledge, or wealth. Further, achieving Big Man status was relatively easy, especially for sons of Big Man; however, maintaining the status required the ability to balance both generosity and obligation.
Successful Big Men are "masters of rhetoric and manipulation" (p. 23) who
simultaneously make demands upon their kinfolk to contribute to their perceived wealth
and status at the same time as strategically bestowing calculated favours. Standish (1978)
3 Chimbu - a province in the Eastern Highlands region of Papua New Guinea Through the Eyes of the Big Man 19 offers examples where excessive demands and insufficient charity often motivated followers to switch allegiance to another Big Man-in-waiting.
Both Standish and Roscoe (2000) assert that, although the Big Man is not traditionally an inherited role, there is a distinct "hereditary advantage" (Standish, 1978, p. 33) which intensified as a result of the colonization process of identifying and assigning administrative roles on certain influential men, known as Kiaps, in the community, designated with the authority to oversee the colonial agenda. Standish's review concludes with an acknowledgement and reiteration of the "range of leadership structures in the Melanesian region" (Hau'ofa, 1975 as cited in Standish p. 33) and calls for a re-examination and exploration of the Papua New Guinean Big Man role as it has evolved and institutionalized over time.
Recent Perspectives
After an extensive review of Melanesian ethnography, Lindstrom (1981,1984) reasons that because Melanesian leadership prototypes have been the subject of considerable academic discourse over time the terminology and understanding of the Big
Man leader has evolved. Lindstrom (1981) argues that among Papua New Guinea societies there have been any number of terms for local leadership such as "Big Man",
"headman", "center-man", "chief' and "strongman"; however the label of "Big Man" has endured and remains common currency and synonymous for the indigenous Melanesian leader. His conclusion is supported by the fact that the term Big Man translates and corresponds easily with the "leadership status labels in a wide range of Melanesian languages" (p. 902). In a subsequent article, Lindstrom (1984) reviews the association between the Papua New Guinea Big Man and social inequality achieved through the Through the Eyes of the Big Man 20 control and manipulation of knowledge and local meaning. He presents that knowledge control, as a "dimension of inequality", is the essence of the Big Man. Lindstrom follows
Keesing's (1982) distinction between the use of 'operational' (information) knowledge and 'interpretative' (meaning) knowledge and provides numerous examples of how
Melanesian Big Men command status and control through their ability to "convert personal interpretations into socially common knowledge" (p. 294). According to
Lindstrom, Melanesian Big Men not only hold the secrets of land boundaries, agricultural success, medicinal healings, land deals, and pig exchanges but also control and legitimize the consumption of social knowledge and local meaning (Lindstrom, 1984).
As an archaeologist interested in the influence of cultural anthropological ethnographic studies of contact-era Papua New Guinea, Paul Roscoe (1988, 2000) contributes to the above discussion and adds that in knowledge societies, personal influence derives from the "secrecy or mystification of knowledge" (2000, p. 93) and its calculated distribution over time. Roscoe submits that the real power of the Melanesian
Big Man emanates from his "operational knowledge: knowledge of human psychology,
the workings of his culture, how to raise pigs, and evaluate shell rings, who owes him
what valuable, understandings of how to use this knowledge to his advantage" (p. 94). In
his extensive review of the literature on the Melanesian Big Man Roscoe (2000)
ultimately concedes the existence of the Big Man as a viable leadership construct in
Papua New Guinea and choruses the fact that there are multiple iterations of the Big Man,
both hereditary and meritorious, within Papua New Guinea. However, Roscoe's findings
question the traditional portrayal of the Papua New Guinea Big Man as a "judicious
despot" (p. 92), successful warrior, strategic negotiator, holder of secret and ritual Through the Eyes of the Big Man 21 knowledge, political tactician, enterprising capitalist, etc. and suggest a more holistic perspective of the Big Man whose persona is very much a reflection of his specific contextual environment and is more the,
...product of a common set of power- and prestige-building processes that
give rise to different surface forms depending, first on the local
constellations of economic, ritual, coercive, and ascriptive resources
available for attracting or coercing a following and, second, on the
environmental, demographic, social, and cultural circumstances in which
these processes must operate (p. 110).
The relational and contextual nature of the Big Man is also identified by Clay
(1992) in her discussion of Big Man leadership in the New Ireland province of Papua
New Guinea.
Similar to Standish (1978) and Pagelio (2002), Roscoe (2000) is candid about the colonial influence in Papua New Guinea and he reminds us that in 1975 Hau'ofa noted that the discourse on the Big Man was no more than the projection of academics as
"grasping, manipulative, capitalist selves onto Melanesia" (p. 84). Roscoe also believes that the European contact had "abrupt, dramatic effects on indigenous society and culture" (p. 80) primarily due to the pre-emptive actions of the colonial administrators as they deputized or "co-opted" (p. 112) traditional leaders to manage their political, economic, and social agendas. Interestingly and in contrast to other postcolonial states such as New Zealand (Bishop & Glynn, 1999; Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999) or St. Lucia in the
Caribbean (Louisy, 2001, 2004), Roscoe observes that for the most part, Melanesians are reticent to acknowledge the "extent and depth" (p. 112) of colonial impact, a perception Through the Eyes of the Big Man 22 supported by Foster (1995,2002) who identifies Papua New Guinea's "hasty decolonization process" (2002, p. 3) as driven more by external international agendas than by localized anticolonial movements.
Papua New Guinea remains well known by academics and social and cultural researchers for its diversity and there are a number of researchers who have contributed to the literature about the Melanesian Big Man (Allen, 1984; Clay, 1992; Liep, 2008;
Mosko, 1995; Stilltoe, 1978). Working from the assumption that the Melanesian Big Man is a "stock anthropological figure" (p. i), Maurice Godelier and Marilyn Strathern (2008) present a series of papers on the Big Man leadership construct as a distinct social construction in a complex and evolutionary context. Godelier (2008) initially distinguished Big Men societies from Great Men societies according to the nature of competition and exchange and characterize Melanesian Big Men as members of a social group who "symbolize their capacity to produce and/or amass wealth and to redistribute it" (p. 278). Marilyn Strathern, an anthropologist with extensive experience in both the
Highland and coastal regions of Papua New Guinea, attributes "prominence" (p. 197) as
the chief characteristic of both the Melanesian Big Man and Great Man. In Strathern's
view the Big Man is a singular or unified leadership construct within the social group
whereas the Great Man is more a composite of any number of skills, expertise, and
knowledge, similar to Standish's (1978) fractal notion previously discussed. Although
initially prepared for anthropological and academic audience, the editors reiterate their
desire to reformulate current assumptions of the Melanesian Big Man, not only in an
effort to better understand social change but also as commitment to the Melanesian
people. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 23
Research Interpretation
For purposes of this research, a more colloquial or less academic definition of the
Big Man phenomenon is conceptualized; rather the term is deemed to represent traditional assumptions and culturally accepted leadership practices in Papua New
Guinea. Two factors are common to both the anthropological and vernacular depictions of the Big Man construct: (a) As with any societal structure today, there is no limit to the understanding and interpretation of the Big Man, and (b) due to the interest of Western anthropological researchers there are any number of iterations of the term and consequently there is no single or universally accepted definition of the Papua New
Guinea Big Man. Regardless, it is arguable that any study of leadership in Melanesia, and especially in Papua New Guinea, is wise to consider the existence of the Big Man phenomenon and its influence and legacy on current day leadership assumptions and practices or as stated by Lindstrom (1981), "Those who describe Melanesian polities without 'big men,' at the least, must carefully argue why the now-expected leadership type happens to be inappropriate" (p. 902).
Although this literature review has presented the continuum of available research on the Melanesian Big Man, an unfortunate reality is that the literature to date represents the views and perceptions of outsiders who are not indigenous Papua New Guineans.
Regardless, the Big Man, as a significant and influential local leader, is common
terminology in Papua New Guinea local media and daily dialogue as well as a well- accepted leadership construct in the local communities throughout Papua New Guinea.
Without question, the Big Man is an established and de facto leadership construct
in the language and minds of Papua New Guineans. In 1978, Sir Michael Somare, Papua Through the Eyes of the Big Man 24
New Guinea's inaugural prime minister openly presents the Big Man as an ideal leader type for the people when he says,
...they were able to appeal to the people and convince them that they
would work for the people....This is the real meaning of the big-man in
Papua New Guinea. The people support the big-man because they know
he will help them, not because he is grabbing things for himself. (Standish,
1978, p. 36)
In a 2006 keynote address to educational leaders in Papua New Guinea, Eliakim
Apelis shares his understanding of traditional leadership in Papua New Guinea and recalls that the Big Man from his village is one who is "well respected by the community, is honest and is recognized because he has wealth including ownership of land and traditional shell money" (p.7). Apelis adds that there is an inextricable link between local societal values and leader style and he explains,
You must meet the requirements of the Tubuan society to become a
recognized leader. Because the Tolais were "met" by missionaries, the
Christian principles guide most of them in their day to day work, most
leaders are God-fearing people. (Apelis, 2006, p. 7)
Apelis' particular presentation of the traditional Big Man is significant as it is notably different from the historical interpretations created by expatriate sociological and anthropological academics.
Apelis (2006) acknowledges that the various colonial and Western agendas have had, and continue to have, a significant influence on local leadership in Papua New
Guinea and he explains, "Where we come from and how we are influenced by colonizers Through the Eyes of the Big Man 25 makes a great difference in our lives and in our leadership and management styles" (p. 7).
As an experienced and recognized educational leader in Papua New Guinea, Apelis recognizes the conflict between traditional and modern leadership approaches and he holds that "the challenge is to develop models, contextual and conceptual frameworks, and strategies that integrate both traditional and contemporary practices and to establish leadership qualities that suit our situation" (p. 8).
The recognition and prominence of the Big Man appears to be prevalent throughout Papua New Guinea, regardless of region and experiences over four years support my understanding of the diversity of the construct as reviewed earlier. I have witnessed the machinations of corrupt Big Men, the generosity and gifts of conflict mediation, and the celebration of initiations resulting from the knowledge and wisdom of natural local calendars around Papua New Guinea. Therefore in my view, there is merit in each of the above understandings and interpretations of the Melanesian Big Man.
Research supports that the ideology of Big Man is much more than a title; it is a cultural construct and mental model deeply entrenched into the minds and hearts of
Papua New Guinean citizens regardless of career or calling. Amidst the many calls for expanding understandings and the knowledge base around educational leaders in non-
Western or European contexts, uncovering the experiences of contemporary education leaders in Papua New Guinea, as a postcolonial developing nation, besieged by global and modern reform, can begin to shed light on the manifestation of the Melanesian Big
Man to indigenous leaders today. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 26
Educational Leadership and Culture
Leadership is an important component of a nation's development (Gronn &
Ribbins, 2003; Leithwood & Levin, 2008; Mulford, 2003, 2010) and as such, is very much evident on the development agenda for Papua New Guinea today where traditional assumptions about leadership are visibly embedded in local culture and the need to preserve and honour Papua New Guinea's rich customs and heritage are acknowledged as beneficial to a strong national identity (Lindstrom & White, 1994). However, as has been recognized by lay and professional commentators, the aggregated influences of globalization and internationalism are fundamentally altering local societal culture and the way of life in most parts of the world (Begley, 2008; Dimmock & Walker, 2008;
Lumby, et al., 2008; Walker, 2007; Wells, Carnochan, Slayton, Allen, & Vasudeva,
2005). In Papua New Guinea, centuries of traditional living, conflated with years of
colonialization, have influenced leadership development and today, the interrelationship
of traditional and contemporary ideologies is a complex juxtaposition of educational
leadership identities and practices (Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Walker, 2007).
Culture and Identity
Social science research assures us that culture, as a series of personal values,
beliefs and understandings about one's individual and group identity, is a powerful and
enduring force for leaders, regardless of nationality or ethnicity (Walker & Dimmock,
2002a). Hallinger and Kantamara (2002) cite futurist Kenichi Ohmae, 'The contents of
kitchens and closets may change, but the core mechanisms by which cultures maintain
their identity and socialize their young remain untouched" (p. 137). Hofstede's (2001)
extensive study of the influence of culture on individuals and groups asserts that typically Through the Eyes of the Big Man 27 an individual's cultural identity is formed by the age of six. According to Shields (2002) culture plays a symbolic, yet pivotal, role in determining one's identity in that, "Cultural identities come from somewhere, have histories" (Hall, 1990 as cited in Shields, p. 235).
Leadership and identity are intimately connected (Lumby & English, 2009) continuously being co-constructed through multiple, often conflicting, realities and experiences
(Grossberg, 1996; Hall, 1996; Lawler, 2008). Renowned sociologist Stuart Hall (1996) argues that in a context characterized by continuous development and change, identities emerge "within, not outside, discourse" (Hall & Du Gay, 2008) and in Papua New
Guinea, where globalization and postcolonialism simultaneously collide and embrace, identities are understood to be both of an individual and collective nature and are
"inconceivable outside its context" (Lawler, 2008). Lawler's comment reflects Marilyn
Strathern's earlier research on kinship in Melanesia and her finding that the Melanesian identity is a composition of strong social relationships colloquially understood in Papua
New Guinea as 'wantoks'. In his discussion of hybridity as a lens through which we can theorize cultural identity, Grossberg (1996) tells us that the "postcolonial subject exists as a unique hybrid" (p. 91) balancing and oscillating amid potentially competing identities.
Finally in their discussion of globalization and educational change, Wells et al. (2005) posit that the melding of cultural tradition and global educational reform "homogenizes and fragments" (p. 43) cultural identities. The concept of fragmentation is coherent with postcolonial theory in that the postcolonial identity is a reflection of the duality of traditional assumptions and beliefs and repeated colonial discourse as originally presented by Edward Said in 1978. The potential clearly exists that identity of the contemporary Papua New Guinean educational leader is an identity in transition; Through the Eyes of the Big Man 28 multidimensional and dynamic, informed, and constructed by both interaction and integration (Lumby & English, 2009) as it responds to the multiple challenges of educational improvement in a globalized and internationalized environment.
Culture, Globalization, and International Educational Leadership
In bookshops today, either free-standing or electronic, there is an array of literature on the impact and influences of globalization and societal culture and educational leadership cultures are beginning to stand out in some of the more recent
volumes (Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Lumby, et al., 2008). Significant to many of the studies is the very real concern about the pervasive and invasive nature of the globalizing trends on societal culture in both the developed and developing world. However, germane to this investigation is awareness of the accepted "fragile and vulnerable" (Bush, et al.,
2008) nature of Small Island Developing States as it coincides with the rich diversity of
the Papua New Guinean culture and tradition.
Lumby, Crow and Pashiardis (2008) tell us that leadership development is an
"essential" (p. 2) priority for educational improvement in many countries around the
world. In his review of the changing roles of school leaders, Mulford (2003) tells us that
"evidence shows that school leaders clearly remain of crucial importance for continually
improving education" (p.5). Particularly relevant to Papua New Guinea as an emerging
nation, Leithwood and Riehl (2003) stress the importance of strong leadership in a
"frontier culture" (p. 6) and their extensive review of the research in educational
leadership reveals that "leadership matters" (p.6).
The concoction of globalization and societal change forces are perhaps fuelling a
sense of urgency in the education research community to build a greater understanding Through the Eyes of the Big Man 29 and knowledge base about cross-cultural educational leadership and, as indicated above, there are a number of studies which explore the influence of, and interrelationships between, local societal culture on education and, more particularly, educational leadership. To date, much of the cross-cultural research in education has taken place in more developed cultures such as Asia and Southern Europe and there exists a need to consider the myriad of educational issues, such as leadership, policy development, and school practices in developing nations. Gronn and Ribbins (2003) offer a more pessimistic, yet perhaps realistic perception, asserting that in today's hybrid societies,
"policy cloning and the poaching of ideas by one culture to another are a fact of history"
(p. 87).
In their review of leadership development in four small island states, Gronn and
Ribbins (2003) explore the extent of transfer of leadership assumptions and practices in the "culturally bound formative experiences" (p. 87) of thirty-five principals. The authors agree with Dimmock and Walker (1999) that much of the cross-cultural research to date has "generally glossed over the influence of national culture" (cited p.86). Their review attempted to identify precisely which culturally-embedded selection practices, including retention and promotion, were melding with more modern and Western-like leadership development models and their study confirmed the permeability of these administrative leadership practices to the specific local cultural environment. Findings from Gronn and
Ribbon's study raise the alarm that in essence, cultural diffusion, as a result of unbridled or unchecked globalizing forces, is nothing more than hegemonic "cultural predation" (p.
89). Through the Eyes of the Big Man 30
Lumby and Foskett (2008) metaphorically characterize the blending of Western cultural values and practices with existing local heritage as either a "melting pot" or a
"salad bowl" (p. 49) where leadership identities combine in the creation of a new or
"hybrid" (Gronn & Ribbins, 2003; Walker, 2007, p. 258) leadership culture. Walker adds that today's educational leaders are embroiled in a "whirlwind" (p. 257) of influences as they simultaneously cope with and negotiate reform agendas and traditional cultural values and he concludes that, given the static essence of hybrid cultures (Rizvi, 1997 cited in Walker, 2007 p. 263) successful leaders today are making sense of their role "on
the move" (p. 263).
Hallinger and Leithwood (1996) tell us that the blanket application of Western
leadership knowledge and theory does not adequately account for cultural contexts, rather
it "reflects an unwitting collusion" (p. 101) between established Western values, beliefs
and traditions about, and habitual approaches to, leadership in education. According to
Walker and Quong (1998) the reality and legacy of a 'west is best' mentality in
developing and emerging nations creates pressure for sameness in terms of educational
leadership practices "regardless of indigenous cultural influences" (as cited by Walker,
Bridges & Chan, 1996, p. 86). Researchers who have studied cross-cultural educational
leadership tell us that there is a need to continue to explore and adapt leadership
development models (Begley, 2008; Dimmock, 2002; Leithwood & Levin, 2008; Lumby
& Foskett, 2008; Macpherson & Tofighian, 2008; Walker & Dimmock, 2002b) and
conceptual frameworks that integrate "traditional and contemporary practices to avoid
conflicts and to establish [leadership] qualities that suit our situation rather than totally
'importing' ideas from outside Papua New Guinea" (Apelis, 2006 emphasis in original). Through the Eyes of the Big Man 31
Culture, Globalization, and Indigenous Educational Leadership
Dimmock and Walker (2008) argue that, although recognized as a legitimate phenomenon, there is a limited research on the interrelationship between societal culture and educational leadership and they add that given the "concomitant breadth and intricacy of the concepts" (p. 43) of leadership and culture, research to date is largely
"clouded by imperfections and contestations" (p. 43). In short, there is a general
agreement that more study is needed in the area of educational development and
improvement, including leadership practices in developing nations.
There is a need for further research on the impact of externally driven Western
educational reform agendas and the indigenous leader (Dimmock & Walker, 2008;
Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Heck & Hallinger, 1997; Lumby & English, 2008). In the
IEA, despite the societal benefits of localization for school improvement, the transition
from cultural educational practices and experiences to more modern and 'best practice'
expectations, presents a number of remarkable challenges for its educational leaders and
similar to the findings of Hallinger and Kantamara (2002) with principals in Thailand,
where well-intentioned educational reforms are met with a "tentative welcome" as their
experience suggests a misfit between the underlying beliefs and assumptions of the
modern reform and traditional cultural values. Citing earlier work by Getzels (1988) who
highlighted the interrelationship between cultural values and educational leadership,
Heck (2002) calls for continuing research on the influence of societal culture on
leadership actions and decisions believing that new learning can "illuminate previously
unnoticed aspects of school leadership, inkling the manner by which societal norms shape
and support the practice of school leaders" (p. 88). Through the Eyes of the Big Man 32
Stemming from their extensive research on cross-cultural leadership, Dimmock and Walker (2008), concurring with Hofstede's (1991,2001) seminal work on the influence and transference of cultural values, propose that societal culture works as a
"significant influence" (p. 21) mediating and filtering individual leader's thoughts and actions. Their research posits that reforms promoting 'international best practice' can, and often do, lead to tensions or dilemmas for indigenous leaders as the reforms very likely conflict with traditional values and norms. Heck and Hallinger (1997) underscore
the existence of values in acts of decision making and problem solving and Begley (2008)
tells us that a leader's ethical acts and decisions emanate from cultural values and concurs
with Walker (2007) that when confronted with a disconnect between practice and cultural
values, leaders often "revert to the safest path - blind conformity" (p. 261) in an attempt
to maintain personal balance and harmony. Bajunid's (1996) study of Malaysian educational leaders' professional and personal identity also suggests that when
responding to changes that conform to the leaders' "a priori understandings of local
realities" (p. 52), there is minimal internal strife. On the other hand, situations that
involve perceived competing values create a significant level of dissonance for individual
leader. Both Heck (2002) and Bajunid (1996) advocate for further research on school
leadership in cross-cultural contexts as it can "both broaden and deepen our
understanding of how cultural context may impact the theory and practice of school
administration" (Heck, 2002, p. 90).
Dimmock and Walker (2008) caution that we cannot underestimate the strength of
local culture as we seek to find culturally sensitive ways of integrating international ideas
and reforms, ensuring that they "respect the integrity of their indigenous cultures, while Through the Eyes of the Big Man 33 leaving room for change and development" (p. 20). Dame Pearlette Louisy (2004),
Governor General of Saint Lucia in the Caribbean openly asks why so little attention is paid to local indigenous knowledge and argues that developing nation states continue to be disadvantaged in terms of educational development due to the "gold standard of global approval" (p. 287) awarded to Western and Eurocentric agendas. The vision of leaders carefully weaving indigenous knowledge and culture into traditional Western leadership practices for the development of quality education, as defined by UNESCO, is powerful and one that has potential to support leaders as they struggle with culturally based
personal dilemmas, while at the same time, honouring one's sense of personal and
cultural integrity and identity.
In conclusion, although we can assume that the cross-cultural educational leaders
do not leave their cultural values and individual identities at their respective schoolyard
entrance gates, there is little empirical evidence articulating the scope and extent of
influence amongst the dynamic and inconstant variables of globalization, cultural values,
and personal professional identity. In an attempt to illuminate the complexities and
challenges inherent for the leader entangled in the intersecting threads of progressive
educational reform and an organizational culture characterized by ever-evolving post-
colonial discourse, we now shift our attention to the equally amorphous concept of
organizational reform and individual leader experiences.
Organizational Culture, Educational Leadership, and Change
Schein (1991, 2003) conceptualizes organizational culture as patterns of shared
basic assumptions operating within the educational organization and he asserts that
educational leaders must work to balance the understandings and expectations of societal Through the Eyes of the Big Man 34 and organizational culture. Hallinger and Leithwood's (1996) synthesis of research on culture and educational administration tells us that organizational culture is the crucible of a society's shared values and is an "overarching independent variable" (p. 106) in the educational organization. Dimmock and Walker (2008) distinguish organizational and societal culture using Hofstede's (1991) finding that organizational cultures are created as a result of professional practices rather than strongly held individual values and further, the authors remind us that such practices are most certainly "susceptible to change" (p.
11).
Organization change often means forging new ground, moving the organization towards an unfamiliar direction as a result of an external, and often mandated, catalyst.
The organization change process can be charged with intrigue, controversy and/or excitement and there is extensive research affirming that education systems and cultures are rife with tradition and, despite an abundance of quality research, the pace of educational change in schools and educational systems is dilatory (Hargreaves, 2005,
2010; Senge, 2010).
By nature, organizational cultures are organic, responsive, and adaptive to their external environment (Fullan, 2010) and their interdependent and interrelating elements can respond involuntarily to both internal and external, positive and negative, pressures and disturbances (Bransford, Mosborg, Copland, Honig, Nelson, Gawel, Phillips, & Vye,
2010; Burke, 2002; Fullan, 2010; Stoll, 2010). Both Stoll (2010) and Bransford et al.
(2010) recognize the interconnected nature of educational systems susceptible to multiple external influences and argue that effective and sustainable organizations must build the capacity to creatively respond and adapt to a continually changing context. Capacity Through the Eyes of the Big Man 35 enables all members of the educational system to "routinely learn from the world around them.. .so that they can continue on a path towards their goals in an ever-changing context" (Stoll, 2010, p. 470). Stoll extends the notion of leadership for professional community to leadership that "bridges and links" (p. 472) the organization's social capital by actively creating infinite networks and connections that stretch the learning in both vertical and horizontal directions (Stoll, 2010).
As most educational reforms sit on top of "multiple layers of social and political history" (Renee, Welner, & Oakes, 2010, p. 155) well-intended change initiatives are replete with macro and micro political agendas (Blase, 2005; Blase & Bjork, 2010). The leader's role is key to the facilitation of change within the education community as he simultaneously promotes the higher organizational goals and attends to the potential subtle and overt micropolitical agendas that very often flourish during periods of externally mandated change (Blase & Bjork, 2010). The authors call for continued
research on the influence of the historical and cultural context within the field of
micropolitical studies and education change. Leaders in developing nations such as Papua
New Guinea have the additional challenge of introducing and adapting educational
change in a cultural context that tenaciously honors and practices its traditions and
heritage in an ever-changing and globalized world.
Research underscores the importance of the leader's role in organization
educational change (Fink & Stoll, 2005; Fullan, 2010a, 2010b; Leithwood, Seashore
Louis, Wahlstrom, Anderson, Mascall & Gordon, 2010; Mulford, 2003,2010; Stoll,
2010) and identifies any number of leadership attributes for managing successful and
sustainable change. Today's globalized "whitewater environment" (Vaill, 1996 as cited in Through the Eyes of the Big Man 36
Bransford et al., 2010 p. 828) calls upon leaders to be skilled, knowledgeable, enterprising and politically astute as well as courageous, adaptive, persevering, and committed to a higher purpose (Fullan, 2010a; Hargreaves & Fink, 2003; Levin, 2010;
Mulford, 2010; Senge, 2010). In addition, facilitating and endorsing sustainable change requires leaders to develop cultures of practice that reflect "animated" (Stoll, 2010, p.
476) ways of collaborating, networking, and sharing knowledge. Similarly, Hargreaves
(2003) believes that in today's environment, "The challenge is to bring the wisdom of practice into critical dialogue with the wisdom of research" (p. 175) which works to engage and build individual and collective capacity.
