How to Gain Political Support for Reforms?
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Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010
STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional). -
The Negative Consequences of Proportional Representation in Ukraine
THE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN UKRAINE SERHIJ VASYLCHENKO POLITICAL GEOGRAPHER Abstract: Ukraine has changed its electoral law numerous times. The first two elections to the parliament in 1990 and 1994 employed a single-member district majoritarian system. The Verkhovna Rada elections in 1998 and 2002 used a mixed system with single- member districts and proportional representation. The parliamentary elections in 2006 and 2007 were purely proportional representation. Finally, the elections in 2012 went back to the mixed system. This article argues that the use of proportional representation has facilitated extensive manipulation in the Ukrainian political system through the creation of “party projects” and by severing the link between parliamentarians and their constituents. fter Ukraine gained its independence in 1991, it faced an urgent need Ato reform its electoral legislation to address new political realities – most importantly, the development of a multiparty system in place of the previous one-party system that had ruled the Soviet Union. According to the existing law adopted during the Soviet era, parties other than the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had no legal basis. That law laid out a first past the post majoritarian system in which the winner had to win an absolute majority of the votes.1 The opposition national-democrat deputies in the People’s Rada group in the first years of independence supported electoral law reform Serhij Vasylchenko is an independent political geographer in Ukraine, [email protected]. 1 Law “On elections of the people’s deputies of the Ukrainian SSR” from October 27, 1987, Vedomosti Verkhnoi Rady USSR, 1989 addendum to N 45, article 626 <http://zakon4.rada. -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
Turkey's Evolving Dynamics
Turkey’s Evolving Dynamics CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Strategic Choices for U.S.-Turkey Relations CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1800 K Street | Washington, DC 20006 director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Stephen J. Flanagan E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org deputy director Samuel J. Brannen principal authors Bulent Aliriza Edward C. Chow Andrew C. Kuchins Haim Malka Julianne Smith contributing authors Ian Lesser Eric Palomaa Alexandros Petersen research coordinator Kaley Levitt March 2009 ISBN 978-0-89206-576-9 Final Report of the CSIS U.S.-Turkey Strategic Initiative CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy065769zv*:+:!:+:! Türk-Amerikan Stratejik Girisimi¸ CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Turkey’s Evolving Dynamics Strategic Choices for U.S.-Turkey Relations DIRECTOR Stephen J. Flanagan DEPUTY DIRECTOR Samuel J. Brannen PRINCIPAL AUTHORS Bulent Aliriza Edward C. Chow Andrew C. Kuchins Haim Malka Julianne Smith CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Ian Lesser Eric Palomaa Alexandros Petersen RESEARCH COORDINATOR Kaley Levitt March 2009 Final Report of the CSIS U.S.-Turkey Strategic Initiative Türk-Amerikan Stratejik Girisimi¸ About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1994
1NS1DE: 9 The Donbas factor in the elections - page 3. - The Ukrainian diplomatic presence in the U.S. - page 5. ^ Ukrainian "fleet" arrives in New Zealand - page 1 3. THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association inc., a fraternal non-profit association vol. LXII No. 13 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 27,1994 50 cents ANALYS1S: U.S. defense secretary promotes denuclearization military aid, S250 million of which has Election eve visits Pervomaiske, been extended to date. Half the Si00 million outlay is dedi– in Ukraine pledges new funds cated to the continued de-activization of Ukraine's nuclear warheads and their by Myron Wasylyk by Roman Woronowycz removal to Russia. RFESRL Research Report Kyyiv Press Bureau Of the S440 million in new funds After almost two years of grid- KYYiv - United States Defense granted, S20 million will be used to build lock, Ukrainian politics has been Secretary William Perry in his first visit housing for soldiers and officers who are galvanized by the approach of the here announced on March 23 that the being released as Ukraine reduces its mil– parliamentary elections scheduled U.S. will release to Ukraine S100 million itary forces. The other S20 million will for March 27. With more than for continued denuclearization, military go to conversion of Ukraine's military- 5,800 registered candidates compet– conversion and housing for soldiers. Of industrial complex to the private sector. ing for 450 seats, most election that amount, S40 million are new funds. The last S10 million will help Ukraine contests will probably be decided Mr. -
