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May 03 1 1/4/03, 9:59 AM State, Society and Governance in Melanesia THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia StateSociety and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2003/3 DISORDERLY DEMOCRACY: POLITICAL TURBULENCE AND INSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA1 Papua New Guinea is one of the few post- again prime minister) as a house full of ‘rejects’, RJ MAY colonial states that has managed to maintain lacking a mandate to govern3, and on the an unbroken record of democratic government. eve of the 2002 national elections, the then Parliamentary elections have been held regularly prime minister, Sir Mekere Morauta, suggested on schedule (the latest in June 2002), and that Papua New Guinea was ‘on the verge of although no government has lasted a full collapse’.4 parliamentary term, every change of government Not only does Papua New Guinea exhibit has followed constitutional procedures. All many of the signs of a weak state5 – changes of government (most of them by notably limited capacity to deliver services parliamentary votes of no confidence against and a poorly developed sense of national the prime minister) have been accepted by identity – its political institutions seem to both defeated members of parliament (MPs) be becoming increasingly vulnerable to non- and the general public. The judiciary has democratic pressures, from long adjournments of maintained its independence. Notwithstanding parliament and increasingly disorderly national occasional tensions in relations between elections to persistent unrest within the defence successive governments and elements within the force. In a region which has given rise to Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF), such terms as ‘guided democracy’ (Sukarno’s Papua New Guinea has not experienced a Indonesia), ‘elite democracy’ (Post-Marcos military coup. The Freedom House index ranks Philippines), and ‘disciplined democracy’ (Burma Papua New Guinea as ‘free’.2 after Ne Win), Papua New Guinea might Yet despite this, both within Papua New perhaps be described as a ‘disorderly democracy’. Guinea and outside, commentators tend to The question posed by recent trends is whether portray Papua New Guinea as a country marked the disorderly nature of Papua New Guinea’s by political instability, if not chaos, with a state politics is simply a reflection of the ‘Melanesian on the verge of collapse. In 1999, for example, Way’ of doing things, and consistent with the The contribution Papua New Guinea’s first prime minister, in maintenance of a democratic political system, of AusAID to the context of debate about electoral reform, or whether there is a growing disorder which this series is referred to the country’s National Parliament threatens the continued viability of the country’s acknowledged (of which he is still a member – and in 2002 democratic system. with appreciation. may 03 1 1/4/03, 9:59 AM State, Society and Governance in Melanesia This paper examines the apparent disparity National Parliament in the independent state of 2 between the broad indications of successful Papua New Guinea. Provisions to accommodate democratic government and the widespread the demands of the Bougainvilleans, however, perceptions of governmental failure; reviews provided the basis, after independence, for a ongoing attempts to consolidate Papua New system of provincial government (see below). Guinea’s democratic institutions; and, in the The independence constitution, which light of the recently conducted national provided for a Westminster-style parliamentary election, speculates on the prospects for system with a unicameral parliament, was democracy in the country which is commonly drafted by a wholly Papua New Guinean referred to by its own citizens as the ‘Land of the Constitutional Planning Commission (CPC) Unexpected’. which looked primarily to African models, but also appealed to a somewhat romantic notion of a ‘Melanesian Way’ characterized by egalitarian A BRIEF POLITICAL HISTORY 6 values and consensual decision making.7 Since 1977 the National Parliament has The territories of Papua and New Guinea – comprised 109 members: 89 of these represent the eastern half of the island of New Guinea, single-member, geographically-defined ‘open’ to the immediate north of Australia – became electorates; the other 20 represent ‘provincial’ independent, as a single political entity, in 1975. electorates coinciding with the country’s twenty The transition from colonial administration administrative divisions (nineteen provinces by Australia to independent statehood was and the National Capital District). With achieved smoothly, with goodwill on both the exception of the small Manus Province sides, though the comparative recency of (which contains only one open electorate), each localization and relatively low levels of province contains between two and nine open education and administrative experience electorates, and every voter thus has two votes: ensured that Australians and other foreigners one for a provincial candidate and one for an continued to play an important role in both the open candidate. public and private sectors in the early years of At the last election before independence, in independence. 1972, an embryonic party system had begun to Prior to substantive European contact emerge, and the development of a two-party- towards the end of the nineteenth century, dominant system was seen as being encouraged Papua New Guinea was an isolated and by the adoption of a single-member, first-past- highly fragmented region. There was only the-post electoral system. In fact, however, limited contact amongst its 800 odd language a coherent political party system has not groups, and warfare between neighbouring developed (see below). groups was endemic. Change came slowly. Following his election in 1972 as chief At independence Papua New Guinea had a minister in the pre-independence parliament, population about three million, upwards of 85 Michael (later Sir Michael) Somare became per cent of whom lived in rural areas and Papua New Guinea’s first prime minister in were at least partly dependent on subsistence 1975, heading a coalition dominated by the agriculture. (Twenty-two years later, population Pangu Pati, of which Somare was parliamentary exceeds five million, but the other figures have leader, and the People’s Progress Party (PPP) not significantly changed.) In many parts of Julius (later Sir Julius) Chan. The Somare- of the country substantial contact with the Chan government was returned in 1977, but outside world was quite recent: in the heavily in 1980, following a split within the governing populated highlands of the interior, first contact coalition, Somare lost a vote of no confidence patrols were conducted in the 1930s and in the and Chan succeeded him as prime minister. more remote areas a continuing administrative In 1982 Somare was returned as prime presence was not established until well into the minister, heading a coalition in which Pangu 1950s. initially had fifty seats, but the party split On the eve of independence, the unity of twice during the 1982-1987 parliament and in the country was threatened by two separatist 1985 Somare lost office in another vote of movements. In Papua and in Bougainville there no confidence. Former Pangu deputy leader were unilateral declarations of independence. Paias Wingti – who had formed his own party, Neither movement had great impact on the The People’s Democratic Movement (PDM) – inevitable transition to independence, the succeeded him. Wingti remained prime minister leaders of both groups becoming members of the after the elections of 1987, as head of another may 03 2-3 1/4/03, 9:59 AM Disorderly Democracy coalition government, but lasted only about the world’s largest gold and copper mines (which a year in office before losing a vote of no was a major source of export earnings and 3 confidence which named as prime minister the government revenue). new Pangu leader, Rabbie (later Sir Rabbie) Namaliu, who had replaced Somare shortly POLITICAL PARTIES before the vote. Namaliu remained in office for the rest of the parliamentary term, but following the election of 1992 narrowly lost the Despite expectations in the early years vote for prime minister to Wingti. In of independence that political parties would 1993, in an attempt to gain a reprieve develop as a major element of the political from votes of no confidence, Wingti staged system, parties remain generally weak.8 an unannounced resignation and immediate At independence the main point of re-election as prime minister. The following substantive difference between the emerging year, however, the Supreme Court ruled Wingti’s major parties concerned the pace of movement action unconstitutional; Wingti resigned and towards independence. Pangu Pati, in a coalition reshuffle Chan returned as prime predominantly a party of the lowlands, led by minister. In the election of 1997 Chan lost his relatively well educated and progressive young seat (see below), and in the election aftermath nationalists, favoured early independence; the was succeeded as prime minister by Bill Skate. United Party (UP), a predominantly highlands- Facing strong challenges to his leadership in based party, whose membership, for the most early 1999, Skate resigned. In the ensuing part, was more traditional and influenced by parliamentary vote, former finance secretary conservative expatriate planters, favoured a and central bank governor Sir Mekere Morauta slower transition (allowing the more recently
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