Much of the literature about effective leadership for successful and sustainable educational reform underscores the value of sharing and distributing power among the organization's key stakeholders (Hargreaves, 2010; Hargreaves & Fink, 2003;
Leithwood, Seashore Louis, Wahlstrom, Anderson, Mascall & Gordon, 2010; Lumby,
2009; Mulford, 2003; 2010; Spillane, Halverson & Diamond, 2004; Stoll, 2010). In
IEA schools, a challenge exists in establishing an understanding of and commitment to
distributed leadership among the Papua New Guinean leadership cohort. Traditional
cultural assumptions about the leader as 'big man' mean that the lack of singular
decisive actions is perceived as a sign of weakness (Apelis, 2006). Local Papua New
Guinean staff and community readily accept the leader's role as decision-maker and
the leaders, cognizant of this perception, have internalized the responsibility to make
decisions and take action on behalf of the school community. However, the leaders are
aware of the value of leadership that believes in, harnesses and relies upon the
"leadership capabilities of the many rather than the few" (Mulford, 2003, p.2) and is Through the Eyes of the Big Man 37 composite of "those who cause influence" (Lumby, 2009, p. 319) in the development of a vibrant and sustainable educational community. The challenge rests in the leader's capability to develop a leadership style that is sensitive to the traditional Papua New
Guinean culture and context while supporting educational improvement throughout
the organization.
Contemporary education leaders are all too aware of the magnitude and pressure
of international educational change agendas and Stoll et al. (2003) believe that the work
leaders do to create and maintain coherence during times of organizational change is
crucial (p. 105). Gronn and Ribbins (2003) fear that a very real consequence of change
agendas stemming from unquestioned cultural diffusion may be more of a "cultural
fission" (p. 88) and cautions educational leaders to be both selective and vigilant so that
any well-intentioned change agendas do not result in "cultural contamination and loss"
(P- 89).
In their introduction of the Second International Handbook of Educational
Change, the editors foreshadow that educational leaders of the future, operating in an
"era of post-materialism and post-standardization" (Hargreaves, Lieberman, Fullan, &
Hopkins, 2010, p. xxvi) will be called upon to focus less on large scale standardized and
conformist reforms; rather they will be required to foster and embrace an environment
necessary for the cultivation of "creative and inspiring knowledge societies" (p. xxiv).
Mulford (2010) reiterates the inevitability of change accepting its pervasive presence in
the world of education today and stresses that leaders who are "contextually 'literate',
organizationally 'savvy' and leadership 'smart'" (p. 187) are the key drivers for
successful educational change and improvement. Walker (2007) cites the work of Law Through the Eyes of the Big Man 38
(2000) who describes the reciprocal nature of cultural and collective individual mental models and "linked in a perpetually evolving system" (p. 263), much like Rizvi's (1997) characterization of hybrid cultures (cited in Walker, 2007). In their study of effective leadership practices in Trinidad and Tobago, Brown and Conrad (2007), equally conscious of the debilitating influence of policy borrowing in postcolonial contexts, given that they are laden with Western knowledge and ideas, stress the importance for local educational organizational cultures to "reflect, at least to an extent, local discourses, interests and resources (p. 183). According to Brown and Conrad, local principals attribute their success to their ability, through their use of "subversive" (p. 191), creative, and collaborative methods as they established school cultures that ultimately respected the diversity of the Trinidad and Tobago context. Similarly, Hargreaves (2010) likens the wholesale endorsement of one system's educational reform to another to the
transportation of ripe fruit which he aptly advises, "does not travel well" (p. 107) and his
research indicates that change initiatives that are "interpreted intelligently within
communities of practice" (p. 115) have a greater chance of success across boundaries,
much like seeds germinating in a new host environment.
There is evidence that cross-cultural leaders are finding ways and means to
achieve a balance as they wrestle with and respond to demands for the integration of
traditional cultural norms and values into their leadership practices in an era of
globalization and internationalization (Ahnee-Benham & Napier, 2002; Bentley, 2010;
Brown & Conrad, 2007; Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Gronn & Ribbins, 2003; Hallinger,
2003; Heck, 2002b; Louis, 2010; Wells, et al., 2005). Dimmock and Walker (2008) argue
that globalization connotes "sameness" (p. 12) in that there appears to be no limit to the Through the Eyes of the Big Man 39 span of ideologies as educational systems around the world adopt policies and practices.
On the other hand, internationalization accentuates "difference and diversity" (p. 12) in an attempt to counter the homogenising and bland consequences of globalization on national cultures. Gronn and Ribbins (2003) conceptualize discussions around the dichotomy of convergence and divergence, created by the pressure of globalization on local culture, as a shift away from "cultural coagulation" (p. 90) towards a more pluralist understanding where there is "recognition of multiple paths to and through modernity,
multiple modernities and the resistance of cultural differences and identities to corrosive
globalising trends" (Wei-Ming, 2000 cited in Gronn & Ribbins, 2003, p. 90).
It would be naive, and very likely spiteful, to completely ignore and set aside
Western developed educational practice and theory (Crossley & Holmes, 2001; Dimmock
& Walker, 2008; Gronn & Ribbins, 2003). There is agreement that a fundamental
purpose of education is to develop a literate and democratic citizenry committed to social
justice (Hargreaves, et al., 2010; Mulford, 2003; Shields, 2002), regardless of geography
and research is emerging that hybrid or adaptive systems yield considerable success as
they enable local educational leaders to create organizational cultures that are respecting
and honouring of indigenous beliefs and values and enduring cultural norms (Bishop &
Glynne, 1999; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Heck, 2002; Walker, 2002). To date, the
research is limited, especially in non-developed nations and there is a need to expand the
understanding and knowledge of localized leader's experiences and realities in order to
develop greater insights and theoretical frameworks. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 40
Chapter Summary
In an exploration of leadership identity and experiences of contemporary Papua
New Guinean educational leaders, this chapter has presented a review of the research to date as it relates to the two driving elements of this investigation. First, Papua New
Guinea unquestionably presents a culturally unique and diverse environment and the Big
Man construct epitomizes the rich heritage that lies within local leadership assumptions
and practices and thus, a comprehensive understanding of historical and current day
understandings of this construct is critical. Second, the review of current and relevant
research regarding cross-cultural educational leadership as it pertains to both individual
identity and organizational culture, the discussion highlighted the myriad of complex
issues which work to challenge the local education leader in an increasing globalized
context. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 41
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
Introduction
The Papua New Guinea Big-Man (Apelis, 2006; Godelier & Strathern, 2008;
Lindstrom, 1984; Sahlins, 1963) is a well-known, yet little-reviewed, traditional leadership construct in the field of international educational research. The purpose of this research process, using a interpretative single-case study qualitative methodology was to enable contemporary local educational leaders to explore, review, clarify, and confirm their experiences as 'Big-Man' leaders in the International Education Agency of Papua
New Guinea (IEA) in hopes of uncovering how the traditional and the more Western-
oriented leadership constructs interact and ultimately influence individual leadership
beliefs and identity. In short, the findings aimed to contribute to the growing knowledge
base of culturally informed educational leadership research.
Research Questions and Propositions
The essential question framing this research was: "What is the identity of today's
educational leader in Papua New Guinea?" Related questions are:
1. In what ways is a leaders' identity influenced by traditional assumptions
and practices of leadership?
2. In what ways are leaders responding to the differing external expectations
of their leadership role?
3. In what ways are previous understandings and experiences with leadership
influencing the leaders' role? Through the Eyes of the Big Man 42
These questions were conceptualized through the use of the Venn diagram in which
Set "A" represented cultural and traditional assumptions about leadership in Papua New
Guinea (e.g. Big Man Theory) and Set "B" represented the IEA's more Western oriented leadership model (e.g. Ken Leithwood and Carolyn Riehl's 2003 Six Defensible Claims about successful school leadership or Bernard Bass's 1999 discussion of transformational leadership). Set "C" represented the findings from this investigation as they related to experiences and perceptions of leadership. Finally, the intersection of the three circles represented the possibility of the development of a unique and localized hybrid leadership identity.
PNG Big Man Leadership
IEA Western- oriented Unknown Leadership
Figure 2. Intersection of research questions
The research questions for this investigation were predicated on three theoretical propositions as generated through the literature review and discussed in Chapter Two.
Anfara and Mertz (2006) contend that sets of clearly articulated propositions can work Through the Eyes of the Big Man 43 together to contribute to the contextualization of relationships within a theory (p. xv). Yin
(2003b, 2009) advised that clearly defined propositions could serve to "direct attention to something that should be examined within the scope of the study" (Yin, 2009, p. 28). For purposes of this research, three propositions were forwarded asserting that:
1. Papua New Guinea's societal and postcolonial context does influence
leadership.
2. Big Man attributes are evident in the leaders' behavior and actions and
thinking.
3. A new 'hybrid' leadership identity is emerging in Papua New Guinea.
The above propositions were developed and served to guide the development of the
initial research questions as well as the interview questions and probes. Additionally, in
this study of the localisation experience in the IEA, the propositions were forefront in my
thinking as I was continuously analysing and interacting with the data, seeking logical
patterns and replication in hopes of generating and conceptualizing a theory regarding the
essence of the localised leaders' identity in Papua New Guinea at this point in time and
space (Patton, 2002; Yin 2003). The entire research process was iterative and ongoing as
I was continuously coding and comparing data with previously researched theoretical
understandings of the Big Man phenomenon in Papua New Guinea so that possible
pattern replications might emerge for eventual verification or rejection (Eisenheardt,
1989; Yin, 2003b).
Research Design
In many ways, this case study qualitative investigation was akin to a cultural and
anthropological study in that I was exploring human leadership behaviour: observing, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 44 interviewing and inquiring into the experiences and perceptions of contemporary Papua
New Guinean educational leaders in order to learn how these localized leaders today
were interpreting, responding to, and making sense of a current and well-intentioned
organizational initiative. Patton (2002) argued that case studies are natural and valuable
sources of data about local experiences. Yin (2003) viewed the case study approach as
particularly applicable to contemporary social phenomena and Eisenhardt (1989), in her
discussion of case study as vehicles for theory building, believed that the case study
process was especially appropriate in areas where little is known about the phenomenon.
Merriam (1998) referred to the illuminative nature of the case study in that the findings
could uncover new meanings and ultimately lead to "a rethinking of the phenomenon" (p.
30). Finally Yin advised that the case study was the method of choice when the lines of
demarcation between the phenomenon and the context were blurred. Again, the purpose
of this study was to explore the influence of a long-held traditional Big Man ideology on
Papua New Guinea educational leaders in a 21st century, more Westernized context and
the research methodology assumed a significant level of influence of this ideological
phenomenon, culturally accepted as inherent to the identity of the Papua New Guinean
leaders today.
Case Study Design
The methodology for this investigation was an interpretative single-case study
methodology. Yin (2009) rationalized the effectiveness of the single-case study in
investigating the degree of applicability and relevance of theoretical propositions. Of the
five possible rationales for a single case design, this design was revelatory in nature as it
had the potential to "uncover some prevalent phenomenon previously inaccessible to Through the Eyes of the Big Man 45 social scientists" (p. 49). Merriam (1998) noted that interpretative case studies contain
"thick description" (p. 38) an attribute that arises from the cultural anthropological work of Clifford Geertz who identified the importance of going beyond surface observations when studying cultural practices (Bailey, 1991; Malpas & Wake, 2006). Given the postcolonial context of this investigation, Merriam's suggestion that an interpretive case
study approach was well suited in situations where existing theory does not neatly fit the
phenomenon under investigation and where the researcher seeks to generate a new conceptual "typology" (p. 38) or theoretical framework.
Unit of Analysis
Both Merriam (1998) and Yin (2003) stressed the importance of clearly
identifying the unit of analysis when using the case study approach. Merriam submitted
that a viable case study is one that is has identifiable parameters and is finite; a feasible
attribute for this study as only a specified number of localised leaders exist in the IEA
organisation today. Similarly Yin (2003) identified the "unit of analysis" (p. 24) as
having distinct boundaries and characteristics and recommended the use of a single case
design when theory generation is a possibility as a result of the "replication" process (p.
47). The design of this investigation utilized multiple and embedded units of analysis
(Yin, p. 40) of modern leaders in a variety of local educational contexts within the
organization. Although this investigation primarily focused upon individual leader's
experiences in the localisation program, representative of a single case, within one
organisation, the overall resultant findings emerged as a result of comparing or
contrasting and seeking replication of the diversity of personal leadership experiences
within the organization. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 46
While preparing for this case study, it was important to keep sight of the scope of diversity within Papua New Guinea in terms of the demonstration and articulation of Big
Man leadership. For example, in the Highlands region, the Big Man was expected to be a courageous warrior contrasted to the coastal areas where he was perceived to be the keeper of local wisdom and knowledge. Given that promoted educational leaders in EEA
were representative of all regions of Papua New Guinea, the possibility existed that a
similar diversity might surface through the investigative process.
The Researcher
There is general acceptance in the research community today of the past injustices
of Western researchers within indigenous communities (Denzin, Lincoln, & Tuhiwai
Smith, 2008; Tuhiwai Smith, 1999; Swadener & Kagendo, 2008). I accepted that my
position as Western researcher could easily be defined as invasive and "disruptive"
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2008, p. 3) due to the postcolonial context of Papua New Guinea and
thus I had the responsibility of ensuring that all aspects of the research process clearly
demonstrated respect for Papua New Guinean culture and knowledge as well as
participant experiences. As researcher, respectful actions were seen as those that
maintained and nurtured reciprocal interactions and embraced "complex social norms,
behaviors, and meanings" (Tuhiwai-Smith, 2005, p. 98). Throughout the process, I
consciously self-monitored my thinking so that my research actions and words were not
representative of the destructive colonial discourse (Pagelio, 2002) typically veiled in
neutrality (Tillman, 2002); rather they were the result of the co-construction of personal
experiences and realities. The possibility of a minimal level of perceived coercion existed
for two reasons, both stemming from the postcolonial research context. First, I had been a Through the Eyes of the Big Man 47 senior officer for this particular educational organisation between the years 2005 to 2008 and I was aware that the recollection of a previous expatriate leadership position could conceivably influence the tone and the content of the interview process due to participant anxiety about being honest and forthcoming when describing personal leadership experiences or sharing individual commentary on the organization. Second, a remarkable legacy of colonialism in Papua New Guinea was the tendency for Papua New Guineans to "bai tokim long dimdim wanem samting em laik harim" which translates as "tell the white face what they wanted to hear".
Mentioned previously was my belief that over the four plus years my Papua New
Guinean colleagues and I had been able to establish a relationship characterized by professional mutual respect. Personally I had visibly worked to deepen my understanding of the Papua New Guinean culture and over the years had openly discussed a number of culturally-relevant topics including Big Man ideology, acknowledging the value of trying to learn and forge new understandings based upon our differing experiences and traditions. This research presented an opportunity for Papua New Guinean educational leaders to use their self-defined leadership experiences in order to inform future organizational direction and policy.
The Research Participant
For the field component of this inquiry purposeful non-probability sampling
(Merriam, 1998) using "information-rich" cases (Patton, 2002, p. 230) were selected based upon criteria relevant to this investigation. Initially, the criterion for participant selection was: an indigenous citizen of Papua New Guinea and three of more years of uninterrupted experience in a promotional leadership position in the IEA. The Through the Eyes of the Big Man 48 uninterrupted element was considered necessary as the researcher hypothesized and assumed that newly appointed administrators typically demonstrate a combination of optimism, enthusiasm, and perhaps naivety and thus would not be able to offer a more realistic perspective of leadership in the IEA. For the purposes of this inquiry, three or more years in one position enabled an individual to establish a presence as an educational leader in the minds of the staff, student, and wider community and thus enabled him to share rich and authentic leadership experiences within the EEA organization. In this study, the participant group of 14 Papua New Guinea citizens exemplified the regional diversity inherent to Papua New Guinea as the leaders were representative of 10 out of the 20 provinces across PNG. The participant group was composed of seven principals, five deputy principals, a project coordinator, and a director in the head office and the average years of experience in the IEA was 13 years. The years of experience as a leader either in the IEA or previously in a government run school ranged from four to 30 years and four of the 14 had less than 10 years of leadership experience. Two of the participants had completed a Masters level of education, 10 participants had received a Bachelor of
Education and two of the educational leaders had completed a recognized formal educational Diploma in Papua New Guinea. Six of the leaders received their degrees from universities off-shore.
An inductive learning process mandates researcher openness to new or
unexpected directions or opportunity and Eisenhardt (1989) identified such researcher
flexibility as "controlled opportunism in which researchers take advantage of the
uniqueness of a specific case and the emergence of new themes to improve resultant
theory" (p. 539). While conducting the interviews on-site in Papua New Guinea, I was Through the Eyes of the Big Man 49 invited to interview four of the Papua New Guinean female educational leaders in the
IEA as well as three long term expatriate organizational leaders. Although I took advantage of the opportunity and met with these individuals in hopes that insights gained from their perceptions of Big Man leadership could contribute to my understanding of the manifestation of the construct in the organization today, the research findings presented reflect solely the voices and sentiments of the 14 existing male local leader participants.
Yin (2003b) underscored the value of the case study interview and considered the interview as "an essential source of case study evidence because most case studies are about human affairs" (p. 92). This was an interpretive single-case study qualitative research investigation of contemporary Papua New Guinean educational leaders' experiences. The units of analysis were contemporary male positional educational leaders in the IEA.
Data Collection
Overview
The research process involved three face-to-face encounters: (a) an extended
open-ended interview; (b) an individual follow-up meeting to review, clarify, or expand
upon the transcript analysis; and (c) a concluding on-site focus group meeting with the
participants during which I presented the research findings and conclusions to the Papua
New Guinea leaders as a group so that they could determine how best to use this
knowledge as had been co-constructed through the research process. This reflexive and
reflective process provided a further validation of the research findings as well as
contributed to the development of the Venn diagram's Set "C"; that of identifying Through the Eyes of the Big Man 50 leadership beliefs, and practices, unique to Papua New Guinea's social, political, and economic context in the IEA today.
Pilot and Initial Contact
Yin (2003b) advised that the pilot process could provide "considerable insight
into the basic issues being studied" (p. 80). Two pilot interviews, purposely selected for
reasons of convenience in regards to geographical locale, were conducted and enabled me
to refine the logistics of my intended data collection processes, the syntax and sequence
of the interview questions, as well as my interview technique. In addition, the pilots
allowed me to review and revise, if necessary, my original propositions regarding the
underlying significance of Big Man thinking to organisational educational leaders today.
The first communication with the Papua New Guinea participants was via an
explanatory invitation email (Appendix A) in September 2010. Upon acceptance of the
invitation, appointments were set up for November 2010 in two locations in Papua New
Guinea, Port Moresby and Lae. All participants were given background information
about the purpose of the research and each completed participant Consent Form
(Appendix B). Big Man research to date suggested that there were diverse manifestations
of the leadership construct across the diverse geographical regions of Papua New Guinea.
Thus, with prior consent, participant data regarding place of origin was requested and
recorded. All participants were given the opportunity to select a pseudonym for citing
individual contributions. Two of the fourteen participants provided a pseudonym on their
consent form. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 51
The Interview Process
The extended semi-structured interview was the primary source of data for this
research. The limitations created by language and ethnicity have been previously articulated and in an effort to circumvent resultant real or perceived barriers, participants
were provided the opportunity to respond in Pidgin. Ultimately, the participant remained
at the centre of the research process and decisions regarding language were made by the
participant himself. As the researcher my task was to remain flexible, sensitive to, and
observant of the choice and use of language within the research process. In each case all
participants chose to speak in English; however there were occasions when a words or
expressions were offered in Pidgin in order to convey a localized or specific idea.
Similar to Walker's (2002, cited in Merriam, 1998) three phase interview process
of structured, semi-structured and unstructured interviews, I consciously commenced and
concluded each interview with the same question in order to ensure that certain themes,
such as personal demographics, qualification, and experience were consistently addressed
(structured). Further on in the interview, I followed a series of previously created
interview questions (Appendix C) which ensured that the significant themes were
uniformly attended to. Each question invited open-ended responses and was typically
immediately followed up with researcher paraphrasing and probes to invite further
dialogue (semi-structured). Finally, the interview evolved into more of an informal
conversation about Papua New Guinea and educational leadership assumptions and
experiences, directed by each participant (unstructured).
The qualitative research process underscores the importance of attending to
silence and Hawkins (1997 as cited in Leitch, 2006) articulated that unknown thought is Through the Eyes of the Big Man 52 communicated through symbolic expressions. Throughout the interview I carefully attended to what was and what was not said during the narrative process. Employing
Yin's (2003a) terminology, I worked hard to listen using "multiple modalities" (p. 60) in hopes of understanding beyond semantics.
Field Notes and Documentation
Field notes or 'memos' were critical to naturalistic inquiry methodology (Bailey,
1997; Merriam, 1998; Patton, 2002; Yin, 2003b). Throughout the field component of the research, I hand scripted notations as well as utilized a digital handheld audio recording device. The device was always placed in full view of the interviewee. At all times, I requested permission so that participants were aware of my actions, as recommended by
Yin (2003b) in his discussion of case study protocol (p.69).
Fourteen interviews were conducted, ten of which were held on-site in the leaders office. The remaining four were conducted in an office at the IEA headquarters. The shortest interview was 45 minutes and the longest was 90 minutes. At the conclusion of the interview, I reviewed the next steps in the research process and requested permission to take a photograph of the participant to assist with personal recalling during the data analysis.
My role as senior officer in the DEA afforded to me the opportunity to travel extensively around the country. Over a four year period I spent time in each of the country's eight major geographic regions, working alongside Papua New Guinean educators and community members. I recorded my perceptions and reflections in both a personal journal and an interactive blog and the regular review of these contributed to my
understanding of the participant responses during the data analysis process. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 53
Data Analysis and Management
Early Analysis
All was considered data; as is expected of a qualitative methodology (Patton,
2002), field notes, interview transcripts and recordings, participant reflections, researcher observations, organizational documents, and researcher reflections. Yin (2003b)
presented three principles of data collection and management which work simultaneously
to support issues of validity and reliability. One, having multiple sources of evidence,
two, setting up a case study data base, and three, keeping a chain of evidence (p. 85).
Each was applied throughout the investigative process.
Of the 21 localised leaders who met the established criteria, this single-case study
involved 14 individual IEA localised leaders. The following data was kept as evidence:
summary reports of each interview encounter, transcribed interview data, participant
observation and direct observation (i.e. office set up, artefacts), and focus group and
process documentation. These multiple sources of evidence were systematically
organised into binders and electronic folders ensuring all was easily accessible and
retrievable throughout the data analysis process.
Strategically deciding what to pay attention to and how to organise and track data
prior to beginning the research procedure can facilitate an effective analysis (Yin, 2003b).
The original proposition of this research maintained that a significant level of Big Man
identity influences today's educational leaders in the IEA. Existing research on this
localised leadership phenomenon directed my decisions regarding what can be considered
important content for analysis purposes. Detailed summary case reports (see Appendix D
for an example) were recorded and reviewed after each interview as a way of managing Through the Eyes of the Big Man 54 my initial reactions and reflections of the encounter (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The digital interview recordings were transcribed by a trained journalist who, having been educated in Papua New Guinea was acutely familiar with the tone and dialectal influences on the participant's language. The transcribing journalist was also fluent in
Melanesian Tok Pisin and was thus able to understand and contextualize the singular words or expressions that were offered in Pidgin.
Data were analysed using a cross-case analysis procedure (Yin, 2003a, 2003b) meaning that by comparing and contrasting individual summary reports and interview transcripts I attempted to uncover recurring patterns of perception and experiences so that
I could determine the extent of, or lack of, Big Man attributes and identity on contemporary local, indigenous leaders in the IEA. Twelve or more references to common experiences and perceptions as educational leaders were accepted as sufficient for the support for or rejection of any specific Big Man leadership attribute as anticipated in Proposition Two. During the analysis phase of the case reports, I provided each participant with his individual report in order to ensure accuracy and credibility of the report's content and interpretation.
Collaborative Analysis
The organization and presentation of the data was a collaborative process, meaning that participants had a lead role in the identification and clarification of emerging themes which facilitated the identification of possible replications. Interview transcripts were provided to each participant as one way to ensure internal validity and participants were given a minimum of six weeks to review the data for accuracy. A second face-to-face meeting took place in Papua New Guinea in July 2011 so that Through the Eyes of the Big Man 55 participants could clarify, expand, or confirm the data and to offer feedback regarding possible data-linked themes and conclusions. As a concluding event, I held an on-site focus group meeting with the seven of the original research participants as a group, during which I presented the research findings and conclusions to the Papua New Guinea leaders so that they could determine how best to use this knowledge as has been co- constructed through the research process (see Appendix E for Focus Group Agenda).
Challenges
Time and data management may have been my biggest challenge throughout this inquiry process as it was imperative to balance data collection with data coding, comparing, and analysing while simultaneously remaining open to "unexpected opportunities" (Yin, 2003b, p. 58). Working within and honouring cultural context was
an underlying critical thread in this investigation and one that I believed necessary to
ground and justify the any resultant findings regarding the phenomenon of Big Man
leadership ideology and participant experiences in the localisation program today. As my
research intention was to understand contemporary cross-cultural and indigenous
educational leadership identity and experiences in an international and globalised context
my continued review of relevant research during the data analysis process contributed
substantially to my understanding and ultimate theory generation.
Limitations and Rival Theory
Bailey (1997) advised that limitations refer to the conceptual and methodological
shortcomings in the qualitative study design. Renowned qualitative researchers Lincoln
and Gonzales y Gonzales (2008) highlighted that qualitative research methodologies that
integrated a participant's first language facilitated the transportation of data across culture Through the Eyes of the Big Man 56 and worked to increase a study's validity. As researcher, I was conscious of my responsibility to ensure that this research process demonstrated language integrity as well as cultural safety for the participants. The recognition of a language barrier was a significant limitation to this inquiry. There are over 800 different languages throughout
Papua New Guinea, and the localisation program included participant leaders from all parts of the country, each with his or her own indigenous way of communicating. The reality that the research was conducted in English presented a significant limitation to this study.
A second limitation, the possibility of investigator bias, originated from my previous professional relationship and the participants. The challenge presented was that the desire to maintain the relationship created the potential to take precedence over the conditions necessary for an open and honest dialogue. On the other hand, the existence of a long standing positive relationship, characterized by mutual respect, contributed to a high degree of honesty and openness that might not have occurred with a less known researcher.
Similar to anticipating limitations of a given research study, Yin (2003b) posited that identifying and testing rival theories as a strategic process during the analysis in that the researcher deliberately seeks and addresses data that have the potential to contradict or threaten the original theoretical propositions. As researcher, I recognized the existence of a real-life societal rival (Yin, 2003b, p. 113). Papua New Guinea is a small island developing nation undergoing incredible economic, political, and societal change and arguably any shift in leadership identity perceptions and experiences may be considered as inevitable and more as a result of the societal upheaval sweeping though post and neo- Through the Eyes of the Big Man 57 colonial nations (Lincoln & Denzin, 2008) in a rapidly changing technological and globally connected world. The focus of this particular research explored the level of
influence of traditional Big Man thinking on educational leaders working in a
Westernized context and could deepen the understanding of the extent of globalisation's
grasp on indigenous leadership identity in this South Pacific developing nation.