Yushchenko Versus Tymoshenko: Why Ukraine's National Democrats Are Divided
YUSHCHENKO VERSUS TYMOSHENKO: WHY UKRAINE’S NATIONAL DEMOCRATS ARE DIVIDED TARAS KUZIO JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY-SAIS Abstract: Ukraine’s national democrats are divided into pragmatic and ideologically-driven wings resting on their support for different policies towards national communists in the early 1990s and transition winners (i.e. oligarchs) from the late 1990s. Pragmatic national democrats, led by Viktor Yushchenko, supported grand coalitions between Our Ukraine and centrist members of the establishment, such as the Party of Regions, gave lukewarm support to anti-presidential movements in the run up to the Orange Revolution, and preferred round- tables to street protests. Ideologically-driven national democrats, led by Yuliya Tymoshenko, opposed grand coalitions, were at the center of anti-regime movements during the Orange Revolution, and opposed round-table talks with the authorities. his article provides the first analysis of the long-term conflict between Tthe two key national democratic leaders, Viktor Yushchenko and Yuliya Tymoshenko, which was one of the factors that dominated Yushchenko’s presidency. This conflict is of fundamental importance to Ukrainian poli- tics because it defined the evolution of post-Orange Revolution politics and led to the election of Viktor Yanukovych as president in 2010. This article analyzes the relationship between the national demo- crats and the Ukrainian establishment, particularly focusing on how the national democrats related to Ukraine’s sovereign (national) communists in the early 1990s and the small group of winners who became super- wealthy oligarchs in Ukraine’s partial transition. Differences in defining Taras Kuzio is a Non-Resident Fellow, Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins University-SAIS ([email protected]). -
Ukraine and Its Regions: Societal Trends and Policy Implications
MARCH 2020 62 UKRAINE AND ITS REGIONS SOCIETAL TRENDS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS Ryhor Nizhnikau, Arkady Moshes ( eds.) MARCH 2020 62 MARCH 2020 62 UKRAINE AND ITS REGIONS SOCIETAL TRENDS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS Ryhor Nizhnikau, Arkady Moshes ( eds.) MARCH 2020 62 This publication is part of a research project “Ukraine after Euromaidan” conducted by the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. The project is implemented with the financial support of the Nordic Council of Ministers 2020. All FIIA reports and other publications are also available on our website at www.fiia.fi Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen Graphic design: Mainostoimisto SST Oy Layout: Kaarina Tammisto ISBN (web) 978-951-769-633-3 ISSN (web) 2323-5454 The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and in- ternationally. All manuscripts are reviewed by at least two other experts in the field to ensure the high quality of the publications. In addition, publications undergo professional language checking and editing. The responsibility for the views expressed ultimately rests with the authors. CONTENTS Acknowledgements 8 Introduction 9 1 The shift and trends in Ukrainians’ self-perception and foreign priorities at the time of Russia-Ukraine conflict 17 Self-identification after 2014: The strengthening of a conscious “citizenship” component 18 Foreign policy priorities in public opinion: obvious changes and hidden risks 21 Conclusions -
Faction Institutionalisation and Parliamentary Development in Ukraine
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Oxford Brookes University: RADAR Faction Institutionalisation and Parliamentary Development in Ukraine SARAH WHITMORE1 The institutionalisation of factions in Ukraine’s parliament has proceeded in a patchy, uneven manner as a consequence of cross-cutting incentives created by the constitution, lower order rules and the actions of the president. Although factions became more organisationally complex and disciplined, membership instability significantly undermined these developments so that factions remained weakly institutionalised. Despite this, factions came to exercise greater influence over the parliamentary leadership and the legislative process, largely due to the formation of Ukraine’s first parliamentary majority in 2000. However, as this majority was orchestrated by President Kuchma, Ukraine’s parliament remains vulnerable to external pressure. Internal parliamentary institutions are central to the capacity of a parliament to perform roles essential to the functioning of a modern state, including law-making, oversight of the executive and representation. As parliaments are nested institutions, where key functions are devolved to internal institutions, scholars have singled out the roles played by parliamentary parties (factions) as key to institutional efficacy.1 A strong party system (within and beyond parliament) is seen as crucial for accountable governance and democratic stability.2 Therefore, parliamentary parties can carry out a wide -
From Viktor to Viktor: Democracy and Authoritarianism in Ukraine