Chapter Summary
This qualitative case study investigation of the experiences and identity of 14
contemporary Papua New Guinean localized educational leader in the IEA, guided by
contextually developed propositions, sought to illuminate not only those enduring
assumptions about traditional Papua New Guinean leadership, but also any newly created
and unique leadership understandings as they may be reflected in their leadership
identity. The research incorporated three on-site and face-to-face encounters and utilized
qualitative data primarily retrieved through an in-depth and semi-structured interview
process. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 58
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH CONTEXT
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to provide information about the Papua New
Guinea context, first offering the reader with greater understanding of Papua New
Guinea's unique geographical and cultural context. Second, this chapter will present a brief, yet important, historical review of the IEA as the inaugural education organization in Papua New Guinea. Third, the chapter will provide an overview of the establishment of the IEA 'localisation' program, highlighting the political and social catalysts for the localisation initiative. The chapter will conclude with a concise explanation of the
researcher's interest and involvement with the IEA both of which prompted this research endeavour.
Papua New Guinea: A Brief History
Located just south of the equator, 100 miles north of Australia, the independent
nation of Papua New Guinea is part of a great range of mountains stretching from Asia,
through Indonesia and into the South Pacific. Papua New Guinea occupies the eastern
part of the world's second largest island. Linguistically, it is the world's most diverse
country, with more than 800 languages (about a third of the world's recognized
indigenous languages) throughout the 600 islands, four regions and 20 provinces. It is
also one of the most rural, as less than 20% of its people live in urban areas. Furthermore,
Papua New Guinea is also considered one of the least explored places left on earth and
many undiscovered species of plants and animals are thought to exist in Papua New
Guinea's highlands and dense tropical rainforests. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 59
Thought to have been populated by migrant people who traversed an existing land bridge from Asia 50,000 years ago, Papua New Guinea is inhabited in both coastal and highland regions with diverse and thriving populations. In the isolated mountainous interior of Papua New Guinea today, there remain a number of rural based populations and tribes who have little contact with the Western world and are predominantly self- subsistent. For example, the Highlands in the interior of the New Guinea island developed one of the earliest known managed agricultural systems around 7,000 years ago which today is recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage site http://whc .unesco.org/en/list/887.
Traders from Asia and later explorers from Europe exchanged goods and cultural
mores over the centuries, including significant missionary engagement around the coastal
settlements. This external contact culminated in colonization by Britain, Germany, and
the Dutch in the Western portion of the island of New Guinea. Following World War One
Australia was declared the protecting power over the regions previously under Britain
and Germany and the combined territory became known as Papua New Guinea in 1945.
Papua New Guinea attained independence from Australia in 1975 that non-Papua New
Guinean observers describe as a "process more like decolonization from above than
anticolonial struggle from below" (Foster, 2002, p. 10).
The United Nations 2010 International Human Development Indicators report that
Papua New Guinea has a population of over six and a half million, a life expectancy of
just over 60 years, an infant mortality rate of 69 per every 1000 births and a 30 percent
HIV prevalence rate in the female population
http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/PNG.html. In 2002 Papua New Guinea's Through the Eyes of the Big Man 60 expenditure on public education was just over 11 percent of the country's Gross National
Product (GNP). Papua New Guinea has an adult literacy level of 59 percent and although the country does not have a legal guarantee to free public education, approximately 75
percent of children between the ages of seven to 12 are enrolled in some kind of primary education whereas little more than 20 percent are enrolled in secondary education http://www.unesco.org/education/GMR2006/full/annex2_eng.pdf.
Papua New Guinea is known for an abundance of natural resources but the rugged
terrain, in addition to conflicts over land ownership combined with significant law and
order issues, makes it difficult to maximize the potential of these resources. Oil, gold, and copper make up three quarters of the nation's exports and there is a substantial coffee industry as well as cocoa, oil palm, and tea.
Tourism is a viable resource for Papua New Guinea as the country is considered
one the best diving destinations in the world and its magnificent coral reefs are amongst
the healthiest in the globe. Colourful and vibrant cultural shows and markets are also a
major attraction, as are trekking sites such as the world famous Kokoda Track. However,
a lack of investment in infrastructure and facilities coupled with elements of violent
crime remain a major problem and thus tourism is not as successful as in other
neighbouring pacific islands such as Fiji or Samoa.
The National Geographic holds that Papua New Guinea offers one of the world's
least explored terrains and, although the country boasts immense biodiversity, containing
between five and 10 per cent of the total species on the planet, there remain any number
of unique and unidentified plant species in the more remote and as yet, unexplored, areas
http://travel.nationalgeographic.com/travel/countries/papua-new-guinea-guide/. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 61
Politically, Papua New Guinea is a part of the British Commonwealth and enjoys very close ties with Australia, as well as many countries in Asia, particularly China.
Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries Papua New Guinea offered fertile territory to missionary efforts to the extent that Christianity is perceived to be part of the country's traditional and cultural heritage (Foster, 2002). In light of this, it is perhaps not surprising the one of Peter O'Neill's first acts as incumbent Prime Minister in August 2011 was to introduce a controversial Repentance Day, a national holiday meant for prayer and reflection.
The International Education Agency of Papua New Guinea4
Early Organization
Prior to Independence in 1975, the Australian Government had operated a number
of schools throughout the Papua colony and New Guinea Protectorate specifically to
provide an Australian standard of education to expatriate students and a small number of
Papua New Guinean children whose parents held senior administrative or political
positions. Upon Independence the newly created Papua New Guinea Government
determined that it could no longer continue to fund these schools and those students
attending them would need to pay fees. The International Education Agency of Papua
New Guinea (IEA) was established in 1977 to administer the fee collection and represent
the interests of these newly independent schools.
The IEA is a not-for-profit organization, owned and operated by an elected Board
of Governors, and operates private schools in 21 communities in 20 provinces of Papua
4 The researcher acknowledges the assistance of G Whiddon in the preparation of this section Through the Eyes of the Big Man 62
New Guinea. Currently, within the IEA, the school clientele is primarily Papua New
Guinean and 95% of the teaching positions and all of the non-teaching positions are
Papua New Guinean citizens. Prior to 1998, all leadership, including school principal and deputy principal and organization head office leadership staff positions were held by expatriates. Today, as result of localisation, Papua New Guineans hold 33 of 50 school based educational leadership positions and five of ten head office administrative positions; a total representing 66 per cent of the leadership positions in the IEA.
Localisation in the IEA
Prior to 1991 the IEA schools operated with entirely expatriate teaching staff drawn predominately from Australia and New Zealand and the schools continued to enrol a majority of expatriate students. However, the Papua New Guinea Government, perhaps in response to internal as well as international pressure to create and protect jobs for
Papua New Guinea citizens, introduced a process of rapid localization of many middle management positions in both the public and private sectors. As a result of the migration of expatriates from Papua New Guinea, the population of expatriate students fell steadily and the enrolment in IEA schools became predominately children of the emerging Papua
New Guinean middle class. Statistically, at Independence in 1975,15 per cent of students in what were to become IEA schools were Papua New Guineans and by 1990 the Papua
New Guinean student population had risen to 50 per cent.
In 1989 and 1990 two issues contrived to force rapid changes in the way in which the IEA operated. The first of these was the complete collapse of the province of
Bougainville into civil war. Bougainville, one of Papua New Guinea's 20 provinces and home of the massive Panguna copper mine, was a powerful contributor of the Papua New Through the Eyes of the Big Man 63
Guinea economy. However the local Bougainville population, convinced that they were receiving little benefit from the mine, launched a program of terrorism and guerrilla attacks on the mining operation. After considerable conflict, including some high profile murders, the mine was closed and the Papua New Guinea army began a lengthy fight with local landowners. This conflict destroyed the economy and infrastructure of the
Bougainville province. At that time over 20 per cent of the EEA's enrolment attended the four schools in Bougainville and the loss of these schools had a considerable negative impact on the IEA's financial situation.
Second, and more significant, was the loss of Government revenue from the
Bougainville mine which occurred at the same time as the world economy was reeling from the aftermath of the 1987 recession and the sharp rise in oil prices resulting from the
First Gulf War. Since Independence in 1975 the Papua New Guinea Government had maintained the value of the local currency (the Kina) at a high level and in 1990 the
World Bank insisted that the Papua New Guinea currency be floated; an action which led to a period of significant devaluation of the local currency, the Kina. Not surprisingly, the remuneration of expatriate teachers rapidly eroded and it became increasingly difficult to recruit and retain expatriate professionals.
What followed was a brief period of reverse engineering during which the IEA
Board determined that it needed to introduce Papua New Guinea teaching staff as their salaries could be based on those paid to teachers in local Government schools as well as to respond to the increasing Papua New Guinea student enrolment. In addition, the DEA localisation of Papua New Guinean educators could enable greater understanding of the local community, create and provide positive role models for local students, and facilitate Through the Eyes of the Big Man 64 the development of a curriculum relevant to the needs of Papua New Guinea. As noble as the above sentiments were, the reality was that unless the IEA could dramatically reduce school operating costs, many schools would be forced to close.
In 1992, while under the leadership of an expatriate principal, Gordon
International School in Port Moresby, the nation's capital, replaced its entire staff with
Papua New Guinean teachers. The IEA entered into an agreement with the Queensland
University of Technology in Brisbane, Australia, to enrol all Gordon's teachers as external students in its Bachelor of Education program and a permanent expatriate training officer was also appointed to the school. In 1993 Coronation School in Lae,
Papua New Guinea's second largest city, was transformed to the same model. At the end of each school year and in an effort to facilitate and promote the localisation, the
organization deployed teachers from these schools to other IEA schools throughout the
country. Consequently, the localization program in the IEA organization quickly
flourished. As mentioned previously, today 95 percent of the IEA student, staff, and head
office personnel are Papua New Guinean.
Papua New Guinea: A Postcolonial Context
In his study of leadership in the Department of Education in Papua New Guinea,
Pagelio (2002) argued that Papua New Guinea is a "colonial construct" (p. 26) and
colonisation's insidious influence "extends well beyond Independence" (p. 14) and
continues to shape Papua New Guinean language, culture, and education. Pagelio
submitted that Papua New Guinea is both a postcolonial (Loomba, 2005) and neo-
colonial (Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 2000) nation state in that previously established
oppressive patterns of colonial behaviour, especially in the administrative and Through the Eyes of the Big Man 65 bureaucratic leadership paradigms, are maintained and/or re-created among Papua New
Guinea's elite. According to Pagelio, two factors contributed to the persistent presence of colonial attitudes and assumptions. First, early colonizers considered Papua New
Guineans as ignorant, primitive, and lazy and, disregarding the existence of any administrative or social structures, the colonial administrators imposed European policies and practices which inherently vested authority and power in the hands of the colonizer and, more significantly, in the eyes and minds of the colonized Papua New Guinean citizens. Emanating from Edward Said's 1978 conceptualization of postcolonial discourse analysis where the erroneous and oppressive assumptions about the identity of the colonized become accepted knowledge among the colonized people, these "negatively constructed colonial discourses" (p. 28) continued to legitimize colonial-like leadership behaviours and attitudes in Papua New Guinean administrative institutions today. The second contributing factor, from Pagelio's perspective, to the ubiquitous nature of colonial attitudes in Papua New Guinea today was the result of Papua New Guinea's relatively low-key and peaceful pathway to Independence (Foster, 2002,1995; Jacobsen,
1995).
At Independence, Papua New Guinea inherited established Australian administrative and bureaucratic structures (Pagelio, 2002); however hindsight illustrated that the legacy of this Trojan Horse - laden with hegemonic colonial discourse beliefs effectively served to privilege the new Papua New Guinean political, economic, and social elite and disenfranchise the local citizens (Jacobsen, 1995). Pagelio added that this internalized colonial belief continued to be fuelled by numerous international nation- Through the Eyes of the Big Man 66 building development [sic] projects and effectively contributed to the neo-colonial nature of Papua New Guinea today.
The Researcher: An Adventure Begins
Imagine for a moment the following scene. A middle age, single 'empty nest'
woman, enjoying a coffee on a bright Sunday mid-January morning in sub-zero
Saskatchewan comes across an advertisement in the national paper for a senior education leadership position in Papua New Guinea. A few emails.. .a phone call...an interview.. .a big decision...and an adventure begins.
After accepting a position as a Consulting Principal, I arrived in Papua New
Guinea in late January 2005. My job was to work alongside IEA principals and deputy
principals as a leadership coach and mentor focusing upon local leadership development
in response to the organization's school improvement agenda. For the next four years, I
worked closely with the Papua New Guinea school principals and staff members. The Big
Man as leader was often in the local news in addition to being a point of frequent
discussion at organizational leadership forums. I became intrigued about how Papua New
Guinean leaders were melding or fusing their traditional experiences and assumptions
about leadership with the organization's expectations of an effective educational leader,
primarily based upon Kenneth Leithwood and Carolyn Riehl's Six Defensible Claims
about School Leadership (Leithwood & Reihl, 2003) I immersed myself in cross-cultural
leadership literature (Ahnee-Benham & Napier, 2002; Begley, 2002; Dimmock, 2002;
Dimmock & Walker, 2002, 2008; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Heck, 2002b; Hofstede,
1991, 2001; Jansen, 2007; Lumby, et al., 2008; Walker, 2002; Walker & Dimmock,
2002a, 2002b). Through the Eyes of the Big Man 67
In January 2006 I enrolled in the University Of Calgary Doctorate Of Education
Leadership Program and from that point onwards, I became engrossed in learning about the Papua New Guinea Big Man and how the local school leaders were adapting and/or adjusting and ultimately making sense of their new role as principals in a largely
Western-oriented educational organization.
Although my contract with the IEA ended in January 2009 and my career has taken me to another continent, my interest, communication with, and commitment to my
Papua New Guinea wantoks continues.
Chapter Summary
Given Papua New Guinea's geographic, demographic, political, and social diversity as researcher, I believe it is helpful to have at least a fundamental understanding of the various significant current and historical aspects as they relate to the investigation.
In their discussion about the challenges of educational research in small island developing states, Crossley and Holmes (2001) note that such investigations must consider the interrelationship between enduring local and demanding global realities in order to ensure that the research is "generated and grounded in local, social, political and cultural contexts" (p. 396) and this chapter has attempted to shed light on a number of the contextual issues considered relevant to the research investigation. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 68
CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH FINDINGS
Introduction
The purpose of this investigation was to explore and give voice to the experiences of localised Papua New Guinean educational leaders working in a modernized and
predominantly Westernized organization. More specifically, the study aimed to uncover
the extent to which assumptions about traditional leadership, such as the Big Man
construct (Allen, 1984; Clay, 1992; Godelier, 1991; Godelier & Strathern, 2008; Liep,
2008; Lindstrom, 1984; Roscoe, 1988,2000; Sahlins, 1963; Standish, 1978; Strathern,
1993; Wagner, 2008) are influencing modern leadership practices in a Papua New Guinea
educational organization today. Anthropological studies of Melanesian culture and
custom attributed a number of unique characteristics to local leadership practices and
many of these were highlighted in the interviews and follow-up focus group sessions with
14 contemporary indigenous Papua New Guinean educational leaders.
Four substantive themes emerged as enduring legacies of traditional and cultural
leadership during the study and this chapter presents each of the themes as they recurred
in the participant's dialogue and discusses the extent to which each of these beliefs about
personal leadership today have their genesis in traditional Papua New Guinea leadership
models, be it 'Big Man' or 'chief. Subsequent and less frequently referenced leadership
themes are briefly presented at the end of the chapter as, although not recurring, these
voices cannot be ignored as they contribute to and extend the research on the influence of
traditional culture and educational leadership development (Dimmock, 2002; Hallinger &
Leithwood, 1996; Walker, 2007). Through the Eyes of the Big Man 69
This chapter first presents the participant's current understandings and perceptions of the Big Man as a leadership construct in Papua New Guinea.
Subsequently, the four themes of: a) respect; b) influence and power; c) obligation and loyalty; and d) opportunism and ambition are addressed as they illustrate the current perspective on the participant's understandings and experiences with the leadership role and expectations in both the Papua New Guinea society and the IEA. The qualitative nature of this case study demands that the themes be presented as authentic or characteristic of Gilbert Ryle's 'thick description' (as cited in Geertz, 1973) and represent not only the narrative, but also the contextual nuances observed during the encounters.
It is important to recognize that leadership beliefs and assumptions for each of the participants, as local leaders in the BEA, are undergoing varying degrees of transition or transformation. The participants, for the most part, are recognized leaders in their local communities, tribes, or clans and naturally have some clearly established beliefs about the manifestation of their localized leadership role. Additionally, by virtue of their IEA leadership position, each of the 14 participants acknowledges this to merit some degree of status and influence in their respective local communities. In short, for participants not previously considered local leaders, the reality of their appointment as educational leader in a recognized Western or modern educational system now makes it so.
Philosophically, IE A expectations for leaders' actions and behaviour can be considered Eurocentric in that they are founded in Western researched 'best practice' which is comparatively unique from traditional patterns of leadership in Melanesia as discussed in Chapter Two. The following thematic discussions account for the leader's transitional state by presenting findings of his personal beliefs about traditional Big Man Through the Eyes of the Big Man 70 leadership followed by a review of how the leader may or may not be adapting, extending, or fusing these beliefs with a modernized IEA context. The thematic discussions will conclude with a reflection as to how the participant's perceptions might be an illumination on the creation of a truer and authentic localised Papua New Guinean educational leadership style.
Defining the Big Man
Papua New Guinea is known for its rich cultural and geographic diversity. In
terms of leadership, depictions of Big Men leaders in the Highlands differ from those of
the islands of Manus and New Ireland or the Autonomous Region of Bougainville.
However, regardless of province of origin, each of the participants underscores the
strength of the connection between the Big Man and recognized leadership status. In
Papua New Guinea, status as a Big Man leader can be earned as well as deserved; most
commonly for abundant wealth, for wives, pigs and/or possessions, for traditional and
spiritual knowledge and expertise, for accomplishments, and for generosity.
In the Highlands, traditional Big Man leaders can be recognized because they
have an abundance of tangible possessions (e.g. wives, pigs, land, and money). For
example, when describing his grandfather, Clement stated,
My grandfather had five wives. He was a leader simply because he had
pigs and they [the community] saw that he was a warrior, and also that he
was able to talk and you know, solve disputes and lead people. So even
though he had five wives.. .he built houses for each of those women.
That's how he became a leader, in the traditional sense. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 71
Les, a senior principal among the group, expanded on the requisite traditional elements for a Big Man in Papua New Guinea.
In Papua New Guinea, probably wealth; you've got lots of pigs, maybe
lots of wives, lots of children, you know, that's sort of the 'big man'
status. That's true in some parts of PNG, especially up in the Highlands,
you've got to have a lot of possessions to be big.
Vincent distinguished among traditional Big Man orientations,
The big men in the village are, let's say there are three types. Three kinds
in my village I would say. One is a person who can host feasts and can
invite other villages to come and people will say, "He's a big man."
Second person is a person who, what do you call it, hereditary, been
passed on. That person can be very quiet, but people in that area know that
that he is the chief. The third person is someone with knowledge of the
traditions. Other villagers will need him to go and teach them a particular
step in a dance or a ritual, that person knows he's the only person that
knows what to do.
Walter, a principal from the coastal province of Madang described a juxtaposition of spiritual and material elements when considering traditional leadership,
There is no written document. It's all passed through souls, patterns on
Kundu drums, patterns on house and building, the way your house is built.
The Chiefs house is the biggest in the village; it's the closest accessible
by road.. .if you have a lot of pigs, your house is built that way - you're a
leader. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 72
Walter continued by sharing his understanding of Big Man leadership,
I think the big man is just an attitude. I classify that as an attitude. It
doesn't portray the real action of the person. It's just an attitude. It can be
passed down from generations.. .from region to region it changes. From
where I come from it's not so much the person that holds it, but it's the
way the people perceive the person, that's what I see.
In many communities, the Big Man leader is the holder of both local knowledge
and expertise. Joseph described relationship between Big Man leadership and local
knowledge as he explained why his younger brother was now the recognized chief of his
clan in New Ireland.
I turned it down because I don't have the knowledge. I don't have the
knowledge of what's been happening. My brother who is behind me - he
knows everything; he knows every piece of land in where we come from -
who owns that land, that sort of thing. And he knows a lot of traditional
stuff in the village, yeah. To be a chief in the village, you must know who
has helped in the village and that means nearly all the feasts during
funerals, you must be the one relative's tie [link] because a lot of things
are mentioned there and I was scared because I might make a mistake.
Raphael did not readily subscribe to one single definitive notion of the traditional Big
Man in Papua New Guinea.
I think we're going through a number of phases in terms of growth in
PNG... because in PNG leadership there are many different leadership Through the Eyes of the Big Man 73
styles. You go to the Niugini islands...the Niugini islands... and let's not
forget, 'big women' too.
In addition, Raphael suspected that the Big Man was a leadership construct attributed to
Papua New Guinea leaders by Western researchers.
So I tend to believe that big man leadership is more influenced from the
80's and 70's where how they [outsiders] saw people and they thought that
being a big man you should be like this and have so many wives
(laughter) and I tell you what you should do and you do what I tell you
and we have this hierarchy and I sit on this top platform.
However, Raphael's later nonchalant reference to the Big Man as a leader did
acknowledge the pervasive existence of the ideology in local communities today.
So I think there is, like anywhere in the world, we are also trying to go
through this period of change and whoever emerges and whoever
impresses us, we try and model that style of leadership. When it works, it
works. If you're in the village and you want to be a big man you want to
get everybody going then you be the Big Man and they'll all follow you.
In contrast, Jerry believed in the traditional roots for the Big Man as local leader in Papua
New Guinea,
Let me go back to the big man concept in the village. I would say in the
traditional days before Westernization came into traditional areas, like
mine, big men are the ones who make decisions. They're the ones who see
that the decision making process takes place; they enforce the rules in the
village and another interesting aspect is they are the ones who would Through the Eyes of the Big Man 74
marry two or more women, many children and- big men, they also have
wealth, land, livestock; whatever goes with the title. So that's how they
get the title of Big Man.
During the follow-up focus group meeting in July 2011, when presented with the above definitions of the Papua New Guinea Big Man, the participants reiterated the essence and defining characteristic of the Big Man as a respected, powerful, and influential leader. Focus group participants also concurred with the existence of multiple iterations of the Big Man throughout Papua New Guinea acknowledging that in some areas, such as the Highlands, the Big Man is a great warrior whereas in other provinces such as Gulf or the Autonomous Region of Bougainville, men of prominence can be
known as Big Men, Centre Men, Paramount Man, or Chief; each with his unique area of expertise.
Having provided participant conceptualizations of the Papua New Guinea Big
Man construct, the discussion now turns to the unfolding of the four major themes as they
resonated in the research process.
Respect
There was an overwhelming connection between the Big Man in Papua New
Guinea and respect. When considering the Big Man, each participant, without hesitation,
equated his perceptions about Papua New Guinea Big Man with the concept of respect.
Joe commented that respect was fundamental to any notion of traditional Big Man, "Big
man is someone with respect.. .the leader of the clan... the leader of the tribe.. .someone
that we respect. We listen to that person. There's lot of respect for them...traditionally". Through the Eyes of the Big Man 75
Traditional Assumptions
The acknowledgment of affording respect to Big Men exists throughout Papua
New Guinea and the notion has many layers. In Papua New Guinea, leaders can command unquestioned or absolute respect because of their status as a Big Man or the respect can be predicated on the leader's seniority in the family, community, or organization. As example, Joshua's perception of Big Man leadership stemmed from his coastal village experiences and he believed that respect was concomitant to the Big Man as a valued leader in the community. Joshua explained, "So if I have to line it up with
PNG concept of leadership, it ties it down with Big Man - respect. In the village, everyone would listen to the big man talk."
Joseph explained the traditional importance of actively respecting the recognized leaders in his community,
.. .in my society, it tells me that when big people are talking you sit down
and listen, you know, those sort of things and only if they ask questions
you provide feedback or if they ask about opinion... otherwise you are
sitting down there and listening to them, and that's our.... the kids cannot
come in, or teenagers cannot just come in and sit down and just say what
he or she wants to say... you have to listen, when they ask, ok. We call it
sarak in our language and it means you're not paying respect to, so those
are some of the things.
Respect can take the guise of reverence in that participants' comments reflect considerable deference to locally recognized Big Men. Barry described growing up in the community where his grandfather was the chief of the clan. He explained, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 76
Everybody looked up at him as the leader of the clan and it's sort of
passed down. And even now ...people still look at us as we are the ones
that should, you know, lead them into changes that are happening and in
order to do that we have to, you know, talk to the people and explain stuff.
In many instances, comments about respect were quickly qualified or elaborated with a reference to senior members of the community. For many of the participants, one's status as an elder leader was deserving of uncontested or absolute respect. Joe explained that traditionally in Papua New Guinea,
The respect comes basically as you get older in the society; you are seen to
be, you are respected because of age, and so therefore if anyone gets into a
leadership position you are also given that respect regardless of whether
you are doing the right thing or not, but you are respected for what you
are.
During the concluding focus group meeting and during individual follow-up encounters, both Joshua and Raphael remarked that traditionally, the respect shown to
Big Man was a passive, almost deferential act but noted that today they sense that people are more cautious and calculating in according respect to defined leaders. Raphael
accredited this to the fact that people were likely frustrated as a result of multiple past
experiences of being let down and their disenchantment was evidenced in the withdrawal
of acts of respect to local leaders such as politicians. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 77
Contemporary Experiences
Regardless of catalyst, respect for leadership continued to be embedded into the experiences of the IEA leader participants. Peter described the respect he held for his first principal,
I grew up with the big man mentality .. .the principal, as the big man of the
place... it's very, very difficult for us to go and talk to him, in a sense that,
by his position, we respect him for what he is.
Even today, respect continued to be associated with leadership in Papua New Guinea.
Both Jerry and Vincent shared their discomfort with what they perceived to be overt deferential respect at school. Vincent explained,
From my teachers, they respect me too much, I don't know. Say if I stand
at the door when they're talking they bring a chair, and sometimes I say,
"No it's alright I can stand!" ... But if I am at school and people from my
village come and see me it is different really when they come to my house
and that type of respect, sometimes I just feel really embarrassed. I say,
"Come on, swear at me or something!" Sometimes I feel really
embarrassed being respected too much.
As a deputy principal, Jerry was aware that his leadership position could be perceived as a Big Man and thus deserving of respect. He clarified,
I don't see leaders in the IEA being branded as 'big men', I think that
respect underlies, and I sometimes see it in the school too, here. Simple
things like, you go into the staff room and the chair you sit on, it's meant
for you... That goes to show that sort of respect that they have for big Through the Eyes of the Big Man 78
men, but really what I see I think what I see in IEA, that respect is there.
Because, we are leaders, principals or DP's or whatever leadership role we
have in IEA, that respect is there.
Similarly, Barry was conscious that there are elements of Big Man thinking evident in his relationships with his staff and he stated,
Barry: It's just that we are now more aware that big man philosophy
doesn't play a big role in an institution like this. We are all aware of that.
That doesn't mean it doesn't happen sometimes. It does happen. It
happens with staff members, ancillary staff - when you ask them, when
you call a meeting with them, or when you ask for their suggestions and so
on, you'll see that it happens.
Jane: What happens, what do you see?
Barry: I see them treating me like a big man. They give me priorities.
They see me...they expect me to, you know like, maybe have a say on this,
have a say on that, access to whatever and so on. Just like any villager
would want his chief or his leader to have privileges or, you know, have
power and stuff like that. It happens, it exists in their head.
Acts of respect were also evident in the IEA as an organization as a community of
educational leaders. For example, Peter explained the respect that exists within the IEA
leadership group itself,
We always admit there are senior people in the group who we look up to.
We show the respect that they deserve. So, while we are all leaders among Through the Eyes of the Big Man 79
that particular group we still have people in there who we owe a lot of
respect to.
Walter shared his perception that the notion of respect was well established within the
Papua New Guinea leadership group in the IEA,
When we come and meet together in one, it automatically comes in; it
plays by itself... .like we would know the person that we are going to
[respect], the person who we consider as our senior person....Trevor, when
he sits with us we automatically put him into the big man; with Les, it just
works automatically and you will see. If there is a thanking message at the
end of any function, you will see our eyes will move towards those two
people.
For the IEA leaders, managing the traditional assumptions about respect for elders with the organizational expectations of school principals or directors could present a personal challenge. Joshua was open about his unease, as a deputy principal, when dealing with a senior colleague,
I have some staff...colleagues...who have been on the job more years than
me and for most of them they see me as a young person working with
them so the big challenge for me, looking at it from the PNG context, you
know we have the big man, the respect that we have for the elders, and
unfortunately if I have a colleague who is older than me named and I have
to deal with it... that's a very uncomfortable. Like I said, at times, I try to
tell myself, "This is a job I have to do; I'm still rendered to do it." But on
the other hand, I know that there will be repercussions about how I will be Through the Eyes of the Big Man 80
seen by the community in respect to this particular teacher who is
probably older than me in age so I am really trying to work on that.
Barry presented an interesting anecdote of the interplay of leadership, respect, and Papua
New Guinea culture as he reflected,
Let people see leaders as important people and what, they're important...
Let's not brush aside all those little things that make up a big man
philosophy, but try to adopt some things that are good from there, you
know; respect, especially respect. Look, [the principal] doesn't get the
respect he deserves in the way I see it, because some teachers already
think that everybody's equal and they can talk in certain ways to leaders
and so on... .1 just feel that if they are more respectful, I believe we can go
a long way, you know, we can really get things done. Lack of respect is
like maybe sending an e-mail or questioning a decision, really... all these
kinds of things. That is... it's more or less like a challenge or something,
uncertainty, or lack of respect on leaders, why he wants to do that and so
on and so forth.
Community Experiences
Demonstrations of respect for an IEA leader extended beyond the school and EEA
community and often were evident in the local community. Just as actions of respect
were reflected in the IEA environment, respective acknowledgements and attitudes were
evident in the local communities arising from the leaders' status as an educated and
recognized leader in the IEA. Bruce clearly articulated the significance of respectful acts
as an educational leader in Papua New Guinea communities. Through the Eyes of the Big Man
If there is a funeral, you are the big man, you must show face, out of
respect. You not showing up there will echo down the line that these
people are just not really concerned about us. So you have responsibility
you have to fall into and satisfy those obligations like as an IEA principal.
Walter explained, "In the village, when I go home because of my proper educational background, they will look up to me as a leader." Similarly, Vincent described his experiences when at home in the village,
Every time I go home during Christmas I have villagers just line up, they
say, "Ok this Sunday come and talk to us about Education and the IEA."
They will be like, "What is it different from what we are doing?" So, yes,
there's respect there.
Jerry also believed that respect for leadership transcends time and context when he described the reality of one of his leader colleagues,
There is respect for the position [leadership]. If Vincent goes to his
village, that will be his respect for him as a person, within his family, as a
big man, maybe more like both and also respect for his position [principal]
within the village.
Not surprisingly, there are boundaries or limits to demonstrations of respect.
Kelvin believed that respect is acknowledged today only to those leaders who are from the same province or local community and he asserted that today's workplace environment does not facilitate traditional practices towards Big Men.
If you come into a principal's role, no one knows that you're a big man in
your place unless people who know you will talk about it. People who Through the Eyes of the Big Man 82
know you will give you that same level of respect, but if I don't know you
I won't give you that same level of respect. I will only give you the same
level of respect as a colleague or as a manager in an institution, because
you're a principal... It's in the eyes of the beholder, you can' tell who's a
big man, not the way they dress, but you can tell sometimes the way they
address themselves or their presence and then you ask, "Em mus one pela
bigman ya?" [He must be a Big Man, right?] And then only people will
tell you that, but you can't do a research on somebody and say, "Em
bigman bio ples."[He is a Big Man in his own village] So we'll give him
the same level of respect in this particular setting... In my own personal
opinion, I view everybody as whether you're a big man or not in your
village, in the work place, you can't use those influences. You can only do
that to the people you know, that are from your area.
Current Perceptions
In contrast to the frequent refrain of respect in the participant interview, the attribute of respect as a necessary and significant leadership trait was not identified by any of the focus group participants and similarly the concept did not surface throughout the group discussion. When queried about this remarkable difference or absence, participants acknowledged the historical, more passive, and almost deferential nature of acts of respect, whereas today they are of the belief that respect for leadership today is to be earned. However, it was a consensus among the focus group participants that today it is the Papua New Guinea leader's duty to actively show respect for traditional and cultural protocols, such as having a presence at a local community meeting. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 83
A number of today's IEA leaders recognized the need to actively seek out and establish a middle ground solution when conflating issues of respect and leadership at an organizational level. For example, while reflecting on perceptions of Big Man leadership with his staff, Barry stated,
But, like I said, I mean, this is an institution where we are all aware that
big man philosophy has to be... there has to be a bit of space between that
and the new type of atmosphere that we are building... where this Big
man philosophy.. .it's like putting it on the other side and we wear a
different hat. We put on this new philosophy of thinking where
everybody's equal, it's been happening around here and when we go back
home we go back to our big man philosophy and so on.
Later in the discussion, Barry reiterated the reality of balancing two leadership mindsets,
This big man philosophy exists but it's not fully utilized or something,
because of the changes we are in, you know. Now I am aware that I can't
be a big man in this office here, in this school, I have to respect people
next to me and so on. But when I go back to my house, I think it applies a
little bit in my house because that's my castle.
However, as evident in Vincent's comments as he reflected upon his promotion to the organization's Senior Executive, the association of respect for the leadership position is alive and well.
The smaller school principals for example they really respect me now.
When I was a DP [Deputy Principal] meeting them and they would say,
"Hey, where you going?" But now they will see me like, "Hey, be careful Through the Eyes of the Big Man 84
what you say." Even like, I'm on the Senior Executive, so whatever they
say is; you have to be really careful what we say because now I am more
closer to directors and senior people here.
Joshua cautioned that, unless Papua New Guinea leaders are attentive, the traditional overt demonstration of respect for the Big Man could produce negative results,
Even though you do things wrong, they [staff members] will not have the
guts to come and tell you it's wrong, because of the respect. They wear the
big man concept and people respect you so much you think you're doing
things right; but you are not... [it is] detrimental to the system. You will
corrupt the system, because nobody's talking. Everybody is agreeing with
what you're saying because you're a big man to them. That is where the
system fails, because, you've got people to work here who'll give you that
respect, they will say nothing about things that you're doing wrong.
Finally Jerry acknowledged that respect for the elders remained paramount when he
reflected upon a leadership characteristic that he believed today's local Papua New
Guinea leaders want to maintain, "One would be respect for elders, respect for others,
adults."
Influence and Power
Traditional Assumptions
The synonymous nature of leadership to notions of influence and power was
commonly accepted and assumptions of today's Papua New Guinea leaders were no
exception. Research on local Papua New Guinea custom and culture aligns Big Man
leadership to a man of influence (Roscoe, 2000) and/or individuals with varying Through the Eyes of the Big Man 85 dimensions of political and social power (Lamour, 1997). For purposes of this discussion, these two nominal attributes of influence and power were repeatedly referenced through the leaders' comments about the extent to which their expertise, possessions, actions, or charismatic personality, could exercise influence on organizational decision and direction. Just as there is evidence of an inextricable connection between Big Man and
respect, participants were united in their belief that to be a Big Man in Papua New
Guinea was to have an elevated degree of influence and power. Joe, a senior leader in the
organization stated,
I see leadership as having a lot of influence in a cultural perspective
because as soon as you are seen as a leader within your cultural context
then you have a lot of influence; it means that anything you say it becomes
law; it becomes what people have to follow. So with the cultural aspect I
think that's the biggest thing.
Les concurred,
In a traditional context, in a PNG context they [Big Men] probably have a
big role in ceremonial activities, they are quite influential; they can
influence leadership ...the fact that they are a chief or big man in this
particular village, they might have 100 or 200 extended families and what
they say is quite influential. If it's a political thing they can sway this
number this way or that way. People look upon them as their big man or
leader in their village or clan context.
When considering the influence of traditional assumptions about leadership to the
leadership role in the community, Bruce added, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 86
.. .it does have some bearing when we, as principals, move into schools
our ancillary staff and our parents see us in that context as well. So
sometimes they expect certain things which you have to do, such as, let's
say Independence celebrations you have, you've gotta do something,
you've gotta kill three pigs or a cow, because you are the big man and
you've got to give and to do anything less is an insult.
While reflecting upon local reception to an established IE A principal leader, Vincent described his perception of the influence that the position holds,
Oh, the boats were out and they greeted us and during the two weeks they
didn't have to do anything. Food was provided every day... I think it
[leadership] does hold some influence too because if you are a leader and
you hold a high position in the IEA, you're expected to do the same as you
would do in a village.
Clement, a principal from the Papua New Guinea Highlands region underscored the reality of possessions and a Big Man leader's perceived power in a traditional sense.
He remarked,
It's the way they look at the wealth, wealth is another thing. Like I said -
women and then pigs. In the Highland's way, as a leader, that was the
wealthiest: pigs, being a warrior, and woman.
Peter shared his understanding of the traditional Big Man leader as a powerful single authority within the local community. He added,
It is a big man's mentality where, you know, "I am the leader and you
people do what I say and you have no right to question whether what I'm Through the Eyes of the Big Man
doing is right or is wrong. You just have to do what I say because that is
what I believe in".
Influence and Power Through Action
Leaders, both current and traditional, are action-oriented. Jerry described his school-based leadership role today as having roots in his upbringing,
I have seen myself as a leader through me doing things taking the lead
basically, using initiative, assisting others, other college teachers, being
there for them when they need help... I guess it goes back to the family
upbringing from where I come from; traditionally my family is such that I
would inherit the leadership role in the family after my father. So it's more
like natural sort of upbringing for me. I play that leadership role within my
own family and so when I come into the work place that sort of care
exists.
Similarly, Les shared the influence of his upbringing on his leadership actions today,
I think the other thing about being looked up on at Manus -1 am quite
generous and that kind of mentality, it's not because I wanted to buy
favor, it's just that my own upbringing somewhat prepared me to be
generous, you know, because we share a lot of things if you come from,
sort of, very isolated island communities. You really cannot be selfish.
Vincent's shared his knowledge about Les' leadership at the local level,
In the village I think people describe him as the 'King'. He's very good in
the village I've heard that he helps everyone in the village that's why he's
won respect. His father had a good leadership; they are a line of leaders. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 88
However Les was more pragmatic when acknowledging his perceived status in the community.
I think people look upon me with some respect because for some people
they feel that I have had opportunities and transformed the school to be
something else and people see that, not only in one school but in two
schools.
During the concluding focus group, when asked to identify four out of 22 possible choices of Big Man characteristics as important attributes to their leadership in the IEA today, six of the eight participants identified decisive as a necessary leadership trait. In their minds, decisiveness equates with having the capability to influence others or issues and fundamentally, to get things done. Focus group participants shared their perception that making decisions is a leadership responsibility and staff and community members expect them, as designated leaders, to make any and all decisions. According to the focus group, anything less would be considered characteristic of a weak and ineffectual leader in Papua New Guinea.
Not only through his decisions can a Big Man manifest power, but also through his actions; either blatantly self-serving or unconsciously selfless and generous. In addition to their image as fearless warriors, by custom, Big Men are renowned for their skills as mediators, problem solvers, and sometimes visionaries. For example, Joe talked about his role as a local mediator and problem solver,
[I] take part in any discussions, leadership discussions. Generally they will
come to me and ask me for my opinions. If there's any dispute then we
will all sit down and try to settle. They tend to sort of look up to me, cause Through the Eyes of the Big Man 89
I'm the first born in my family, first born male... you are looked up upon
and you have a good status, good standing in the village and people
appreciate what you say. Especially when families get together to solve
disputes, they listen and hear what you say.
Joshua, a hereditary chief in his own right, described his grandfather's ability to foresee the future and thus influence the future for his clan and perceived the value in cultivating this skill as a leader,
So when I talk about vision and all this, they [father and grandfather] had
it. Someone talked about the sea wall building; you know the sea wall,
stones and everything...that was mentioned 20 years back then. So my
grandfather mentioned about that, you know like, "Hey listen! I have a
feeling that the island is going to lose all its sand and the sand will be
moved to another area; so in order to avoid that you may need to put stone
walls." And people though it was a crazy idea. My father thought it was,
"Oh, why is he thinking about that?" But it's happening now. Before my
father passed away he said, "Granddad mentioned about the worry of the
sand, now there's no more sand." They're thinking - like it's a vision... I
shouldn't just be talking about tomorrow; I should be looking five or 10
years down the line. So that's one of the things that I took on board from
them, that I thought was real good in terms of working towards being a
good, I guess, better leader.
In July 2011, focus group participants shared their perception that a leader's ability to be a visionary and a tactful strategist were two sides of the same coin. The Through the Eyes of the Big Man 90 group members stressed the importance for educational leaders in the IEA to be both practical and purposeful as they carried out their assigned leadership duties.
Influence and Power Through Expertise
Research participants were forthcoming in their understanding about the importance of having specialized knowledge or demonstrating expertise to leadership in
Papua New Guinea. Amplifying the voices of the participants, recognition and acceptance of a Big Man leader's knowledge and expertise is as significant today as it was perceived to be in the past. Similar to the Big Man's traditional role of sharing his specialized knowledge, three of the senior principals acknowledged that they are often called upon by their colleagues,
I'm quite firm with them, but it doesn't seem to stop it they continue to
call me about anything, but I'm very, very mindful of my role. I'm not
charged to give principal's advice on any of these matters but I can see
some of my experience and knowledge that I have developed over the
years in certain aspects of the job and they seem to find it quite easy to
talk to me but I'm also careful of what I say to them.. .Like I'm not
offended in the fact I'm being referred to as a big man; big man in the
sense that I have quite a world of experience. This is my 30th year; that's
quite a world of experience and I feel I can, sort of, offer that sort of
experience to people.
Raphael shared his perception of his status as a senior principal in the DEA,
I think, in PNG there's also one thing that Papua New Guineans think and
in the younger generations it's fading away a bit, but the older principals Through the Eyes of the Big Man 91
they will tell you that if I'm older here, I have seniority! (laughter)
There's some kind of fatherly figure that they see me as at the IEA... they
see me as someone who they can come to for advice and I give them
advice so and that's not only from this school but from others as well.
Finally, Vincent acknowledged the reality and benefit of his leadership status,
I guess that's the way I see them asking us. It's our school setting, they
[colleagues] value our opinions; they say, "What do you think should
happen there?" That's the way I see they value our comments. Like
Raphael, three of us. I feel really proud like, the three of us are there and
we talk and handle things about PNG.
Similar to the previous theme of respect, many of the participants, as recognized
IEA educational leaders, were acknowledged at the local level for their educational
expertise. Barry compared this current local response to how his grandfather was valued,
I mean at this time now, they look at education because I have that bit of
education on me. They will listen to me when I talk to them. If I say, "We
have to change this mindset, um... we have to do this, we have to do
that..." they listen to me... In the past they would look up to my
grandfather. He's a strong guy. He can lead us. He's a fearless warrior.
But now they look at me as education. He's an educated person. He
can...maybe he can bring something, then he has made some changes in
the village
Similarly, Vincent shared the perceived value of his influence as a recognized leader, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 92
I had been invited by my own school, primary school, where I finished my
grade 6, to be the Master of Ceremonies and every time I go home during
Christmas I have villagers just lined up, they say, "Ok, this Sunday come
and talk to us about Education and the IEA." They will be like, "What is it
different from what we are doing?" So, yes, there's respect there. In our
area they call them the Member, which is a councillor of that area and I've
been lined up already for this Christmas. To go and talk to the villagers
about education, what is the importance of education, how will they treat
their children?
Walter accepted that his knowledge and expertise were valued attributes at home,
In the village, when I go home because of my proper educational
background, they will look up to me as a leader. In the village there's, I
think, five doctors, two pilots and about five or six teachers, in our
generation. They all look up to us, when we go home about six or seven of
us together, there is no one higher...
Joshua believed that his leadership experiences in the IEA would make a valuable contribution to his leadership when he returns to take his chair as a local Chief. He stated,
"What I'm learning in the IEA schools with my teachers and everything, I know that whatever is working good, probably I'll translate it in another context when I'm back at home". Clement was confident that his position as a recognized educational leader bestowed a level of influence and power in his local community.
.. .if I go back to the village.. .they look at me as a leader in education;
they're looking at somebody who is working, employed and so Through the Eyes of the Big Man 93
forth.. .even if I go back to the village, the person who's got two or three
wives, or he's got money, or whatever, or pigs, in the village, when I go -
that person is going to listen to me.
While reflecting on the potential fusion of traditional and modern assumptions about leadership, Joseph, an acknowledged Big Man at home, described the conflict he experiences,
It's a conflict in the sense that there I'm respected by the people in the
village and here somebody's trying to tell me that this is what I have to
do! In terms of, not actually the content of what to do but more in terms of
attitude or, "You should try and do this", you know that sort of thing. It is
a conflict in a sense. As I said I'm a little up in the village. I'm used to
people asking me and I give advice, that sort of thing. But you have to
adapt to it. I've realised that within the first two years with the IE A that
this is different from home. So you have to adapt to it. It's a really big
paradigm shift. While I'm here at IEA College now and when I go home
to the village...it's totally different.
According to experiences of a number of the participants, leadership influence at the local community level not only emanated from their personal attributes of knowledge and expertise but also arose as a result of some less than appealing, yet quite modern, dimensions of leadership today. For example, Kelvin reflected on his reception as a Big
Man when he returns to his village,
Today, I'm referred to as a big man because I'm able to provide some kind
of, I can do charity. It's all monetary. If I'm able to give to the Through the Eyes of the Big Man 94
community, if I'm able to give to community initiatives, the church, I will
be seen as a big man.
Joe also shared his experiences as generous benefactor when he visits his village every year, "When we go home they expect us to spend more, at home. So, you go home every year, it drains you out". Jerry was also aware of the changing nature of leadership influence today. He succinctly stated, "The Big Man idea is more commercialized where it's money that is doing most of the talking now. I have money in my pocket, I am big
man and I make decision and everybody else follows". Later on Jerry expanded on this
perception by adding that,
...true leadership that came with respect, traditionally it's hereditary.. .is
slowly fading away or in many cultures has faded away and now that we
have these modern leaders coming through; and one other thing too that
makes them have a lot of power is the knowledge. Now that I've gone
through school, to university I have a lot of knowledge than those leaders
back then, so I can easily influence people. Two, amount of money I have
in my pocket and my bank accounts. Three, number of women I want to
marry. Four, how many cars and boats I have. So this is the modern leader
I'm referring to as opposed to that traditional leadership practice back in
those days.
Les was more philosophical about the potential for the more mercenary aspects of
leadership to influence local communities. He stated,
That's the reason why this country is heading into chaos because they're
appointing people not by merit, but these are the people who are their Through the Eyes of the Big Man 95
'cronies', you know, they have to look after them. Those decisions are
definitely not informed by this notion of big man culture. By my
understanding it's more driven by greed and corruption. It may be true in
most cases but you just look at the paper and the fights they're having with
this appointment and the fights they're having there.
Regardless of resources or motive, a Big Man's unique personal essence, charisma, or aura can work to exert or cultivate their influence as a leader. Kelvin observed that, "It's in the eyes of the beholder. You can tell who's a big man, not the way they dress, but you can tell sometimes the way they address themselves or their presence and then you ask, 'Em mus one pela bigman ya?'". Similarly, Walter shared his experiences as someone with leadership influence,
If I go down to the soccer field, I'll be sitting there and listening, and
probably because of my physical build, and because of the way I dress,
and because of my community involvement, they will say, "Give this
person a chance to speak." Probably, in that way, that will define
leadership.
Without question, IEA leaders perceived leadership in Papua New Guinea as a position that carried both influence and power at the school, the organization, and the community level.
Obligation and Loyalty
Papua New Guineans are often characterized by their overt sense of commitment or obligation to the familial members of their local tribe or clan, commonly known as wantoks. In Papua New Guinea today loyalty for one's wantoks is as powerful as ever Through the Eyes of the Big Man 96 and public reports of wantokism, as catalyst for tribal warfare or compensation challenges, are common. Similarly well accepted and subscribed is the traditional obligation between the Papua New Guinea Big Man and his wantoks; however, more modern times are presenting challenges or tensions and dilemmas for Papua New Guinea
Big Men as they attempt to balance or find a fit between their deep rooted obligatory commitment to wantoks and the demands and expectations of an external organizational unit, such as the IEA. This thematic discussion will present participant understandings, reflections, and experiences of their responsibilities and obligations as localised leaders in their communities and the IEA.
Traditional Assumptions
As is evident in the previous theme, there was evidence that these local leaders were finding their own way to make sense or balance these multiple responsibilities or obligations. The leaders' commitment and feeling of responsibility for wantoks was a well-established aspect of Papua New Guinea culture and heritage as Peter openly described,
They may have their own cultural leadership styles that they bring along
and secondly they would have their rich talents that they have, they
contribute, and thirdly the fact that they are able to use this concept of
wantokism that we have here...
Clement shared how his sense of wantok loyalty originated from his Highland roots,
The culture, tradition, how people behave, attitude, how we eat, how we
live; for example, going for a funeral. One of the people in our school
committee dies - attend a funeral, contribute - these are things that binds Through the Eyes of the Big Man 97
people together from the Highlands. When there's a celebration to do, eat
together, stay together, let people know what you are doing - it's all
openness, and that's part and parcel of the Highlands region.
Les reflected on the powerful influence of his local upbringing to his sense of responsibility for wantoks,
It's just that my own upbringing somewhat prepared me to be generous,
you know, because we share a lot of things if you come from, sort of, very
isolated island communities.
Primarily as a result of the extensive social and economic growth and urban migration that has recently defined Papua New Guinea's development, definitions, and understandings of wantok responsibility now extended beyond tribal filial commitments to national colleagues and even the organization. As example, Jerry believed that the traditional expectations of leadership significantly influenced his motivation as a school- based leader,
I guess it goes back to the family upbringing from where I come from;
traditionally my family is such that I would inherit the leadership role in
the family after my father. So it's more like natural sort of upbringing for
me. I play that leadership role within my own family and so when I come
into the work place that sort of care exists. I'm sitting in my office but I'm
thinking, "What are the others doing out there? What's going on and
what's going to go wrong at any time?" So when the principal asks for
anything to do, I'm always there. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 98
Contemporary Experiences and Challenges
From a different perspective, Barry experienced this transference of expectations for wantok commitment to his school based leadership role and he shares,
Expectation of the staff members here is almost the same as expectation of
my folks back at home. At home they look more at me leading into
changes, leading development and changes and they have this thought that
I'm one of those guys that will be leading us, you know. Here as well, the
staff members here they see me as he's the person that will lead us into the
next step further. It's the same expectation.
Today, IEA localised leaders recognized the importance of extending loyalty to colleagues as well as family members as Walter explained,
Leadership has come to a plateau and we are now looking left and looking
right and looking forward and turning and looking back and saying, "How
do we back each other now" and "how do we continue that road in the
leadership as well as how do we get the system going and continue to find
a way?"
Bruce reflected upon the challenges of achieving a balance of both IEA and wantok obligations.
There are pressures, particularly if you're working in your own region,
like the wantok system if not carefully watched can be able to work
against you when you're employing your relatives as ancillary staff or
people from your area as teachers, you've got to watch that that's not Through the Eyes of the Big Man 99
working against you. But also, once you're in another place like I'm
working in the Highlands, it's a different political arena, so they can try
influence you or they can cast you out as a non-Western Highlander, non-
Hagen person.
For many of the participants there were times when a leader experienced conflicted loyalties. A number of the IEA leaders identified the challenge of adhering to and implementing organizational policy. As a senior officer in the IEA, Joe L. was aware of the tension with which local school principals are confronted. He explained,
When a person is in a principal's position, they expect the principals to
address some of their own personal family issues. Like for example if a
teacher has some family problem, he/she will expect the principal to
understand that... So it makes life a bit difficult when it comes to those of
us who have to police policies, we make sure that if we have to say yes,
then say yes, but in line with policy, that type of thing... So in order for us
to lead and manage effectively, we have to know our environment, we
have to deal with it, but we have to deal with it through what is required
by the organisation's through policies and regulations, all this type of
thing.
Kelvin, one of the first Papua New Guinean principal in the IEA described the pressure he initially felt from his wantoks, "I felt a lot of that pressure as well, but I saw it in many of my colleagues who succumb to pressure and couldn't handle it and you know, like, they had so many problems". Clement, a recently appointed principal in the IEA described the situation at his school: Through the Eyes of the Big Man 100
There are certain decisions that you make, or I make, that they will not
want. But then that's the instructions that you have to follow which comes
directly from the bosses, and in a way, they would not like it but
sometimes that pressure is coming from the top and I have no choice...left
with no choice. You talk about school fees for example; I have no choice
but to suspend kids and all kinds of things like this. It's a difficult, difficult
situation.
Vincent shared his personal challenge of having to terminate a long-time family friend,
We like got on together and do things like have drinks, those kinds of
things and I had to terminate that person because he did something wrong
against company policy. I had to do it in a way to make the person feel
that I am not against him personally, it was just policy.
Barry too experienced divided loyalties as he tried to negotiate the demands of wantoks with organizational demands,
...there are times where we have to, you know like, our decisions are
being affected, influenced by our teacher's needs and our teacher's wants
and all that. Cases of like culture where, you know, we look after
ourselves, you know, we live in extended family where um, there's more
than one, not our immediate family but extended family coming to live
with us and the IEA. The school policy says, "No, we can't have more
than five people in those houses." But then, we have Papua New
Guineans, more than five, six, seven people living in there and, ah, I mean
it's my job is to make sure that the school policy is being, you know, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 101
adhered to so I find it really hard to say to tell them, say, "Look, you have
to tell those people to go".
The IEA is a not-for-profit organization, fully funded by fee paying enrolments.
Joe described the conflict and challenge he experienced as a local school principal,
.. .the pressure if parents owe you school fees, you have to collect so you
are in a bit of a pressure to talk to the parents. Even sending children
home; it's a lot of pressure. You really don't want to do that but you've
got to.. .It is very difficult. You will end up having your good clients; they
won't smile at you when you walk up to them and bump into them in a
store. It's very challenging.
Both Joe and Vincent work hard to distinguish between responsibility to organizational
policy and loyalty to wantoks. When asked how they coped with the challenge, Joe
admitted that he could,
Put on a brave face I guess. Basically, they are friends. Professionally all
the children are our own, but personally I've got nothing against you,
you're a friend.
Vincent shared his perspective,
I had to do it in a way to make the person feel that I am not against him
personally, it was just policy. That's why policies are very important and I
point out that this is what it is, this is what will be happening and you are
aware that our friendship is still there. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 102
Finding a Balance
A number of IEA leaders were conscious of the need to find a workable balance between policy and cultural expectations. For example Raphael considered the need to establish and maintain a balance,
I'm also very mindful, as a Papua New Guinean in terms of the culture
setting, that I am in and who I work with, that's very important. I'm also,
as a Papua New Guinean, as you will see at Gordon I work with Papua
New Guineans so I'm sensitive to their needs... I think the biggest
challenge is to make sure there is some balance between not being too
friendly and what needs to be done.
In a similar vein, Joe felt confident in his ability to successfully manage policy related challenges and he remarked,
I sort of balance it out first and hear from the other side. At home, it's
more communal where everybody discusses certain issues, it's not just
listening to one side and jumping on board, and I don't think that's the
way to do it. So if I hear form Christine [staff member], I've got to go
back and listen to the other teacher, or the students, or call in a parent. It's
working for me!
As a senior leader in the IEA central office, Joe L. was aware of the dilemmas
arising from the potential conflict between traditional cultural and modern organizational
values that were confronting the localized school-based leaders and he advocated a
degree of flexibility, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 103
One thing we must not forget is that regardless of cultures, like our own
different cultures that we come from... the traditional culture we come
from and our policies and guidelines and the culture of this organisation
really blends that well. I know along the way we have to solve this... Let's
say a teacher has death in the family. The principal will understand that
the teacher will need to attend to the family and have given time off. Now
the time off is the critical part here where time off would be an emergency
of three days. In PNG culture three days is not really the frame of time you
need for that. You have to go for five days or possibly more than that. So a
principal can handle that well by asking us if we can be able to approve an
extra two days on that.
Les was candid about the conflict that embroiled him as the principal's representative to the organization's Board of Directors,
So I find myself sometimes getting caught in, and sometimes feeling I
don't know whether I am really discharging my responsibilities as a
principal's rep or being restricted by policies that restricts confidentiality
of information until people who are authorised to disseminate that
information pass it on.
Achieving the balance between organizational and cultural obligations varies. Joe
L. believed that there were instances where,
We have principals currently, our own PNG principals, who do not 'walk
the talk'; they do not sit down and discuss issues with their teachers. The
'big man' mentality where I'm the boss is there, I say, "You follow!" You Through the Eyes of the Big Man 104
know what I mean? That causes hindrance; in fact some of our principals
who are not successful today is really because of that. Where they think
I'm in the big ship, I say, "You follow my orders. Your needs are
secondary issues to them. Sorry, secondary to what my thinking is, and
what I say." So that's where a lot of our principals who have fallen a bit in
their performance is really because of that.
As example, Peter recognized the challenges and admitted that at times he assumed a less than collaborative approach as a modern school based leader,
You have staff problems, you know, problems among staff, very big
problems among staff. I find it very difficult but I just have to do it and I
have to just lay the law down and speak it in uncertain terms. Because I
find it is a way of bringing people and making people more focused on
what we're about. It's not about individualising... When I'm dealing with
those particular problems I have to take that stand. After it's all sorted out,
everything is smooth sailing again.
Joe S. characterized the pressure he feels to uphold policy as, "At work, you've gotta do it and there are other people behind you, pushing you. 'Gotta do it, gotta do it.'". Jerry was more reflective,
I've got some of these experiences that sort of put me in a situation where
I'm like, "Hang on - how do we do this in a PNG context; solving a
problem or making a decision and how does this fit in with the DEA
expectation?" Through the Eyes of the Big Man 105
When reflecting upon some of the greater challenges confronting his leadership, Vincent worried about his capability to fulfil IEA policy expectations and recognized the need to learn new leadership approaches,
Personally, it would be tasks given from IEA to me for me to do. I wonder
whether I can do them properly. Some of the things like problem solving,
for example, how do I go about making sure I have proper procedures to
terminate the staff? Another task would be to be aware of the policies of
the organisation. So anything I need to do I say, "Hey, I need to go to the
booklet and check first because I could be doing something that's outside
the organisation policy".
As a leader balancing DEA and Papua New Guinean cultural expectations, Barry strives to
negotiate a compromise,
I try to make, negotiate with both sides, you know. I try to talk to the
teachers that, "This is policy and we are all educated enough to understand
what policy is and it should be. We should comply with it." On the other
hand I try to talk to the principal to the school that we need time, to give
me some time to get this thing sorted out.. .it's a matter of working,
negotiating with both sides and then resolve the issue, yeah. So usually
when I ask for time I say, "Look, I can't get them just now but you give
me two days or three days." Then I go back to the other end and say,
"Look, you can stay for now, maybe tomorrow, but the next day, all those
people will have to go". Through the Eyes of the Big Man 106
When considering both cultural and organizational expectations, Barry, Raphael and Jerry all identified flexibility as the key to successful IEA policy implementation.
Barry shared his point of view and offered a suggestion,
They don't have to change the policy to suit those people out there but
maybe a bit flexible, and yeah, I think flexibility will allow both sides to
be happier. I don't think we should change the policies. The policy is
good. It should stay. But you have to be a bit more flexible, a bit more not
that strict on certain issues only, not all issues, but certain issues especially
with families and stuff, we have to be a bit more flexible there.
Jerry called for both flexibility and compromise when working with diverse cultures in the organization,
I guess, it's to do with flexibility, although there's policy there I think it's
more flexible and less respect for individual culture and so I would think
whilst the policy is there, I guess, to some extent, in its application it's
more human and people want to respect for other's cultures.
Finally Raphael assumed a pragmatic stance and argued for the creation of organizational and school-based policies that responded to the unique needs and demands of the staff members without compromising the school,
I think...some of those policies have to be re-written. You have to think
about those policies and re-write those policies because they're not very
workable. At the end of the day you want to have a fair go to the teachers
and employees that are there but at the same time you want to make sure
that they're happy. As more and more teachers become Papua New Through the Eyes of the Big Man 107
Guineans, they need to make specific policies that suit Papua New
Guineans at the same time be mindful about productivity (laughter) and
also be sensitive to culture... what I'm saying is that give them [principals]
the opportunity - the freedom to make decisions on issues that are perhaps
culturally sensitive because they will understand what... being Papua New
Guineans they should know.. .as long as they are driven by what's in the
school and what's best for the school.
Obligation, Loyalty, and Reciprocity
The concepts of reciprocity and responsibility emerged as a subset within this
theme of loyalty and obligation. Traditionally, the loyalty and obligation of the Papua
New Guinea Big Man and his wantoks was often described as a reciprocal and mutually beneficial relationship characterized by both tangible and intangible exchanges. Peter described this,
In the big man mentality where I come from is that when I ask you for
something, that's when you will help me. If I don't ask you for anything,
you won't give it to me. Like, let me try [and] explain it a little bit more. If
I, in my tribe, there are things that my big man will give me but he will
only give me when he sees that I am very, very committed, I do my best to
work hard, do what he wants. Like, for instance, I might be going to the
bush and fetching firewood all the time for him and that's hard work and
I've never failed him, every time, even if it's raining, even if I'm hungry I
still go and make sure that he has firewood all the time, all the time. Now
he will give me something that is worth a lot in terms of our own heritage. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 108
He will say, "Because you have done this to me as a mark of appreciation
I will give you this".
Les also acknowledged the traditional understanding of reciprocity,
You really cannot be selfish, if I could use that word, because people
know that there will be times when you will probably need their
help.. .they know that sometimes there will come a time when you will
need help. If you close your hands all the time you will expect people to
be reluctant to come to you for assistance.
Joseph also reflected on the inherent and traditional nature of generosity and reciprocity,
But now, my relatives in town here, if they want anything done, obviously
they ask for me so there's a feeling like I'm a Big Man...it's been that
people asking and it's just something within our culture that we have to
help each other. But I've been treated differently at home to be honest. It's
just because I help other people and I help my relatives very well so they
look to me as a, "You know we need to look after him as well." .. .To be
honest, there's people at home that think that I'm a big man because of the
feeling of sport in PNG and because I am working with the IEA, which is
renowned in education at home and because of the small projects I did at
home for the people.
Assumptions about the reciprocal nature of the relationship between the local leaders and the IEA were characterized through numerous participant perceptions of the importance of reciprocal obligation and loyalty. As an example, Les offered a clear understanding of his commitment to the IEA organization and he shared, Through the Eyes of the Big Man
[Principals] know their loyalty lies with head office if they're employed
by the IEA to manage those schools. Sometimes school boards don't care
and they want to put the pressure on the principal, to lean on him and the
principal says, "No, I'm the agent of the IEA. I'm here to.. .and if you
don't accept that I'm sorry, but my allegiance is with Steve Mead" and
they just want to know if Steve will support them if they take that stand.
Peter's recount of the reciprocal element to the employee/employer relationship was reminiscent of traditional assumptions of Melanesian Big Man leadership.
Now, in a work situation like what we're doing here in IEA we're dealing
with our own principals here, it's my commitment to my job, doing what
is required of me, that will make the big man see that, "Oh, this particular
person, when things needed to be done, he's always there and he does
them to the quality, the standard that the organisation wants, he's always
there." So, then I believe you see my rewards as, if I ask, if my contract is
up for instance and I apply for it, they'll give it to me. If I ask for a favor
within the organisation itself, it'll be given to me. Not because I'm bribing
him for something, it's just it's part of me telling what I have to do that's
within my responsibility areas, I need to be committed to them and to do
that, so that the boss sees that I'm faithful to all of these things, he may
reward me when I ask him if I could go there or if I could be that or...
yeah.. .1 always find that because of my loyalty and the number of years
I've served the IEA and the different places I've served the IEA in, I've
always found that IEA has been very, very good to me, in the sense that Through the Eyes of the Big Man 110
when I request for something they have looking at the type of service that
I have been giving the IEA and they will say yes to me.
Similarly Walter accepted the reciprocal nature of his position in the organization and he shared,
From a teacher's level to a principal's level, I can see the benefits that's
coming; that's my hard work I've done and that's the benefit I get. The
happiest thing is I served in an agency that I've been loyal to and they can
see what they think that I can put out into the community, and portray the
company's image in the community, so, and I'm enjoying that.
Again, Raphael offered a pragmatic perspective,
If you want people to work for the school, you have to make them feel
happy, especially when they're in their worst times when they need help
and if you help them, they will do anything that you want when they come
back to work.
Finally Vincent shared his thoughts on the reality of recognizing and rewarding perceived effective leadership,
That's how I see it from a Papua New Guinean in the EEA. I think we have
to. Papua New Guineans must go out of their way to show the leadership
really, to be really trusted like, "Oh, this person is doing really well. I
think the person deserves..." I saw it from the way I came through,
without any teacher qualifications. I would've been asked to leave long
time but I have shown that yes I can do this, if you ask me to do something
I'll do that. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 111
Bruce was optimistic that his promotion to the 1EA Head Office would benefit his colleagues,
My coming here, hopefully next year has also echoed a number of
positives from Lae, POM [Port Moresby] and around the country, that you
have served as a teacher in a government school for a number of years
then coming into IEA and so you know the journeys which we are
travelling translating from state the government and our entitlements, our
terms and conditions and when you speak you can at least make aware our
issues and the background of why we're making such requests.
Joshua acknowledged that overt expressions of loyalty cloaked in traditional reciprocal
exchanges have no place in today's workplace,
When they try to compromise that [leadership] with culture, it will not
make things work well. Like for instance, the notion of nepotism as an
example. If someone goes in, non-bias, purely to work on that particular
role he or she has been tasked with, that'll be good. But once they start
applying their cultural background.. .1 don't think will be to the best of the
IEA, it'll be more a less like, self-centred. The decisions they will make
will not be to the best of the IEA. It may look like, but deep in, how
they're thinking, they probably got another mindset. I'm just being open
about it because I know that the cultural background really plays a big role
in a Papua New Guinean. But if over time people see that this person is
non-biased, they will just do what is right and that'll be it. Like for
instance, here in the school, if I was non-biased [biased] I could have Through the Eyes of the Big Man 112
employed all my rellies [relatives]; I could've made a decision that would
benefit me, but I see that it's not right. I'd rather do what is right and make
sure that we keep above the expected standard of the school.
Focus group participants shared their perceptions about the interplay of obligation
and reciprocity. They offered a number of examples, such as leave management or
resource allocation, during which feelings of obligation generated the necessity of
compensation or a mutually beneficial exchange. The participants distinguished between
the attributes of responsibility and obligation. Responsibility, as a leadership characteristic, was a valued trait for today's educational leaders whereas, obligation carried a burdensome connotation and was not deemed as helpful to successful leaders in
the EEA.
Opportunism and Ambition
Traditional Gifts
Loyalty to Papua New Guinea culture was a recurring phrase among the interview
participants. As Papua New Guineans, the participants were as passionate in their
commitment to their culture as they were in their loyalty to wantoks. The current Papua
New Guinean IEA leaders accepted the profound influence of the culture on their
leadership beliefs and practices. As an example, experiences as an international athlete
and as a coach reinforced for Joseph the powerful link between local Papua New Guinean
culture and leadership success.
You know the people and the culture and it's very important that you
know to deal with people. It's very important because, I was making a
comparison with people with the PNG rugby league team, and every time Through the Eyes of the Big Man 113
we are coached by an outside person, we've never won a game, but when
we are coached by a Papua New Guinean, we've won
games...internationally. So there is a cultural, strong cultural barrier there
in how you deal with people and that sort of thing.
In addition, when reflecting upon the gifts he brings as a Papua New Guinean leader,
Barry commented,
I think the gift we bring is we're Papua New Guinean. This is our country,
we know the people, we know the culture. So, yeah, I think that's the gift
we bring. We are people who, we would like to learn. We know we are a
developing country and there is lots to learn out there and we are eager to
learn. But IEA is in PNG, so it's good that a Papua New Guinean be
leaders in there because then we know who we are. We know our way
around the system. I believe that's a gift we bring.
Raphael expanded on the powerful bond that culture holds,
... because they are culturally Papua New Guinean in terms of where they
come from, their roots and how they are brought up in their own settings.
They are also influenced from within their own cultural, local and tribal
influences that other dimension for leadership. I'm still trying to work out,
see PNG has so many cultures, so many diverse cultures, but there are
certain elements that do shine out depending on who they are and where
they come from - different regions or cultural settings and of course their
own educational background. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 114
Joshua was keenly aware of the powerful influence of the Big Man culture in Papua New
Guinea,
The big man concept is something that's embedded in anyone's culture
wherever we come from in PNG. It is seen as something that somebody
who is inherited that power of a big man. Like it's mandatory that they do
whatever they think is right.
Joshua added that there were circumstances when traditional assumptions needed to be
challenged and, if necessary, set aside.
Now if I have to look at the big man and the Western culture that we're
going through in terms of education, I believe that you do not have to
make decisions every time and always consider the big man. You don't
have to do it because it is already there. You'll be fighting it. You really
should be thinking, how we should avoid the big man concept that's
already embedded in you. It's not a matter of choosing to include the big
man. No, it is already in you and you should be thinking that, in order for
me to be not to be biased, I should not include that. I guess it depends on
what you're really looking at. If a situation warrants you to think, "Yes I
should pull in bits from the big man concept. " Do it, but if it's something
that you think it'll be detrimental to a decision, then put a lid on it, stop it
from happening.
Barry was more succinct as he considered the challenges of balancing traditional and
modern ways of leading and he commented, "Nowadays, in my modern, in my non-big
man philosophy it's a good thing." Through the Eyes of the Big Man 115
Experiences with Expatriates
Prior to 1997, IE A education leaders were expatriates and, subsequent to the organizational decision to localise, local Papua New Guinean education leaders began to work with or alongside expatriate colleagues as a means of developing their personal leadership capabilities. A number of the participants highlighted perceptions of leadership benefits and challenges inherent to this experience. For example, Joseph reflected upon his experiences with IEA expatriate leaders,
It has helped me a lot in the way I look at things and in the way I approach
things and with you people [expatriates] coming in and talking about
different things and advice and all those things we've grabbed, but really
Papua New Guineans don't really show that thing until you've
[expatriates] gone away because they might say I've copied them! But, all
the managers they go; these people take over. You can see that in
principals to be honest. You can see that people just blossom, once they go
to a new school and they want to implement, you know... they want to
implement this other stuff that's been talked about. It's a big plus. We
want to go that way; I want to go along the path of really learning new
things, because I strongly believe that the village will obviously become a
town one day.
Barry considered his relationship with his IEA expatriate colleagues.
Each one that stops and questions me as a Papua New Guinean, I think,
"These people don't understand me. They don't trust that these things can
be done like that, that's why they're sort of putting questions into my Through the Eyes of the Big Man 116
head." And in another way it's sort of like slowing down the process or
whatever that I am trying to do.. .He [expatiate colleague] needs to know
me as a person and also as a Papua New Guinean, you know. It's my
background, my culture that makes who I am and I think he should know
that... Like I also have this responsibility to work with them [expatriates]
and get to know them and so on and I do that. But, I believe what's
important that he needs to know about me is... who I am maybe be, yeah,
who I am and what I can do, my strengths and weaknesses maybe. It's
almost like, to know more about me. It makes me feel good, self-esteem
maybe. It makes me see that he's interested in what I know, my potential
and so on and that can sort of boost my morale and also... it's more or less
like respect as well to who I am as a person.
As a teacher and a leader in the IEA, Walter IEA has worked with both Papua New
Guinean and expatriate administrators and he shared his perception about the difference which underscored the depth and reality of shared cultural understanding.
.. .with the Papua New Guineans I worked with, I found them more
understanding... they've got more understanding. It's probably because of
our natural... sort of...the culture. Like some of the things that they [Papua
New Guinean administrators] want to write down, the instructions, they'll
skip most of them because they know that we know that already. But, the
instructions that I get from an expat principals, will outline every detail of
that, which some of them I feel are not necessary. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 117
Raphael commented on his observations of how his expatriate leader colleagues respond to school-based situations with their Papua New Guinea staff,
I mean it's interesting to hear how my colleague principals who are not
PNG and how they deal with certain issues that are similar and they have
very different ways of dealing with it and I sit and listen to them and at the
end...sometimes you look at what the results are and so...you could get
that result today but there are consequences of what the decision you make
that could come out another day or a couple of weeks, a couple of months
(chuckle) and when you deal with Papua New Guineans as teachers, or
ancillary staff or support staff, they could give you the answer now but
they don't really mean what they are saying... they only want to give you
the answer to please you...
Good Timing, Aspirations, and Advantage
Two of the current school-based leaders suggested that the existence of current leadership models for Papua New Guinea teachers and other leaders could offer a bridge; facilitating the transition from traditional to more modern leadership experiences.
Raphael commented,
There is also a comparison in terms of how Papua New Guinean
leadership is found in the IEA and where the models are coming from, in
terms of the Papua New Guineans - who they see and who they look at
and how they want to look like as a leader. I think many of those who are
coming through the IEA as teachers; they looked at their principals and the
way that their principals impressed them and influenced them. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 118
Jerry reflected on his experience,
I think the good thing here for me, the advantage I had was I didn't come
into the IEA from the outside, straight employed as a leader. I think the
advantage I had was I came in as a teacher and the professional
development support that we've gone through helped me a lot to see, not
only to see myself as a classroom teacher, but to see myself as a leader;
within the classroom, within the school and within the system and so as
soon as I came into this position of leadership that has sort of fitted in very
well for me.
The current cadre of localised leaders was not only loyal to Papua New Guinea culture and tradition, but also was committed to developing a strong and entirely Papua
New Guinea leadership in the IEA. Vincent articulated a need to be strategic,
First of all they will have to show commitment. Two, they should not be
carried away with the status they have... Be committed; be smart I would
think. Think what is happening around you, what you should do to make
sure that you don't go against whatever has already been put in place.
Three, be seen and heard I think. Express something and say why you say
that, make it known. Talk publicly, not all the time, but if somebody asks,
say, "That is what I think. It's just my opinion.".. .For principals, this is
our chance to show that the expats can go, we can take over.
Walter agreed that he and his principal colleagues have a significant role to play in the
development of the organization, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 119
I think this phase that we're going though is a new shift of leaders in
mindset, perception, accountability and probably how we vision the future
of where we're going and how this agency is going to go, and I see those
people, with the backup of what we call the back bones- you know Trevor,
Les, all the others who've been in the system - that's what we see.
Although Les was aware that his colleagues required frequent reassurance that they were on the right track, "They just want to be sure they're doing the right thing but at the same
time they need continuous massaging in, 'You're doing a good job' you know? And look
at people to give them that kind of feedback," Les spoke confidently about the future, "So
I think to some extent, principals are becoming more and more capable to come-of-age
and reduce our alliance on overseas expertise."
Bruce believed that local Papua New Guinean leadership in the IEA was
strengthening,
It is emerging I think that's the word I would put to it. Within the IEA it is
emerging.. ..I think the IEA can support our leadership group in finding
more aggressive ways to get that accreditation. You've got to really have
some successful ways in doing it. Such as the leadership program you
have, so you can do your projects, school based, but then gain your
degrees and eventually gain your Master's, because that way the IEA
wins, we win individually and would satisfy all the aspects there. I think in
that light, it will then become stronger. We have more and more Papua
New Guineans now with master's degrees coming through within the IEA
and I think that's the trend we need to push and eventually say all Through the Eyes of the Big Man 120
principals must have certain degrees and Master's as a benchmark. Then it
sets the pace for the next level.
Although Peter believed that as Papua New Guinean, leaders' actions and decisions were "well rooted in us traditionally" and he shared his fear that on-going study and implementation of modern leadership styles could "tend to cloud out what is traditional." In a similar vein, Joseph worried that "I think that somewhere along the line
Papua New Guinea is losing its culture very quickly." Joe S. was more optimistic that his colleagues would be able to effectively blend the multiple leadership styles,
Educational leader[s] should try to accommodate the changes, rapid
changes, especially in our country. Accommodate the changes that are
taking place while at the same time trying to keep the balance with what is
happening in the villages. It's quite a challenge because there's ways of
doing things in Port Moresby, Lae, Madang that's filtering into the
villages, so it's going to be difficult. Those beliefs, those cultures that we
practiced before, those very good things should not change.. ..For
example, obeying the elders, village customary practices, initiations,
things like that....So if we can address this and still uphold our traditional
practices that would be wonderful.
Finally, Jerry shared his aspirations for ensuring that he could provide effective and
successful leadership as a Papua New Guinea leader at the same time as demonstrating
integrity to his culture.
I want to go forward. I want to go with an organisation that has improved
me over these years and I would want to foster its ideas in leadership, at Through the Eyes of the Big Man 121
the same time not losing touch with my own traditional leadership, but I'm
going more global with leadership I'd like to draw from experiences,
different leaders around the world and to see how they looked at
leadership and the way they listen to others and make decision or policies.
So that's the way I'd want to see myself, to go with the IEA, promote its
leadership and think more global.
Jerry was clear on the direction he believed was necessary,
.. .as a leader I'm thinking in all directions and that's one of these strong
aspects I've seen in the IEA and the localisation program is the realisation
of the type of leaders that are coming through the IEA, and that the IEA
developed over time....the IEA organisation is nearly all PNG and [at]
some point down the line, Papua New Guineans might be running this
system. We want that, or we will have very few expats to lead and I really
admire the IEA for that, the Board of Directors, even the schools for their
support and saying, "Yes, let's get into this localisation process." If it
wasn't for this program I guess some of us wouldn't be getting the jobs we
are now.
Although initially hesitant, Barry shared ambitions he held for himself as well as for his
Papua New Guinea colleagues,
I.. .ah... I'm really not very ah... I'm not...I really... I'm a bit...not clear on
where we are going.. .the direction we are going. But I think we need more
Papua New Guineans to make more changes with the way we think, with Through the Eyes of the Big Man 122
the way we do things. The IEA has given us a lot of opportunities to do
that, you know.
Joe was more eloquent as he summarized,
.. .what we have done with the current leadership is that it has brought IEA
directly into the community, it has made IEA a more Papua New Guinean
IEA. Let me put it in very simple terms, it used to be an Australian IEA or
an English IEA or a U.S. DEA but today is a PNG IEA. That's because
people see Papua New Guineans working here, basically, you know, in
terms of leadership.. ..The uniqueness of this, I'm not saying Papua New
Guinean's coming in are doing a better job than before, we may be doing
the most hopeless performance! But just the presence of Papua New
Guineans in these organisations has brought this organisation closer to the
people of PNG. It has made our own. That's the difference. Now how
we're going to go from here, whether we're going to make it happen, or
not happen, is another story.
Not all of the local IEA leaders were so confident that the IEA was ready to be fully staffed and led by citizen Papua New Guineans. Focus group participants acknowledged that they may need to continue to rely on external and Western expertise in some leadership areas, especially in regards to effective pedagogy.
Joshua added with an edge of criticism about the lack of a systematic leadership promotion program for aspiring Papua New Guinea leaders,
I think, "Okay, we as PNG leaders should really pull up." It's not just
sitting down and working and expecting one day you'll get into those Through the Eyes of the Big Man 123
positions. You have to work hard [emphasis in the original] and if you
work hard, do what is right, if your leadership is seen as something that is
good, compatible at the top level, then I'm sure there'll be, basically,
room. As we all go through ageing, some people will say I've had enough,
let's give a chance to another person and really I should be seeing that
Nationals [Papua New Guineans] are getting in there. But what happens is,
if there is a leader on, people like me, would probably want to aspire and
if I feel that I'm going in and I'm not moving anywhere then that's when I
will start looking elsewhere. So then the system will lose people like that,
who'd like to be challenged, but there is no avenue, there is no pathway
for them to continue.
Peter shared his evolving understandings of successful leadership in Papua New Guinea,
My experiences through employment and working with different people I
suddenly have to change my thinking about what a good leader is, what an
effective leader is, because I need to think about the people I work with
and the purposes which we have to achieve our goals. That is something
that I keep thinking about all the time. I've come to realise that sometimes
exercising the functions of a traditional leader in my work situation is
sometimes it works, sometimes it doesn't, because knowing our leaders do
at home they know how to get what they want, whether it is supported by
other people or not. That's what they want and you have to do it.
Otherwise there will be consequences for you. Working in a work
situation I have to think about how do I get those who I work with to Through the Eyes of the Big Man 124
support me achieve what I see as a leader is good for the organisation that
we're working with and I find myself, I have to discuss and keep on
talking to people that I work with, sharing ideas and in the process find out
whether what I'm thinking is, I shall not say, is correct, but, fine tuning
my own thoughts.
Jerry also commented on the benefits of broadening his understandings about effective leadership,
An interesting thing is the set-up in the EEA, with the international
perspective and looking at leadership in a more broader level. You have
that characteristics of leadership in a Western context with our traditional
and that sort of has given me a broader view of what leadership is. Like a
typical leadership in Papua New Guinea, certainly in my village would be
"I am the leader. I am the big man. I say things. You do it! If I make a
decision as to how the family goes, the rest of you do it." But, as opposed
to, in a more educational leadership sort of thing, employing an
international perspective is a different thing. It's more collaborative sort of
leadership. So it's not, "I make decisions and the rest of you follow".
Finding a Balance
Both Sahlins (1963) and Roscoe (2000) associated the traditional Papua New
Guinea Big Man leader as attentive and ambitious entrepreneurs, continuously able to
cultivate manoeuvre events and situations to their advantage. In this research, the Papua
New Guinean leaders frequently highlighted the significance of having the right timing
and good luck as well as determination as contributing factors to their current leadership Through the Eyes of the Big Man 125 status in the IEA today. In addition to the numerous references to personal and organizational ambition in the previous discussion of loyalty, the participants also spoke of harnessing those opportunistic moments in order to propel either their personal or professional agendas. For example, when reflecting upon his leadership experiences in the IEA, Les commented,
But I also, like Coronation [College], had an opportunity and I think it was
nothing to do with me, I just happened to be in that place at the right
time.. .1 think there's an element of luck there Jane, I don't think I could
do what I had to do if I didn't have the money but I happened to be at the
right place at the right time.. .Because they [parents] see these brand new
facilities, they think that you work wonders, but you just know what
you're doing. But I don't sort of admit that there's an element of luck in
all this -1 mean I was there at the right time...
Walter acknowledged that the value of being in the right place at the right time and
having the right people when he was starting out in education.
.. .the principal was my auntie of course; you know so a bit of a system
[emphasis in original] in place, but she said just wait until we see... [I]
went for an interview, and they sat us in the library and the Board
Chairman and, fortunately enough because I was involved in soccer,
running soccer for Coca-Cola in school and in town, and I seemed to know
him very well. So he said, "Oh, what are you doing here? I thought you'd
gone for studies." I said, "Yeah, unfortunately things didn't work out and Through the Eyes of the Big Man 126
I'm back at home." He said, "Do you want to work?" I said, "Yeah if
there's work for me, I'll have a go."
Today as an DBA principal, Walter highlighted the benefit to his school from his wife's wantoks or tambu (in-laws).
...my wife's family alone pumps 120 grand into the school. That's very
important and I can see that's an indirect support they are doing to their
sister and it's the elder sister in the family. Two weeks ago we lost a child,
to a landslide, who's related to my wife, and that's one of them so now
we've got ten in the school. So all of us, all the teachers, we went to the
ceremony, and they could see, and just by being there I just had about
three enrolments for next year, from the village.
Vincent also admitted the contribution of good fortune in achieving his position with the
IEA when he reminisced, "Well, it was by chance really. After graduating from
university I as a research officer with Air Niugini and a friend came and told me that they
needed maths teachers at Keravat National High School in Rabaul."
When discussing ambition as a leadership attribute, focus group participants
highlighted the interrelationship of personal ambition or drive and organizational loyalty.
They expressed that, that as educational leaders they were committed to and internally
motivated to initiate and further the organisation's vision and stated goals, not only for
personal gain, but also for the ultimate benefit of Papua New Guinea.
Chapter Summary
Four major themes were echoed in the leadership experiences of the
contemporary Papua New Guinean IEA education leaders. Research findings amplified Through the Eyes of the Big Man 127 common themes to participants' assumptions about leadership, be it traditional or modern. The constructs of: (a) respect; (b) influence and power; (c) loyalty and obligation; and (d) opportunism and ambition resonated in their voices as they reflected on their assumptions and experiences about leadership in Papua New Guinea. Participant stories illuminated assumptions about traditional Big Man leadership and reflected the regional and cultural diversity inherent to Papua New Guinea. In addition, participant experiences highlighted the successes and challenges of indigenous educational leaders working in a Westernized educational organization that is evolving into a locally defined institution. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 128
CHAPTER SIX: ANALYSIS
Overview
The central question in this research study is the identity of today's education leader in a private education organization in Papua New Guinea. Further to this is an investigation into the influence of the postcolonial, societal, and cultural context on the leadership identity and experiences of contemporary Papua New Guinea educational leaders. A second focus is the exploration of the legacy of the traditional Papua New
Guinea Big Man leadership construct on the leader's perception of his identity as an educational leader working in a Western-oriented education organization. The research questions are predicated on three theoretical propositions as generated through the literature review and discussed in Chapter Two. The propositions assert that:
1. Papua New Guinea's societal and postcolonial context does influence
leadership.
2. Big Man attributes are evident in the leaders' behavior and actions and
thinking.
3. A new 'hybrid' leadership identity is emerging in Papua New Guinea.
This chapter will review the findings as they relate to the substantive research agenda of leadership identity for current Papua New Guinea education leaders in the EEA. The discussion will first affirm the degrees of relevance and applicability of the three propositions to the leaders' experiences and perceptions of their leadership in the IEA.
Second, inspired by Lumby and Foskett's (2008) metaphorical characterization of the educational leader as "at the fulcrum point" (p. 44), in that they are continually balancing internal cultural assumptions and expectations simultaneously with external Through the Eyes of the Big Man 129 organizational and reform agendas and pressures, the chapter will review the findings as they fit with the metaphor of the Papua New Guinea leaders experiences and identity as a fulcrum. Finally the discussion will present a description of the local "cultural hybridization" (Bhabha, 1996, p. 54) or "third space" (Grossberg, 1996, p. 91) leadership identity currently developing within the organization's leadership cohort. This identity is unique to the IEA leaders in Papua New Guinea and can serve as focus for developing and supporting current and future educational leaders in the organization.
Two Caveats
Before any discussion regarding the findings of this research, two important points require clarification. First, mindful of the potential perception of violation as an outsider or "allied other" (Swadener & Kagendo, 2008, p. 31) collaborating with the local or indigenous Papua New Guinean leaders, it is necessary to reiterate the expressed intention of this research; that of documenting and sharing the voices of the localised leaders in the IEA so that, as a result of a review and reflection of their experiences, they can perhaps be better positioned to personally and collectively articulate and participate in the future direction of their education organization. Acknowledged earlier is the intimate connection of an individual's culture to their leadership practices (Dimmock,
2002; Heck, 2002a; Lumby & Foskett, 2008; Walker, 2007). Perhaps prompted by globalizing demands for greater understanding of educational leadership on an international scale, there is an increasing amount of research on the interrelationship of educational leadership and culture, a number of researchers recognize the paucity of research on the impact of this interrelationship on the leader's identity and invite comparative studies to expand a limited knowledge base (Crossley & Tikly, 2004; Through the Eyes of the Big Man 130
Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Walker & Dimmock, 2002a). Although this research does present findings of this nature, a second caveat prior to the discussion is the acceptance that this research represents only a "snapshot of cultural influences" (Walker, 2003, p.
156) at a specified point in time for the current Papua New Guinea localised leaders. As a result, research findings may be beneficial to the leadership planning agenda for the
Papua New Guinean leaders and to the IEA, but generalizations to identities of local or indigenous leaders in other developing nations, and particularly other Small Island
Developing States, would be presumptuous.
Proposition One: Papua New Guinea's Societal and Postcolonial Context
Does Influence Leadership
Postcolonialism and Westernization
Postcolonial academics stress that decolonialization is not an event completed
(Crossley & Tikly, 2004; Loomba, 2005; Tikly, 1999); rather it is a "process of
disengagement" (Crossley & Tikly, 2004, p. 148) in a continually changing global
environment. By definition, Papua New Guinea is a postcolonial and perhaps a neo-
colonial developing nation in that the country, including its individual provinces, was
ruled and managed by colonial administrators representing developed countries such as
Great Britain, Germany, and Australia. In addition, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as a
remote and developing nation, many Papua New Guinea communities were host to
numerous missionary efforts claiming to be well-intended. Largely at the "instigation of
their colonizers" (Foster, 1995, p. 1) Papua New Guinea achieved Independence
relatively recently, in 1975. Since the country's Independence Papua New Guinea has
moved quickly and deliberately, condensing aspirational development goals into Through the Eyes of the Big Man 131 approximately a forty year time frame that other more developed countries have achieved over centuries. As a result, much of the development and many of the accomplishments
are the result of external and colonial-like influences such as aid-funded infrastructure
and social development projects, large scale resource extraction by multi-national
conglomerates, many of which remain visible in postcolonial Papua New Guinea.
The pervasive influence of Western societal norms and values in the world of educational leadership today and its ability to blur cultural boundaries is addressed by a number of writers (Begley, 2008; Crossley & Holmes, 2001; Hallinger, 2003; Hallinger
& Kantamara, 2002; Hallinger & Leithwood, 1996; Hallinger & Leithwood, 1998; Heck,
2002a; Hofstede, 2001; Louisy, 2001,2004; Lumby & Foskett, 2008; Walker, 2003).
Equally well researched is the fact that educational leadership is a universal and cultural
construct closely bound to the roots of it host culture (Dimmock, 2002; Dimmock &
Walker, 2002; Gerstner & Day, 1994; Tikly, 1999) and Schein (2003) tells us that
leadership and culture are intimately related or, "two sides of the same coin" (p. 1).
There is increasing research on the profound influence of traditional cultural values in the
educational leader's experience in more developed and emerging nations such as
Thailand, New Zealand, Hong Kong, and South Africa (Appiah, 1991; Bishop & Glynn,
1999; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Jansen, 2007; Walker, 2002). However little
attention has been given to the legacy of colonialization and educational leadership
(Bishop & Glynn, 1999; Tikly, 1999) and more specifically, educational leadership in
developing nations or Small Island Developing States such as Papua New Guinea.
In his discussion of curriculum development in Papua New Guinea, Michael
Crossley (1994) comments that, similar to educational systems in other postcolonial Through the Eyes of the Big Man 132 states, Papua New Guinean educational curriculum and administration "bear the hallmarks of colonial encounters" (p. 149) in that they are primarily elitist, locally
irrelevant, and most significantly, are "at variance with indigenous systems, values and
beliefs" (p. 149). Not surprisingly, the IEA, as an education organization established at
Independence to manage the existing local Australian Schools, has remnants of Papua
New Guinea's colonial past. Artefacts such as a predominantly Australian curriculum
syllabus, English only instruction, hierarchical school organization, individualistic
performance management, and school improvement policies, traditional grading and
assessment practices, annual calendar and attendance procedures that reflect an
Australian model, along with the adoption of Western-researched education reform
agendas, all give testimony to a very Western appearing organization of education.
Finally, the predominate presence of expatriate Western trained and experienced
principals and teachers prior to localisation effectively coalesce the colonial footprint on
the organisation.
Expatriate Influences
The Papua New Guinea leaders in this research are not only cognizant of the
legacy of the missionary influence but also conscious of, and openly acknowledge, the
colonial influence on the development of their leadership within the BEA as an
educational organisation. Much the same as Dimmock and Walker's (2010) assertion
that, as a result of the widespread practices of policy exporting and policy borrowing, a
dangerous level of dependency on Western research and literature has been created. At
one time or another, each of the current IEA educational leaders has worked either for or
alongside of an expatriate colleague. One principal, Walter, remarked that as a deputy Through the Eyes of the Big Man 133 principal he worked for 11 different expatriate principals and that, although he feels he has learned much about school leadership, he recognizes that expatriates are "different" and he prefers working with his Papua New Guinea colleagues as he finds them "more understanding" which he suspects is due to a common understanding of shared culture.
Six principals commented on the value of expatriate role models for education leadership practices; however there was a prevailing acknowledgement that their expatriate counterparts are not the same as Papua New Guinea leaders who all share a common heritage of local culture and tradition. They speak of a tacit understanding of intergroup communication protocols, negotiation, and management of staff and community expectations, and networking of local knowledge and expertise.
Many of the leaders believe that, as a result of their leadership experiences in the
IEA, they will be more capable leaders when they return to the village as they will be
able to effectively transfer recently developed or refined skills and understandings.
Joshua is excited about what he has learned about the value of listening, Barry and Joe
are proud of their well-honed problem solving and negotiation skills and Vincent exults
in pleasure at being called upon in the village to advocate the benefits of modern education. Of interest, these perceptions of new leadership learning are embedded in any
discussion of traditional Big Man leadership and may illustrate an example of colonial
discourse as posited by Pagelio (2002).
The oppressive nature of the colonial regime is widely recognized in academic research
today (Denzin, et al., 2008; Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999). Findings from this research suggest
that it may be inaccurate to presume that the current cadre of Papua New Guinean
educational leaders fit the commonly held postcolonial mode of thought; rather their Through the Eyes of the Big Man 134 actions and experiences encapsulate the need for explorations of identity and culture to
move beyond these traditional assumptions and "move towards a model of articulation as
"transformative practice'" (Grossberg, 1996, p. 88).
There appears to be an acceptance and acknowledgement of expatriate contributions for their educational, and specifically pedagogical, leadership expertise. For
example, when Walter's New Zealand principal challenged his capacity to stop and
listen, Walter shared, "She was one of the biggest contributing factors in my life of the
way I think. She was really calm, humble, and she taught me how to respect women."
Similarly, while reflecting on his leadership journey, Joe expressed his appreciation for
the assistance he received as a newly-appointed principal and he explained, "I received a
lot of help from Neal [an expatriate] and I would go up attending PD [professional
development] in Tabubil with his staff." Finally, Bruce, having organized international
study trips for his staff, highlighted the perceived benefit of such professional exchanges,
We need to go overseas for at least two or three weeks. Just working
alongside a principal in another country, in an advanced country would
then give us better understanding and connectiveness so we can lift our
schools.
This reality as previously recognized by Roscoe (2000) may be a result of the relatively
brief period of colonization as compared with other postcolonial nations (Apelis, 2006)..
Almost all of the current leaders make reference to the fact that, at this point in
time, the EA is aptly positioned to create an educational organization which is respectful
and responsive to the needs of the Papua New Guinean society, as a rapidly developing
nation in a globalized context, and, more importantly, representative of Papua New Through the Eyes of the Big Man 135
Guinean culture. For the most part the current leaders speak of their resolve to effectively function as successful educational leaders without the expatriate influence although some of the leaders acknowledge an on-going need for outside expertise in specific areas such as pedagogy. Joe's comment. .but just the presence of Papua New Guineans has brought this organization closer to the people of PNG. It has made [it] our own; that's the difference" underscores their commitment. Their agenda is ambitious, yet as local leaders and reminiscent of the Big Man who harnesses the advantages of time and place, they share their intention to shed reliance on externally recruited Western leaders and to actively set and direct the organisation's future in Papua New Guinea.
Societal Change Influences
Postcolonialism notwithstanding, it seems that it is the multiple societal changes in Papua New Guinea that have had a more profound influence on the local Papua New
Guinean leaders. Given the rapid development of international communication networks and the continual influx of expatriates, in the years subsequent to Independence, the social fabric of Papua New Guinea is in a highly porous state; ready and susceptible to the "Western, and particularly North American, consumer culture" (Crossley, 1994, p.
150). As examples, compared with a decade ago, text messaging is everyday practice, cable television is considered essential, urban migration is a statistical reality, fast food is readily available, tourism trekking is a recent trend, electronic banking is well established and, of course, street side cappuccino cafes are ubiquitous landmarks. Papua New Guinea even has its own version of American Idol entitled, Ice Discovered.
Each of the principals in this study remarked on the extent of social change, both positive and negative, they had either witnessed or experienced in Papua New Guinea. In Through the Eyes of the Big Man 136 addition to recognizing the benefits of knowledge and information sharing via the
Internet and overseas study and conference attendance, similar to community leaders throughout the world, the Papua New Guinean leaders shared their fear about the dangers of alcohol and drug abuse in the village as well as the increasingly powerful influence of money as a means to gain local favours. A number of leaders voiced their concerns about the extent of greed and corruption, perceived to be rife in Papua New Guinea politics, and believed this to be a result of an increasingly consumer driven society as well as external speculation and romanticizing, or essentializing, of the traditional Papua New Guinea Big
Man as a deliberate amasser and bestower of fortune and favour. This romanticized or stereotypical sentiment fits with Marshall Sahlin's (1963) depiction of the Papua New
Guinea Big Man as bourgeois entrepreneur who purposely garners loyalty and power by
"accumulating a fund of power, a production surplus which he converted into external renown through 'great giveaways'" (Liep, 2008, p. 29).
Today the Papua New Guinea educational workplace closely resembles a modern
workplace anywhere and as a result, traditional assumptions about leadership relations
are questioned. A number of the IEA leaders highlighted incidents in which they are
aware of the lack of fit between local customary practices and the IEA organization
today. Kelvin refers to the fact that regardless of an individual's status and influence in
the village, "in the workplace you can't use those" and Barry shares the need to
consciously "set aside my big man thinking" due to the organisation's more modern work
place culture where parents and even staff members can openly question the principal's
decision. Joseph expresses his wish for the organization's Western-oriented performance
management policy to recognize individual local or community contributions rather than Through the Eyes of the Big Man 137 focusing on school-based accomplishments. These examples are typical in an ever- evolving and globalized world where ideas, values, and trends are seen to easily transcend national boundaries (Dimmock, 2002; Hallinger, 2003; Lumby, et al., 2008;
Moos, 2002; Tikly, 1999) yet can challenge long held personal traditional beliefs and assumptions (Begley, 2008; Lumby & Foskett, 2008; Walker, 2007).
Discussions during the follow-up focus group highlighted the reality that IEA schools have a diverse clientele from both international and national perspectives. There are students and teachers representative of many countries around the world and as Papua
New Guinea is widely known for its multiple cultural groups as evidenced by the 800 distinct languages within the country, there are also teachers and students from differing provinces or local tribes. As a result, the DEA leaders recognize the need for on-going intercultural awareness at an organizational and school level in order to offset or address
potential cultural misunderstandings and enhance successful communication and
interaction.
Notwithstanding the avalanche of Western world mores, tradition is embedded
into all aspects of Papua New Guinea culture and the preservation of traditional culture
and kastom5 is a conscious focus for the Papua New Guinea government (Lindstrom &
White, 1994). Sing-sings (local celebrations), haus cris (wakes), tribal fights,
compensation, bride-price (opposite to a dowry), and unbridled wantok support are
examples of well-established and traditional practices in Papua New Guinea.
5 Melanesian Pidgin for local custom Through the Eyes of the Big Man 138
Despite its "intense cultural diversity" (Lindstrom & White, 1994, p. xvii) Papua
New Guinea, as are other Small Island Developing States, is an example of a nation at the
intersection of modern and traditional modalities. Although traditional culture remains cogent to their thinking, the Papua New Guinea local leaders are conscious of the potential erosion of local culture as they speak of the importance of actively keeping alive
traditional ways of doing things, even when challenged by external and more modern
influences. For example, Joseph is proud of his efforts to ensure that youth from his
village in New Ireland, currently living in the city, are introduced and knowledgeable
about local Tolai customs and traditions. As contemporary educational leaders, all of the
principals underscore the importance of ensuring that the IEA curriculum visibly
integrates Papua New Guinea culture and heritage. As local leaders, they reiterate the
importance of embracing and honouring local knowledge as held by other community
leaders. Vincent celebrates his friend's unique ability to beat the Garamut6 and Walter,
Barry, Joseph, and Joshua each acknowledge that their brothers have local knowledge
and expertise that more effectively enables them to provide leadership in the community.
Therefore, even though they are leaders in their own right in the organization and the
local community, they appreciate that different leadership skills are both necessary and
valued at the local level.
Both Les and Vincent talk about different demonstrations of Big Man leadership
evident in their respective local communities, and Walter explains his perception of the
changing nature of leadership in the village. A recurring theme throughout the various
6 A garamut is a traditional drum used as a traditional medium on communication by the Maramba society Through the Eyes of the Big Man 139 discussions is the vital importance of the leaders' knowledge and understanding of Papua
New Guinea's traditional rituals and customs. However, just as specialized knowledge is recognized and foundational to a community's survival, commonly accepted is the fact that education is a key contributing factor to a nation's development (Bentley, 2010) and consequently the IEA leaders acknowledge the reality of external multiple societal
influences that are emerging "in response to changing social trends and manifest
themselves as expectations for school leaders" (Begley, 2008, p. 31) and thus are
developing specific skills and knowledge as IEA educational leaders necessary for the
continued development of education in Papua New Guinea.
In summary, although there is evidence of "Northern inspired agendas" (Crossley
& Holmes, 2001, p. 396) such as those that are embedded in leadership models for school
improvement and are advocated by the IEA organisation, the colonial legacy may be
considered as a practical means for leadership and educational development in Papua
New Guinea today (Apelis, 2006). This research suggests that the IEA Papua New
Guinean leaders today believe that they have absorbed the necessary knowledge and
skills from the succession of expatriates enabling them to further much of the educational
agenda on their own.
The focus group participants admitted that there remain some areas (e.g. varied
instructional approaches, assessment tools) where expatriate expertise are understood to
be beneficial and similar to Hall's (1996) assertion that identities are ever evolving and
"are constructed though, not outside, difference" (p. 4) the Papua New Guinean leaders
are mindful of their unique leadership strengths and on-going learning needs. Today's
Papua New Guinean leaders are ready and positive about their skills as local leaders and Through the Eyes of the Big Man 140 are prepared, almost determined, to begin the work of developing an educational organization that is uniquely responsive to the complexities and demands of a developing nation in the 21st century.
Proposition Two: Big Man Attributes are Evident
The extent to which traditional Big Man leadership assumptions and practices are evident in the experiences and identity of the current IEA education leaders is the substantive question for this research. Research data identify the existence of four attributes of the Papua New Guinea Big Man as depicted in existing historical and anthropological studies. Research findings highlight that the attributes are in a state of transition as they are either intersecting or converging with modern and primarily
Western educational leadership practices and beliefs. The Attribute Matrix (Appendix F) denotes the participant reference to Big Man attributes as generated through the literature review. Of the 22 leadership characteristics identified, the three attributes of respect,
influence and power, and obligation and loyalty, emerge as recurring themes with more
than 10 of the 14 participants referencing, either by word or through actions, in some way
to this leadership trait. A fourth attribute, ambition and opportunism, was explicitly
referenced by only three participants but, as a result of a further review and consideration
during the initial and collaborative data analysis, ambition, as a pronounced leadership
attribute and intimately linked to traditional Big Man leadership thinking, warrants
further research and investigation.
The fact that this research confirms that there is an enduring legacy of the Papua
New Guinea Big Man in the experiences and identity of this group of IEA local leaders is
hardly a revelation and the finding that the IEA local leadership is in a state of transition Through the Eyes of the Big Man 141 is hardly surprising. However research findings characterize Papua New Guinea leadership in the IEA at the confluence of culture and development. A number of studies locate cross cultural leadership at an intersection of traditional culture and modern or
Western modalities (Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Lumby &
English, 2009; Lumby & Foskett, 2008). True to the natural diversity of the Papua New
Guinean nation and much like the magnificent river ways throughout the country, this research presents the IEA localised leaders as creating their own unique pathway, merging, diverging and often converging both traditional and modern leadership models and practices. The following section examines the legacy of each of the four traits as experienced and perceived by the 14 IEA local leader participants.
Respect
As with so many other aspects of life in Papua New Guinea, attitudes towards respect are in a state of transition. Although actively showing respect for leadership serves as a backdrop to the identity and actions of the current Papua New Guinean education leaders, there is evidence that a more tentative and cautious attitude is emerging. During the participant interviews, with the exception of Kelvin, all of the participants express a firm belief in the enduring legacy of outward displays of respect for any, and especially elders, in a recognized leadership position. Research findings here show that today respect as a leadership attribute for the Papua New Guinea leaders is conceptualized as the ability to show respect for Papua New Guinea culture and heritage through an individual's knowledge, actions, decisions, and contributions.
However, in stark contrast to the overwhelming participant correlation between respect and the Big Man, the review of the literature offers but one singular reference to Through the Eyes of the Big Man 142
acts of respect in relation to the Melanesian Big Man. According to Roscoe (2000) it was
Sahlins' 1963 publication that initially characterized the Big Man as one who achieves
power through his ability to "command respect" (p.64). The status, influence and power,
emanating from his abilities, knowledge, expertise, or generosity, of the Big Man is
unquestionably evident in the literature and it is plausible that the notion of respect is
embedded in and thus implicit in the minds of the reader. Hofstede (1976, cited in
Hallinger & Leithwood, 1996) asserts that cultural values work to shape followers'
perception of a leader and it may be that explicit respectful acts towards the Big Man
were neither examined nor considered by the researchers at the time. However, the
possibility exists that data from this research provide yet another example of
colonialism's legacy in Papua New Guinea.
During the colonial era Papua New Guineans were perceived to be ignorant and
uncivilized and administrative and bureaucratic systems were established to ensure a
citizen dependency on their colonial masters (Pagelio, 2002). Therefore, from a critical
perspective, current day assumptions about the importance of showing respect may be
representative of learned behaviours or colonial discourse as originally described by
Edward Said in 1978 and in line with Pagelio's (2002) findings as a result of his review
of the Papua New Guinean Ministry of Education leadership.
Within the IEA currently there is an established leadership hierarchy, premised on
years of experience with the organization combined with personal leadership
achievements and status within the community. For example, all of the participants speak
of their respect for the current IEA Executive Director, an expatriate who has lived and
worked in Papua New Guinea for more than 30 years. As a result of his 33 years as Through the Eyes of the Big Man 143 director of the organization each of the participants acknowledges respect for his status and contributions as the organizational leader, his knowledge and expertise about the IEA and education, his generosity and his commitment to Papua New Guineans, and the organization. He is also married to a Papua New Guinean, has adopted a number of
Papua New Guinean children, and is thus lauded for his generosity in the local village community. Not surprisingly, a number of the participants refer to the Executive Director as a local Big Man. In 2008 the Executive Director received the Order of the British
Empire (OBE) award in recognition of his service to education in Papua New Guinea.
In addition each of his 13 leader colleagues openly acknowledges that Les, as a senior leader in the organization and a recognized community leader, commands and deserves respect. Upon initial review, it can be said that these overt acknowledgements of organizational leaders' status are representative of the inherent and hierarchical nature of respect for leadership among the EEA local leaders and align with both literature and initial research findings. However, later follow-up focus group discussions highlight that
perhaps a more restrained or cautious attitude towards respect is emerging. Focus group
participants shared their belief that as a result of years of multiple experiences with
promises made and ultimately left unfilled, Papua New Guineans today no longer
passively or blindly offer respect to leaders; rather such respect is to be earned. This
sentiment is not dissimilar to Jansen's (2007) analysis of early African nation's
postcolonial experiences in that as a result of societal, political, and economic
development a number of previously held traditional cultural assumptions are being
questioned. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 144
Research data evidence that among fhe participants there are commonly understood communication norms and protocols that have evolved through shared understanding of customary practices around leader respect, such as exemplified by
Walter's comments, "it [acknowledging leadership] just works automatically". In the IEA on a surface level, traditional demonstrations of respect provide the foundation and backdrop as a key cultural norm of the current organization "where group and individual identities overlap, creating a mutually understood world of signs, symbols and stories"
(Lumby & English, 2009, p. 103). The apparent contradictions emerging in these findings suggest that the current state of flux for traditional and localized educational leaders in
Papua New Guinea today.
The experiences of the contemporary leaders are representative of Bentley's
(2010) assertion about the fusion of tradition leadership with modern educational leadership theory and practice because of "imitation, iteration, improvisation, inspiration, immigration and interpretation" (p. 42). Regardless, further research is necessary to explore the depth and breadth of underlying notions and acts of respect relative to successful Papua New Guinean leadership as it evolves in an era of ongoing development and globalization.
Obligation and Loyalty
The attributes of loyalty and obligation are intimately entwined with the Papua
New Guinean leadership identity. Traditional Big Man leadership research suggests two alternative perceptions on the manifestations of loyalty. One, originating from the Papua
New Guinea Highlands, is the reciprocal nature of loyalty in that the leader exacts loyalty from his followers and in turn bestows favours and loyalty accordingly and in varying Through the Eyes of the Big Man 145 degrees (Godelier & Strathern, 2008). The second view has its origins in the Coastal areas of Papua New Guinea and founded upon less hierarchical and more equitable
relationships (Liep, 2008) where loyalty can take the form of generosity and benevolence.
In this research the participants all share their belief that loyalty is highly prized in
both the organization and the local community and their experiences include numerous
incidences where individual loyalty is honoured and rewarded. In some cases more overt
than others, there is a reciprocal edge to the current-day experiences. From Raphael's
willingness to adapt policy to gain back a "happy staff' in spite of the fact that he may be
reprimanded by head office to Peter's request for funds to cover overseas medical
expenses in recognition of his continued loyal service; to varying degrees both are
evidence of the reciprocal nature of the exchange. Within the group there are multiple
examples where current IEA leaders, prompted by a sense of loyalty, feel obliged to share
resources or expertise with wantoks and other members of the extended community. For
some, this obligation is more of a burden while for others it is admittedly a cultural norm
in Papua New Guinea.
However, research findings suggest that assumptions and output of leadership
loyalty and obligation are also in transition. The participants recognize that some
traditional obligatory practices such as allowing wantoks to inhabit school provided
teacher housing, or overlooking poor practice, or giving out school placements as favours
to wantoks or significant friends are not helpful to the work of the organization and
current leaders look to IEA policy to back up their more modem stance and action.
Similarly amongst the leadership group in the IEA today, personal assumptions about
loyalty are changing in that for participants, loyalty to wantoks is second to their loyalty Through the Eyes of the Big Man 146 to the IEA organization and its goals. Both Raphael and Bruce openly spoke of their experiences as leaders promoting the USA's mission for education in Papua New Guinea.
Raphael reflected,
I'm also a Papua New Guinean so I'm sensitive to their needs. At the
same time I'm also driven by the school's business in terms of children's
learning and so, whilst I'm sensitive to the people who work with me,
I'm also driven by the goals of an educational institution like ours.
Bruce shared a similar perception,
You have to be aware that once you're working in there [the IEA], your
primary role is you're employed by the IEA. There are things that must be
done and your conduct must adhere to those. Then the main core business
of education must be driven.. .you have to be very clear that the core is
your business.
In some cases (i.e. school fees or professional practice) the choice is relatively
straightforward and indeed according to Raphael, schools need to address and minimize a
number of Papua New Guinea way [emphasis in original] bad habits such as attendance
or compliance with deadlines whereas, in other cases, the leaders share their discomfort
(i.e. shared accommodation, leave requests) and desire for organizational policies that can
accommodate a more flexible stance. This shift or expansion of traditional cultural
attitudes is also understandable in light of the changing context of Papua New Guinea as
a Small Island Developing State in a globalized world. However, research findings
illuminate the very real and valid concern that, given the potential and danger of a
homogenized Western educational culture, it is important that the IEA, as an education Through the Eyes of the Big Man 147 organization at the intersection of tradition and modem modalities, take the time to analyse the coherence of policy with Papua New Guinean culture and tradition in order to ensure that meeting the organization's goals do not erode Papua New Guinea's rich and unique cultural heritage.
Influence and Power
In any organization around the world leaders have varying degrees of influence and power to make decisions and affect change. Traditionally, influence and power is vested in the Papua New Guinean leader regardless of the model, be it Big Man, Great
Man or Chief. In contrast to the transition noted in the two previous themes of respect and loyalty and obligation, the role of the leader as man of influence and power remains unchanged as was revealed and reiterated with the follow-up focus group. In the IEA and in the community, local Papua New Guinean leaders are expected to be men of action and decision and any evidence of the contrary is perceived as a weakness. Initially this finding may be perceived as challenging existing research on effective educational leadership today where a less hierarchical and more collaborative decision making model is valued. However, undertones as evident in the participant voices suggest that within the organization, collaborative practices are valued and considered necessary for effective
IEA educational leaders as they seek out another's opinion or idea.
As was identified by Walker, Chen, and Qian (2008) in their study of leadership experiences across three Chinese communities, honouring cultural norms and allowing final decision to the local leaders is necessary while at the same time, leaving room for collaborative processes with staff at the early phases of the decision making process.
Experiences in both Papua New Guinea and China offer examples of hybrid or adaptive Through the Eyes of the Big Man 148 models where local leaders blend traditional beliefs and norms with elements of an external educational reform for school improvement purposes.
Traditionally Papua New Guinea Big Man leaders influence the future direction of the local tribe or clan and, depending upon the geographic locale, this is accomplished either through powerful visions of carefully executed strategic plans. For primarily
practical reasons, the cohort of current-day localised leaders confirms the value and
necessity of being both visionary and strategic as educational leaders in the IEA. Whereas traditional visionary leaders are often cast in a more spiritual light, the finding that the
IEA localised leaders attribute the importance of purposeful reflection and planning aligns with both current research on educational leadership and change (Louis, 2010) and traditional Papua New Guinea leadership beliefs and practice.
Once again, it may appear that the organization is at an intersection of current best
informed and traditional practice; however, it is more likely that the IEA is at a junction
where modern theories about educational leadership are merging with long-held
traditional beliefs. Further research will be necessary to explore the implications and
legacies of this convergence of educational leadership practices on the identity and
experiences of traditional leaders in Papua New Guinea.
Opportunism and Ambition
Research findings about IEA local leaders' ambition and sense of commitment to
the organization are worth noting. As mentioned earlier, all but three participants make
either direct or indirect reference to their aspirations for the IEA as a leading Papua New
Guinean educational organization in the future and their comments are reminiscent of the
Big Man as opportunist and entrepreneur originally presented by Sahlins (1963) and Through the Eyes of the Big Man 149
Lindstrom (1984) and are coherent with research findings in other postcolonial states
(Bishop & Glynn, 1999; Louisy, 2001,2004) in that indigenous citizens anticipate the exchange of colonial mandates and managers for increased local autonomy. For example, the recognition of New Zealand's early colonized educational system as an "assault on the Maori identity and well-being" (Bishop & Glynn, 1999, p. 37) created the opportunity to dismantle entrenched hegemonic power relations in the delivery of education in New
Zealand and create contextually and culturally sensitive models. However, focus group participant responses challenge initial researcher interpretation of today's IEA localised leader as ambitious advocates for an organization completely independent from expatriate influence. During the focus group session neither opportunism nor ambition is identified as a significant leadership trait. Once again the findings illuminate a unique and locally developed fusion, as opposed to fission (Gronn & Ribbins, 2003) of traditional and modern leadership assumptions and practices, in that beliefs about leadership responsibility and benevolence towards wantoks or individual social groups (Strathern,
1991) are broadening to incorporate the wider organizational goals for an educated and successful Papua New Guinea.
Three of the leaders openly acknowledge their conscious decision to use an opportunity to their personal and professional advantage which is congruent with Sahlin's early assumptions about Big Men leadership. Although the goal-directed and extrinsically motivated attributes of ambition remain and there is acknowledgement of the importance of careful, yet not calculated, timing, the leaders are universal that the catalyst for any outwardly apparent ambitious context is the promotion of the IEA and its educational goals as an international education provider in Papua New Guinea. Research data suggest Through the Eyes of the Big Man 150 that a strong sense of personal and collective loyalty and commitment to the IEA is the motivating force for their previously stated ambitious overtones. Therefore the research data support the finding that these 21st century local education leaders are harnessing many of the practical skills of a motivated and goal-directed leader associated with
traditional Papua New Guinean Big Man leadership and are merging these with a more
altruistic goal of supporting the organization. These experiences commingle to create a
unique leadership identity to be addressed in Proposition Three.
Proposition Three: A New Hybrid Leadership Identity is Emerging in Papua New Guinea
Identities in Transition
Studies of cross-cultural leaders to date frequently refer to the melding of
leadership beliefs and practices into a hybrid model as originally conceptualized by
Bhahba (1998). Fundamentally, this research demonstrates that the identity of the IEA
leader is an identity in transition, continually shifting and adapting to the multiple
expectations and pressures, generated both internally and externally, of traditional
cultural norms and beliefs and the IEA as a predominantly Western educational
organisation.
A review of the literature, as well as participant perceptions, attributed any
combination of the following essential characteristics to the Melanesian Big Man: a man
of great wealth be it traditional shell money or modern currency and a man who was
generous to the extent of benevolence. In addition the Big Man maintained a prominent
status resulting from his personal strength and his calculated success in warfare and other
inter-tribal negotiations. The Melanesian Big Man held specialized knowledge of
significant local matters such as land boundaries and family relations and was seen as Through the Eyes of the Big Man 151 influential in settling disputes due to the widespread acknowledgement that he was a man with wisdom of traditional spiritual understandings. In contrast, the IEA organization
promoted a more modern and Western style of educational leadership characterized by
leaders who were visionary and self-directed instructional leaders. Today's IEA leaders
were to be risk takers who empowered their staff members yet remained accountable and ethical. They were to build a strong sense of commitment both within the staff and the
local community. The Venn diagram as depicted in Figure 3 represents the intersection of
both the traditional Melanesian Big Man and Western, 'best practice' leadership styles.
Research data in this study identified the point of confluence of the two leadership
profiles characterized by knowledge, and expertise (e.g. community development,
sports), by problem solving, as well as the recognition of the individual's influential
status as a leader in Papua New Guinea. The porous nature of the Venn Figure is
representative of the widespread exchange of leadership development ideology creating
increasingly blurred and "less certain, less, homogenous and less secure" (Lumby, et al.,
2008) educational communities in a globalized context. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 152
Intersection of Traditional and Western Leadership Practices
Traditional \ Western Wealth Self-directing Generosity Ethical Personal Strength / \ Vision crafter Prominence I Knowledge \ Empowering Ambition Expertise \ Accountable Shrewd Problem solver Risk taking Competitive Influential Instructional leaders Spiritual Community builders 1 \ /
Figure 3. The intersection of traditional and Western leadership attributes.
Proposition three hypothesized the emergence of a hybrid leadership model among the cohort of contemporary Papua New Guinean education leaders and research data evidenced such a development as shown in Figure 4. Commentary above highlighted the intersection of traditional leadership practices inherent to the Melanesian Big Man and Western-oriented educational leadership practices as advocated by the EE A. With the addition of an additional set, presenting a hybrid or localised Papua New Guinean leadership identity, participant commentary and research data amplified researcher insights regarding the evolving and transitory nature of leadership attributes in the current
IEA educational context.
Lumby et al. (2008) asserted that, when confronted with Western-grown leadership practices and policies, conscientious cross-cultural leaders are called to "reject, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 153 accept or adapt" (p. 13) according to the local cultural context. In this research exploration, the localized Papua New Guinean leaders acknowledged that some Western generated ideas and policies, such as collaborative decision making, housing, and zero- tolerance policies did not fit with cultural norms and beliefs and required either rejection or adaption. On the other hand, the leaders were cognizant of the need for continued professional learning in areas such as data analysis, fiscal management, and administration and effective pedagogy. In addition, data suggested that today's localized leaders, after decades of working closely with expatriate leader colleagues were adapting as much as they were accepting or rejecting Western practices especially around Human
Resource and social welfare policy issues.
Figure 4 identifies leadership attributes that the Papua New Guinean leaders were selectively and noticeably fusing or converging with either traditional or Western leadership models. Again, the porous nature of the Venn circles represents the transitory context of leadership knowledge and experiences in the IEA today. In addition, the difficulty to precisely capture the extent and nature of these leadership concepts in a single descriptor presents a limitation. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 154
Intersection of Leadership Practices
Traditional Western Wealth Self-directing Generosity / Ethical \ Personal Strength Vision crafter Prominence / Knowledge Empowering \ Ambition f Expertise Accountable Shrewd Problem solver Risk taking Competitive Influential Instructional leaders Spiritual Community builders
. Papua New , \ Guinea /
Loyal Reflective Decisive Networking Goal directed Strategic
Hybrid Flexible Balancing Learning Adaptive Respecting
Figure 4. The intersection of traditional, Western and hybrid PNG leadership attributes.
The three traditional leadership attributes of loyalty, decisiveness and ambition were identified as changing or adapting in the perceptions of the IEA leadership cohort.
Deeply rooted in Papua New Guinea leadership belief is the vital importance to honour and demonstrate loyalty to traditional cultural norms and expectations. As example, a leader's obligation to his wantoks, both in and outside of the organization, remained ever- present and ubiquitous for Papua New Guinea localised leaders and research demonstrated that the leaders were finding a way to adapt enduring cultural beliefs and practices with learned and perceived current expectations of leading and responding to Through the Eyes of the Big Man 155 wantok obligations and commitments. In addition, the 1EA leaders clearly asserted the need for leaders to be, and to be perceived as, decisive; an unquestionable legacy of traditional leadership assumptions in Papua New Guinea. Finally the traditional Big Man was often distinguished by his relentless ambition for his tribe or clan. Data from this research pointed towards the changing nature of the leaders' ambition today in that it is manifested as an educational leader who is goal-oriented and primarily motivated by his ambition for his school as well as for his nation.
Research data highlighted the emergence of a hybrid and adapting localised Papua
New Guinea leader in the IEA today characterized by his flexibility, his ability to balance often competing agendas, his desire to extend his understanding of current educational
issues and his visible demonstrations of respect within his educational community. An
important note here is that it would be misleading for the researcher to suggest that
traditional local leaders were neither learner nor respectful, for example; however, this
research defined and amplified the existence and importance of these particular/distinct
attributes, as shown in the additional Venn set in Figure 4, for the contemporary EEA
leaders. This research highlighted the existence of five hybrid leadership attributes that
have emerged over time within this leadership cohort.
Research findings also signify that, given globalization's influence particularly as
evident in urban areas, waves and currents of change are irrevocably altering and possibly
eroding, the traditional leadership landscape in Papua New Guinea. From a critical and
postcolonial perspective, strengthening leaders' commitment to the organizational goals
may mean that there will be times when the leaders' allegiance shifts towards
organizational policy adherence and away from previous tribal commitments as evident Through the Eyes of the Big Man 156 in Barry's reflections about limiting the number of family members in the school housing or Vincent's action of terminating his village colleague. On the other hand, applying a constructivist lens, the current-day localised leaders are recognizing the value of professional networking and exchange and are adapting their traditional individualistic and transactional leadership orientation to a more collaborative model as can be observed
in the many examples of professional networking and exchange experiences. Both
scenarios are representative of culture's mediating influence on Papua New Guinean
leadership practices today and reflect the reality that contemporary localised leaders are
defining and adapting their practices to reflect their unique social cultural context.
Finally, research data illuminated that the leadership identity, found at the
intersection of all three leadership constructs, although admittedly in transition due to
exposure to multiple influences, was the leader as a Papua New Guinean. When asked to
reflect on the leadership gifts inherent to his leadership, each participant shared his belief
in the value and strength of his knowledge of and commitment to Papua New Guinea
culture. Perhaps the existence of this internal self-regard has enabled these leaders to
retain their cultural identity or integrity and withstand pressures from years, and in many
instances decades, of exposure to expatriate models.
Balancing Identities
Data from this research supported the model of the contemporary localised leader
as a fulcrum (Lumby & Foskett, 2008) in that he was continuously monitoring and
managing often competing, forces of traditional cultural beliefs and norms with
Westernized theoretical leadership constructs in order to maintain a personal sense of
balance and efficacy in his assigned educational leadership role. As example, the Papua Through the Eyes of the Big Man 157
New Guinean leaders shared their consternation in dealing with organizational policies that did not easily cohere with Papua New Guinea traditional and cultural practices (e.g. housing, compassionate leave, school fees).
In his leadership role in the organization, the local Papua New Guinean leader's role was that of the rounded fulcrum, in constant oscillating motion balancing the influence of external Western-like organizational policy and expectations, such as mandated reform agendas, with tangible and intangible traditional and cultural values and assumptions about local Papua New Guinean leadership. Once again, the contemporary leader participants highlighted both positive (i.e. respect, community responsibilities) and negative (i.e. obligations, financial handouts) experiences with localized pressures or expectations. Like any self-adjusting fulcrum, the leader intuitively monitors and responds to the varying expectations, pressures, or demands on their leadership in the community and in the organization in order to create equilibrium and stasis. For example, when Vincent recollected his experience of terminating a close family friend, he shared his plan to meet away from the school as a way of being sensitive to and acknowledging the wantok relationship. Similarly, both Barry and Raphael discussed how they consciously negotiated a workable solution for local Papua New Guinean staff as they were confronted with organizational policies that they perceived did not accommodate local needs.
Most of the leaders themselves were conscious of the diversity of influence and, as mentioned earlier, were aware of the need to create a workable balance between traditional and more modern leadership practices. For the most part, the balance was regulated and supported by personally initiated levers such as individual professional Through the Eyes of the Big Man 158
learning. For example Les spoke of the need to quickly learn the repertoire of unfamiliar
Australian continuing education jargon when newly appointed to the organization's
Technical and Further Education (TAFE) College. Additional examples were when
Joshua, Walter, and Joe stated that they actively engaged in self-talk. For example, Joe simply confessed, "This is a job I have to do" in order to restore and maintain the
necessary personal sense of balance.
Repeatedly the IEA leaders shared a wide range of personal response as they were
required to implement organizational policy such as student dismissal for non-payment of
fees. Many leaders not only shared their discomfort, but also expressed resentment (e.g.
Barry) or conflict (e.g. Clement) while others shared their resolve (e.g. Joe, Joshua) or
resignation (e.g. Joseph, Walter) to the organizational expectation to implement
potentially culturally conflicting policies. However, all of the localised leaders identified
the need to seek out alternate ways of regulating the balance of culturally and
organizationally bound forces.
Recent research on cross-cultural leadership and identity shows that when
confronted and confused by what appears to be conflicting demands or when sensing a
dissonance between personal values and organizational expectations, leaders retreat to
previously learned traditional practices based on long-held, and culturally mediated,
personal values (Begley, 2008; Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Hallinger & Kantamara,
2002; Lumby & English, 2009). In their discussion on successful leadership practices in a
cross-cultural environment, Dimmock and Walker (2008) characterized these hybrid
educational environments as dynamic, grounded in history, and symbolic, and "seeped
with emotion as well as meaning" (p. 52) and underscored the reality of leader tension Through the Eyes of the Big Man 159 and confusion when caught between organizational and personal responsibilities and expectations.
An identifiable hallmark of colonialism is the conflict between traditional and contemporary styles of leading. Findings from this investigation supported existing research in that the localised Papua New Guinean leaders experienced both emotional and cognitive tension and confusion as they complied with IEA policies while attempting to honour their unique cultural heritage and consequently were developing a range of coping strategies, such as those described above. However, the Papua New Guinean leader participants acknowledged the need for support levers that were carefully selected and developed so that they were sensitive to and congruent with local cultural and societal values. Embedded in the fulcrum model presented here are support levers on either side that can work to assist the IEA leaders in maintaining equilibrium.
Both postcolonial and cross-cultural research supported the fact that the most effective leverages were those that emerged from the local context and further, in environments that were both developing and culturally fragile, such locally identified and developed support levers could strengthen current and future leadership development in the IEA and Papua New Guinea (Bush, et al., 2008; Crossley & Tikly, 2004; Lumby &
Foskett, 2008; Walker, 2007). To an outside observer, monitoring and managing a balance as a local leader may seem daunting; however the leaders were universal in their acknowledgement in that there were areas in which their position or stance was clearly defined and dictated by traditional Papua New Guinea culture. For the localised Papua
New Guinean leaders policies that enable them to preserve and adhere to traditional cultural norms served to act as powerful levers to the fulcrum, supporting and enabling it Through the Eyes of the Big Man 160 to maintain personal equilibrium and balance. As example, when faced with the possibility of dismissing the school's bus drivers for violating a policy because of the traditional practice of chewing betel nut, Raphael personally risked reprimand when he negotiated a flexible policy implementation with his staff and it was his conviction in the importance of wantok obligation and reciprocity that provided the leverage to his leadership decision and action. The research findings presented a number of additional examples where the IEA localised leader participants shared similar experiences in which cultural leadership understandings and practices, innate to the individual leader's identity, invited challenge, confusion, and tension and thus there was a need for support levers that could prop up or offer reassurance and/or guidance to the leader during these uncertain times.
Equally valuable were systemic and organizational levers such as administrative policies (e.g. attendance, school fees, decision making). The leaders spoke of their reliance on IEA policy when responding to difficult staff members, parents, or even
Board Members who attempted to manipulate traditional practice in order to challenge or sway leader decision or action. Organizational levers such as communication protocols or policy handbooks enabled the leaders to stand firm and strong. In addition to organizational policies as effective levers, the leaders were universal in the strength of their own personal professional network and provided examples of how this network worked as a valuable lever during difficult or challenging times.
In summary, research data highlighted that in their attempts to balance both traditional cultural and more Westernized organizational expectations and pressures, today's localised educational leaders in the IEA were developing a variety of skills and Through the Eyes of the Big Man 161 abilities to monitor, adapt, and balance their praxis so as to establish and maintain a successful leadership identity in the EEA and in Papua New Guinea. Research findings also identified the need for selectively developed and strategically implemented leadership support mechanisms that were respectful of the local cultural values while at the same time promoted and enabled the development of effective leadership practices for education in Papua New Guinea.
Chapter Summary
The essential question framing this investigation was: "What is the identity of today's educational leader in the International Education Agency of Papua New Guinea?"
The focus and audience for this research was the contemporary indigenous Papua New
Guinean educational leader working in a postcolonial cross-cultural context. Three theoretical propositions guided and directed the discussion of the research findings. First, and not surprisingly, both postcolonial and globalizing influences were salient to the perceptions and experiences of the IEA leaders as they negotiated the "demands and obligations of a receding traditional society and the demands and expectations of an emerging [global and modern] society" (Waiko, 1997). However, data affirmed two key findings from previous research. One, that local culture effectively and powerfully filtered and mediated individual leader thoughts and actions in an ever-present globalizing context (Crossley & Tikly, 2004; Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Hallinger,
2003; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Heck, 2002b; Lumby & English, 2009; Walker &
Dimmock, 2002a, 2002b) and two, that effective educational leadership policies and
practices, regardless of country of origin, cannot be universally implemented and applied;
rather they must be adapted and adjusted so that they were respectful of the local beliefs Through the Eyes of the Big Mail 162 and values (Ahnee-Benham & Napier, 2002; Brown & Conrad, 2007; Bush, et al., 2008;
Dimmock & Walker, 2008; Hallinger & Kantamara, 2002; Leithwood & Levin, 2008;
Louisy, 2004).
A second focus was an exploration of the extent and degree of manifestation of any number of Melanesian Big Man attributes as identified in existing socio-cultural and anthropological research. Participant responses varied as to the presence of Big Man ideology in their leadership identity; however an analysis of the data suggested that the traditionally ascribed leadership attributes of influence and power, loyalty and obligation and ambition all were evident to some extent in the current day leaders' identity and subsequent practice. A fourth characteristic, common to all participant voices, was the indelible relationship between respect and the Papua New Guinea Big Man. However, and in contrast, this attribute was incongruent and not readily apparent in the literature's
portrayal of the Melanesian Big Man and thus research findings highlighted the need for further research in this area.
Finally, the third proposition held that a new hybrid leadership identity was
emerging in current-day Papua New Guinea. Research data pointed to the fact that the
IEA local educational leaders, conscious of the past contributions and models of
numerous expatriate leader colleagues, were equally aware of the significant influence of
Papua New Guinea cultural beliefs and practices on their choices and actions as
educational leaders. Participant reflections on their perceptions and experiences as
educational leaders in a Westernized educational organization demonstrated a fusion or
merging of both traditional and contemporary leadership assumptions and practices. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 163
Research findings supported that today's Papua New Guinea leaders, while admittedly in transition, were on the threshold of co-creating a distinct localised leadership responsive to the very unique and diverse social and cultural context existing in Papua New Guinea today. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 164
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION
Introduction and Overview
Papua New Guinea is indeed a unique research context due to its geographic, social, and political diversity. Over the decades ethnographers and anthropologists have remarked on the extent and pervasive influence of the "fluid processes" (Foster, 1995) evident in Papua New Guinea's regional and ethnic differences on its identity as a postcolonial Melanesian nation. The interplay of both rural and urban communities, coterminous by boundary only, offers a challenge to local administrators and leaders as they attempt to balance and create symmetry between indigenous customs and traditions and modern ways of operating (Jacobsen, 1995).
By nature, Small Island Developing States are negotiating a permeable traditional societal culture and an engulfing globalization. Although the body of research is expanding, there is limited literature on the identity of contemporary indigenous educational leaders as they mediate their praxis, primarily based on Western theory, and their traditional cultural belief systems.
The exploration of the perceptions and experiences of localised Papua New
Guinean leaders in a Western-oriented educational organization was the expressed purpose of the research project. Contemporary Papua New Guinean educational leaders in the IEA, a not-for-profit private education provider in Papua New Guinea, were both the participant and audience for this qualitative case study research. Ultimately, the intent was to illuminate, articulate, and co-create an understanding of their leadership identity as indigenous educational leaders balancing traditional beliefs and customary practices with more modern and imported educational reform agendas. Using an interpretative case Through the Eyes of the Big Man 165 study methodology, the on-site field component involved three face-to-face encounters: an extended open-ended interview, a follow-up meeting to clarify or expand findings, and a concluding focus group meeting to review and consider initial research findings. There was a two year interval between the interview and the final focus group component and although both the IEA as an organization and the leaders naturally continued to evolve, the initial perceptions and sentiments about their leadership experiences remained constant; a finding in itself underscoring the power and profound legacy of traditional leadership experiences in Papua New Guinea.
Researching with former colleagues presented both a risk to the research process and a challenge to me as researcher. Having previously worked for four years in the IEA as a consultant, coach, and mentor with the educational leader group, I was conscious of my past Consulting Principal role which was to deliberately support leadership thinking and efforts, at all stages of development, through the use of guided and purposeful dialogue. My concern, based upon my ability (or lack thereof) to set aside my previous role and assume the role of researcher presented a potential risk to the interview as well as to the selection and review of relevant findings. On the other hand, the existence of the personal bond facilitated the professional and collegial nature of each encounter which I believe, worked to offset any disadvantages created by extended lapses between field visits. Prior to each interview and the follow-up encounters, I mentally rehearsed and reminded myself of my role and during the interview I worked to monitor my thinking and responses in order to self-correct if necessary.
During the research process dialogue and conversations with my colleagues about their leadership experiences invited both taciturn and sensitive reflection. This reality, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 166 compounded with their willingness to publicly comment on long-held traditional leadership beliefs and assumptions, in addition to revelations of current perceptions and experiences in the IEA can unwittingly place the participant in a potentially vulnerable position. As mentioned previously, the intent was not to expose naive or inadequate thinking; rather it was to raise experiences and perceptions of leadership to a platform for their continued development or evolution as educational leaders in and for Papua New
Guinea.
Three key findings emerged from the study. First, both postcolonial and globalizing influences are salient to the experiences of the leaders and data confirm existing research on cross-cultural educational leadership in that Papua New Guinean local culture effectively and powerfully filters and mediates individual and collective leaders' thoughts and actions.
The IEA local or citizen education leaders' experiences affirm that they are in a state of transition as they seek balance between traditional and modern ways of leading.
Papua New Guinea is home to the traditional leadership construct of the Melanesian Big
Man. A second research finding uncovered manifestations of the Big Man as portrayed in existing socio-cultural and anthropological research on the identity and leadership practices of the Papua New Guinean leaders. Data analysis suggests the legacy and prevalence of four distinctive traditional leadership characteristics: (a) respect; (b) influence and power; (c) loyalty and obligation; and (d) opportunism and ambition. Of particular interest is the fact that participant stories initially identified an indelible relationship between respect and Big Man leadership, a persona traditionally known to
'command' respect from others. However, research findings allude to a conscious shift in Through the Eyes of the Big Man 167 current thinking about acts of respect in that leaders today are judicious and cautious with ubiquitous demonstrations of respect, suggesting that they are on the threshold of a new culturally-bound understanding of leadership and respect in Papua New Guinea. The fourth leadership trait, opportunism and ambition, emerged as cogent in the research
findings. Much of the literature on the Melanesian Big Man depicts him as an ambitious entrepreneur who has the knowledge, skills, or expertise to manipulate both people and events to his advantage. Research findings point to the fact that ambition, as a leadership
attribute, remains pronounced in the eyes of the current cohort of IEA educational
leaders. However, as has emerged with the characteristic of respect, connotations and
underlying assumptions of the term ambition are evolving. Although the current IEA
leaders acknowledge the importance of good timing and strategic planning for advantage,
their stories and experiences do not have the machinating edge prevalent in reviews of the
traditional Melanesian Big Man. Further, an ambitious leader in Papua New Guinea today
is one who is goal-directed and has high expectations for himself and for his school
community. Further investigation is necessary to explore the extent of these plausible
shifts in thinking about and acting towards local indigenous leaders.
Three, a hybrid leadership identity is emerging in Papua New Guinea. Research
data highlight that local leaders, acknowledging past contributions and models of
expatriate colleagues, are profoundly conscious of the strength, influence, and value of
Papua New Guinea cultural beliefs and practices on their actions as educational leaders.
The research illuminates that the Papua New Guinean leaders in the IEA today not only
are loyal and committed to their colleagues and local communities but also have lofty
aspirations for the growth of education in the IEA. Stemming from an extensive history Through the Eyes of the Big Man 168 of local leadership traditions and emerging from their learning opportunities with expatriate colleagues, the composite picture of this leadership group is representative of many of the commonly accepted and requisite leadership attributes for sustainable leadership in education today.
The research findings show that the current IEA educational leaders are both influential and knowledgeable, have expertise, and are effective problem solvers. In
addition, the IEA leaders, individually and collectively, are harnessing and polishing their
skills as reflective practitioners and educational vision crafters. The leadership cohort is
keenly aware of the importance of creating and fostering professional networks that can
give guidance, support, and mentor existing and newly appointed colleagues.
The research highlights that the localised IEA leaders are in a state of transition as
they are building local and system capacity for quality and sustainable educational
leadership in Papua New Guinea in the 21st century. The hybrid leadership attributes
emerging made visible in this research are coherent with the literature on sustainable
educational leadership in today's complex world. As an example, the Papua New
Guinean leaders in this study recognize the importance of active and on-going learning in
order to keep pace with the demands of curriculum and assessment initiatives,
pedagogical developments, and community changes and this awareness is supported by
the reality that sustainable change is largely dependent on continuous "knowledge
animation" (Stoll, 2010,476), a process that is reminiscent of the oscillating fulcrum in
that it is dynamic and invigorating.
The capacity for groups to work together and to understand the interrelated and
interconnected nature of the multifarious elements existing within the larger IEA Through the Eyes of the Big Man 169 organization is also a key attribute of sustainable leadership in a change-laden educational environment (Bransford et al., 2010; Hargreaves & Fink, 2003; Fullan,
2010a; Mulford, 2010; Stoll, 2010). For the IEA leaders, creating and sustaining a vibrant professional culture that understands the importance of genuine dialogue, that facilitates reflection and the sharing of new knowledge, and that invites the surfacing of tacit assumptions about leadership identity (Stoll, 2010) can work to support sustainable leadership development within the organization. These collective encounters enable "the individuals to see the 'big picture' of the organization and understand how parts and whole are interrelated and how actions in one domain create consequences in another"
(Giles & Hargreaves, 2006, p. 127).
In addition to the act of learning new ways of leading and responding to the challenges of education in a socioeconomically diverse and globalized society, the reality exists that the leaders will likely encounter any number of internal and external hurdles inherent to well-intended organizational change initiatives. Fullan (2010b) and Giles and
Hargreaves (2006) highlight the potential of groupthink to exert a negative influence on the capacity building process in a change environment as such blind conformity enables the members to "insulate themselves from alternate ideas - turning shared visions into shared delusions" (Giles & Hargreaves, 2006, p. 152). As example, this cohort of localized educational leaders has established a strong network within the IEA organization and they acknowledge its contribution to their on-going development as educational leaders. However, the self-regulating nature of the IEA organization in Papua
New Guinea augments the possibility and risk for 'groupthink' to flourish and impede the group's leadership capacity developing efforts. Therefore the actions of these local Through the Eyes of the Big Man 170 leaders actively collaborating, creating broad professional networks of reflective
practitioners, while holding tight to their aspirations for their schools, their communities,
and the IEA can assist them to confront and counter the challenges.
Sustainable leadership is distributed leadership (Hargreaves & Fink, 2003; Giles
& Hargreaves, 2006; Mulford, 2010; Stoll, 2010). This research introduces the concept of
an ever-moving fulcrum to the Papua New Guinea leadership cohort; an idea that
encapsulates the recognition that the educational leaders are continually striving to
monitor, balance, and manage multiple expectations and agendas in their school communities. Although well-anchored and grounded in the rich Papua New Guinea
traditional leadership context, the leaders are aware of the need to remain open to internal
and external feedback so that they can effectively reflect and adjust to the diverse
leadership expectations, responsibilities, and challenges. The fulcrum analogy also
highlights the importance of personal and organizational leverages which can work to
support and 'ease the load', effectively enabling the leaders to maintain their sense of
balance and belonging within the IEA educational community. This recognition of the
value of sharing and supporting the weights of leadership will facilitate the development
of sustainable leadership in the IEA.
In conclusion, participant stories and reflections as indigenous leaders in a
Westernized educational organization indicate that they are in a state of transition,
balancing, and bridging traditional and contemporary leadership assumptions and
practices and co-creating a distinct localised sustainable leadership responsive to the
unique and diverse social and cultural context existing in Papua New Guinea today. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 171
Further Research Possibilities
This research responds to the call for a deeper understanding of the interplay between localized and traditional societal culture and leadership identity and practice. In current day Papua New Guinea, localised leaders are actively filtering and integrating internationally promoted effective leadership practice and developing a unique contextualized or hybrid educational leadership style uniquely embodied in the IEA. In addition to the possibilities mentioned above, the research invites further comparative explorations into how indigenous leaders in other Small Island Developing State nations are internalizing and responding to their role in a globalized educational environment increasingly characterized by change and development. Secondly, this investigation focused on the experiences of male Papua New Guinean leaders and, given the traditional influence of the matrilineal dynasties in Papua New Guinea as well as the growing presence of female leaders in the IEA, there is a need to explore the perceptions and experiences of these female leaders as they understand and define their own distinct leadership role in the Papua New Guinean postcolonial context. Thirdly, this investigation opens the door for a longitudinal study of local educational leaders' experiences in the EEA, as a prominent education provider in Papua New Guinea. There is value in a long-term and in-depth study, mapping their development and growth as educational leaders in a developing and evolving societal-political context. Such research can chart successes, highlight critical personal and organizational junctures and, most importantly validate their contributions to the development of a viable and locally relevant educational system. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 172
Finally, the most significant finding in this research is that it reflects the lived experiences of the 14 citizen Papua New Guinean educational leaders in the IEA. The research process not only invited participants to share long-held beliefs about leadership but also provided an opportunity for them to identify past and on-going challenges as
Papua New Guineans as they are converging local leadership understandings with the needs of a dynamic and fluid educational and socio-political landscape. In this research the Papua New Guinean educational leaders' voices are genuine, pronounced, and strong as evidenced in Raphael's concluding remarks on this research project, "You are writing something that needs to be written. You are closer to understanding our leadership than anyone before".
Researcher Postscript
Moments after stepping off of the Air Niugini plane in Port Moresby in January
2005 I sensed the fascination and grip that Papua New Guinea held up to me as an educator and as a woman. Not only were there extraordinary and unparalleled cultural opportunities but also there were many personal and professional experiences, each revealing the overwhelming uniqueness and diversity of the nation's communities, geography, and customary practices. Today, six years later, as I reflect on my experiences, I am thankful for the openness and generosity of my Papua New Guinea colleagues and friends. This research endeavour represents my learning and interpretation of their stories, their reflections, and their aspirations as current and future leaders for
Papua New Guinea. Perhaps the gift of their stories makes yet another valuable contribution to the existing body of knowledge and understanding regarding indigenous educational leadership identity in the 21st century. Through the Eyes of the Big Man Through the Eyes of the Big Man 174
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Oaks: Sage. Through the Eyes of the Big Man
APPENDIX A: INVITATION EMAIL CONTACT TO PARTICIPANTS
17.09.2010 Hello Wontoks Olgeta! In September I hope to return to PNG so that I can visit my good friends and colleagues in the IEA. In addition, I would like to begin to collect data for the university research that I began in 2006. The first part of the research process is a face- to-face interview with PNG leaders in the IEA. I would very much like to spend some time with you; talking about your leadership experiences in PNG and the IEA. The interviews will take no more than two hours and I will ask for your permission to tape record the conversation. My hope is that as a result of our work together, you and your IEA colleagues will have a useful resource that can assist in setting organizational direction for current and future PNG leaders in the IEA. If you would like to participate, let me know so that I can contact you in order to set a time and place. I am looking forward to seeing and visiting with you Tenkyu tru, Through the Eyes of the Big Man 190
APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM
University of Calgary
Name of Researcher, Faculty, Department, Telephone & Email: C Jane Macleod, student in Doctorate of Education, Educational Specialization, Graduate Division of Educational Research; [email protected]; +971-050-141-9075 Supervisor: Dr. Pam Bishop, Department of Graduate Education Research Title of Project: Looking for the Big-Man: An Investigation of Education Leaders' Contemporary Experiences in PNG
This consent form, a copy of which has been given to you, is only part of the process of informed consent. If you want more details about something mentioned here, or information not included here, you should feel free to ask. Please take the time to read this carefully and to understand any accompanying information.
The University of Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board has approved this research study. Purpose of the Study:
The purpose of the research is to explore Papua New Guinean principal, deputy principal and head office organisational leaders' experiences and perceptions of their localisation or integration into leadership positions in the IEA in anticipation of generating a theory for culturally appropriate and relevant leadership localisation practices in this, and other developing nations. As an experienced educational leader in the IEA, you are invited to participate in this research. The results of this research will be used to inform the researcher's Educational Leadership Doctoral degree.
What Will I Be Asked To Do?
As a participant you are invited to reflect on your assumptions and experiences with leadership both as an educational leader in the IEA and as a Papua New Guinean. You are invited to participate in a semi-structured and face to face interview which will be tape recorded and will take place a location of your choice. The interview will take approximately two hours. You are invited to share samples of school newsletters, staff memos and Board reports and any other documentation that you believe reflects your leadership experiences. Where interviews occur in the participant's place of employment, observational data (e.g. artifacts, office set up) will be noted and recorded. All information shared will be confidential. Within five months of the interview, you will be Through the Eyes of the Big Man 191 invited, again in a faee-to-face meeting, to review the interview transcript so that you can clarify, expand, and confirm the data. You will have six weeks to review and respond to the collected data, as presented. As a concluding event, you will be invited to a meeting at which time I will present the data and research findings to you and your colleagues. As a group, you will be invited to consider how to use this new knowledge that has been co- constructed through the research process. As participant, your participation is voluntary and you may refuse to participate or you may withdraw from the research at any time. There will be no penalty or consequence if you wish to withdraw. In addition there will not be any negative consequences to the participants' position of employment, whether individuals participate or not.
What Type of Personal Information Will Be Collected? Should you agree to participate, you will be asked to provide your home province, your educational background and the amount and level of leadership experience within the IEA and in other PNG situations. Again if you do not wish to provide this information, your decision will be respected and accepted.
Are there Risks or Benefits if I Participate?
There are no risks or benefits to participants.
What Happens to the Information I Provide?
Participation is completely voluntary, anonymous, and confidential. As a result of participation, you may be quoted, but you may remain anonymous and referenced by a pseudonym of your choosing ( ). However, as data about home province is considered relevant to the study of Big Man Leadership in PNG, this information may be reported and can limit anonymity. Furthermore, due to the size and familiarity of the IEA leaders' group as well as participation in the group meetings, individual anonymity is limited and identities may be easily determined by co- participants and colleagues. You are free to discontinue participation at any time during the study. With participant permission, partial data collected will be retained and used upon participant withdrawal. The interviews will be held in English or Pidgin, or both, depending upon your wishes at the time. No one except the researcher and her supervisor and, where necessary, a mutually agreed upon translator will be allowed to see or hear any of the answers to the questionnaire or the interview recording. There are no names on the documentation. Only group information will be summarized for any presentation or publication of results. At the conclusion of the research process, any interview notes, transcripts as well as any other research data will be stored in digital format in a secure location in my home. The data will be archived indefinitely for future use. Participants and the Executive Director and the Board of Governors for the International Education Through the Eyes of the Big Man 192
Agency of PNG will all receive a copy of the final report.
Signatures (written consent)
Your signature on this form indicates that you 1) understand to your satisfaction the information provided to you about your participation in this research project, and 2) agree to participate as a research subject.
In no way does this waive your legal rights nor release the investigators, sponsors, or involved institutions from their legal and professional responsibilities. You are free to withdraw from this research project at any time. You should feel free to ask for clarification or new information throughout your participation.
Participant's Name: (please print)
Participant's Signature Date:
Researcher's Name: (please print) C. Jane Macleod
Researcher'Signature: Date: 17.09.2009
Questions/Concerns
If you have any further questions or want clarification regarding this research and/or your participation, please contact:
Ms. C Jane Macleod, +971-050-141-9075 cjmacleo @ ucalga ry.ca Supervisor: Dr. Pam Bishop, University of Calgary Graduate Division of Educational Research, Faculty of Education bishopp @ucalgary.ca If you have any concerns about the way you've been treated as a participant, please contact the
Senior Ethics Resource Officer, Research Services Office, University of Calgary at (403) 220-
3782; email [email protected].
A COPY OF THIS CONSENT FORM HAS BEEN GIVEN TO YOU TO KEEP FOR YOUR RECORDS AND REFERENCE. THE INVESTIGATOR HAS KEPT A COPY OF THE CONSENT FORM. Through the Eyes of the Big Man 193
APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW GUIDE
The essential question framing this research is: "What are the perceptions and experiences of today's educational leaders in the International Education Agency of Papua New Guinea?" Related questioning themes or discussion prompts are: 1. Can you begin by telling me about yourself and your background? a. Which is your home province? b. What is your status in your home village or community? c. Can you tell me about your educational training and experience? d. What has been your leadership journey in the BE A 2. Thinking about leadership, what are some of your personal assumptions or beliefs? 3. Looking more closely at educational leadership, what are your beliefs about this? 4. What have been your leadership experiences in the IEA? 5. Are there samples of school or staff newsletters, Board reports, and/or other documentation that you believe aptly reflects your leadership experiences? 6. As a leader in the IEA, what have been some challenges, conflicts or dilemmas that you have experienced? 7. As a leader in the IEA, what supports have you utilized? What other supports, if any, would you have appreciated? 8. What do you believe have been, or currently are, influences on your leadership? 9. Looking ahead, what are some of your hopes and aspirations for leadership within the IEA? 10. What do you see as the future of educational leadership in the IEA? 11. In the invitation to participate, I asked you to reflect upon an experience that you feel closely reflects who you are as an educational leader. Can you please share this with me now? Through the Eyes of the Big Man 194
APPENDIX D: SAMPLE PARTICIPANT SUMMARY
Barry Sam Position: Vice Principal, TISOL Home Province: Manus
Province
Interview X Site: TISOL, Lae
Email [email protected] Date: 28 October 2009
Telephone Time: 60 minutes
Education Qualification: Grade 10; Teaching Diploma Madang Teachers' College B.Ed. Southern Cross University, Australia
Experience (IEA): 9 Years Total Experience: 14 Year
1. Main Issues that surfaced in the interview: • Leaders are virtuous and exhibit a high moral standard • Grandfather and father have 'chief like status in the community - well respected • As educated 3rd son, Barry is recognized as a leader in his home community and is called upon to be involved in dispute resolution etc. Knowledge is valued. • In the community, leaders are recognized and respected for their perceived talents • Barry is realistic in that he accepts that he fulfills a different role as a Vice Principal • Barry recognizes and accepts the diversity and modernization of the IEA education system • Barry senses a clash of expectations when it comes to organization policy and culture (i.e. accommodation policy) • As a Papua New Guinean leader, Barry is often caught in the middle and called upon to clarify communication and understanding • As a PNG leader, Barry brings the gift of cultural knowledge and understanding • Believes that the BM ideology is alive and well in PNG and is not a bad thing although there is no place for it in the IEA • Respect is important to Barry and when teachers and PNG parents question school leaders, this is an example of lack of respect - no intersection here; rather a clash 2. Other points that surfaced: • Some IEA policies could have more flexibility to accommodate needs of PNG staff • Mentors include Les, Raphael, Doug and Neal (both PNG and expat) • Teachers and ancillary staff see Barry as a Big Man and he responds as such Through the Eyes of the Big Man 195
• Not ready for totally PNG IEA organization as negative aspects of BM would likely surface 3. What didn't surface: • Ambition - although desire to be less of HR person and more a strategic leader • Steve Mead's role 4. Questions/ ideas arising from the interview: • Could it be that one of the roles of the expat leaders is to minimize some of the traditional leadership customs and ways of doing things? • How do you feel when the IEA (person or policy) challenges culture (e.g. housing, leaves, attendance)? • What examples can you identify of policies that need to have increased flexibility and why?
Transcript Sent: Yes Date: February 2011 Through the Eyes of the Big Man 196
APPENDIX E: FOCUS GROUP AGENDA
IE A Education Leadership Workshop
Purpose
1. To present an overview of international education leadership
development,
2. To present findings from Phase One to PNG leaders for their review,
3. To explore key themes for clarification, expansion or adaptation,
4. To review and discuss a Model for IEA leadership development and
support. AGENDA
I. Introduction
II. Three Propositions
a. Postcolonial and Societal Change are influencing leadership Introduce change and organizations in transition - leadership role Current reality - developing nation, considerable resources, globalization, communication etc.
"You are going to explore the connection between the changing context and your leadership." Step One: In groups of 4, brainstorm all the changes you can think of in 5 minutes. Label them as political, social or educational. Step Two: Think about the influence of these changes on your leadership role in the IEA. Use the following scale: 1. Minimal influence 2. Moderate influence 3. Considerable influence Step Three: Groups share and discuss
b. Big Man Attributes are evident in IEA leaders
"What is the first thing that comes to your mind when I say the term 'Big Man'? Share Give background information on research about Big Man Through the Eyes of the Big Man
Regardless of term, BM, Chief, Great Man, explain that the purpose of my study is to explore the extent to which assumptions about traditional PNG leadership are evident in the behaviors and identity of the current leaders.
Step One: Straw poll: not really, somewhat, a lot (write number down) Step Two: Review characteristics according to their voices Carousel and put dot on four Step Three: Western Leadership expectations Review key leadership behaviors for successful educational leadership today. Distributive decision making, collaborative decision making, instructional leadership, administration and management, community leadership
Step Four: Venn and Hybrid Model On large sheets of paper, groups place behaviors on appropriate circle. Discuss.
c. Research Findings (Tentative) Step One: Introduce research about cross cultural leaders experiences (Dimmock, Hallinger, Hall, Lumby, Bush)
Step Two: Demonstrate the fulcrum model, competing pressures, forces, monitoring and maintaining balance Discuss
Step Three: Introduce questions about levers: a. What kinds of internal supports would assist leaders to balance? b. What kinds of organizational supports could assist? c. What strategies could assist?
III. Conclusion and Wrap Up a. Summary of Day b. Next steps and thank you Through the Eyes of the Big Man 198
APPENDIX F: PARTICIPANT MATRIX AND ATTRRIBUTE DESCRIPTORS
Participant Name
C JS 01 (0 c « o. ID a Attribute u C Of if u« EI £> —n C t Q> v» a J m (0 2 * v S 3 ?tr « O O 2 s CD ° 3 CO Attribute Loyalty A stated loyalty to the organization, the school, the village, wontoks. Responsibility The sense of responsibility for the welfare of others; almost paternal Generosity Gift giving - money, time, resources Respect Almost deference Local Having an inherent understanding and knowledge of local culture and context; e.g. Knowledge land ownership, family obligations, customs, rituals Knowledge Having a recognized expertise; i.e. education, policy Entrepreneur The ability to seize the moment; take full advantage of opportunities for personal or collective advancement Power Man in control; decision maker; unquestioned authority and respect; typically generated through wealth (i.e. wives, pigs, land, shell money) Ambition An expressed desire for personal advancement Obligation The significant and unquestioned weight of responsibility to wontoks, persons of greater status, to do what is right or expected (e.g. policy adherence) or to fulfill cultural expectations (e.g. deference) Reciprocity An exchange of resources, commitments Benevolence Acts of kindness, giving, thoughtful, support offering; listening Commitment A sense of moral obligation to the organization or the community Diversity The acknowledgment of the existing diversity in PNG as an influence on leadership Culture The recognition that BM status is applicable to a specific culture; not obviously specific transferrable between cultures Status Leadership is about position and status Personality Leaders have an 'aura' or a special something that sets them apart from the others; some have it while others don't Humility A stated discomfort with external recognition of leadership Action Man-of-action; someone who gets things going Visionary A leader who has aspirations for his people, school, leadership Collaborative The stated recognition of the need to work with others to achieve goals, solve problems Reflective Thoughtful; opposite to Action-oriented