From Viktor to Viktor: Democracy and Authoritarianism in Ukraine OLEXIY HARAN Abstract: The Orange Revolution has not led to the creation of an effective government or of democratic checks and balances. Therefore, contrary to many hopes, after the 2010 presidential election Ukraine is backsliding into “soft” authoritarianism. However, the failures of the regime to deliver socioeconomic promises have united the electorate in different regions of the country in their growing criticism of the authorities. Keywords: authoritarianism, Orange Revolution, Ukrainian–Russian relations, Viktor Yanukovych or political scientists, Ukraine is an extremely interesting case study. The country F balances between the West and Russia—while maintaining an official aim to join the European Union—its political culture has both pro-European and post-Soviet components, and it appears to be the CIS state that is closest to Europe politically. Ukraine stands in contrast to many other former Soviet republics in that it gained its independence peacefully and without interethnic conflicts. Despite the turmoil, since 1991 political developments in Ukraine have evolved so that until recently the country’s most important decisions were reached by compromise. Ukraine became the first country of the CIS in which democratic elections, held in l994, altered both the composition of the parliament and the presidency. Ukraine’s 1996 Constitution was the result of a compromise between the president and the parliament, as opposed to Boris Yeltsin’s “revolutionary” approach, which involved an armed assault on the Russian parliament in 1993. Olexiy Haran is a professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy (UKMA) and the founding director of the UKMA School for Policy Analysis. -
Kushnariov Dies After Hunting Accident
INSIDE: • VOA explains reasons for Ukrainian radio cutback — page 3. • What will be the fate of stolen Shevchenko statue? — page 4. • Statistical look at Chicago’s Ukrainian physicians — centerfold. HE KRAINIAN EEKLY T PublishedU by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW association Vol. LXXV No. 3 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 21, 2007 $1/$2 in Ukraine First U.S. ambassador to Ukraine Cabinet’s authority enhanced comments on cautious early policies at the president’s expense by Yaro Bihun gration and independence processes were by Zenon Zawada Constitutional Court and all the main Special to The Ukrainian Weekly moving along fairly well on their own. Kyiv Press Bureau institutions of government,” he added. Ambassador Popadiuk discussed these The vote, which overrode a presiden- WASHINGTON – The first Bush years of historic transition on January 10 KYIV – In their most significant vic- tial veto, came just two days after Mr. administration steered a cautious politi- at a Johns Hopkins University School of tory in an aggressive campaign of usurp- Yushchenko had invited Mr. Yanukovych cal-diplomatic course in the waning days Advanced and International Studies ing power, the coalition government led and Verkhovna Rada Chairman of the Soviet Union and during the emer- forum sponsored by The Washington by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych Oleksander Moroz to the Presidential gence of Ukraine and other newly inde- Group, an association of Ukrainian voted on January 12 to significantly Secretariat to begin the new year in coop- pendent countries from its colonial American professionals. He also shed enhance his authority, and that of the eration and leave past conflicts behind. -
Ukraine's 2002 Parliamentary Elections
The International Republican Institute Ukraine Election Observation Report Verkhovna Rada Elections March 31, 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................1 Election Observation Delegation Members ..........................................3 IRI Board Members ............................................................4 IRI in Ukraine ................................................................5 Election Background ...........................................................6 Recommendations ............................................................11 Election Observation Regional Findings ...........................................18 Appendix I. IRI Pre-Election Assessment Report ....................................61 Appendix II. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Ukrainian Elections .....................67 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Republican Institute (IRI) deployed a 15-member delegation to observe the election environment, voting and tabulation process for the March 31, 2002 parliamentary elections in Ukraine. The program was made possible by the National Endowment for Democracy. Although Ukraine also conducted local elections on the same day, IRI’s mission focused primarily on the parliamentary elections. The March elections were Ukraine’s third parliamentary elections since the country declared independence in 1991. Prior parliamentary elections were conducted in 1994 and 1998. Each parliamentary election in Ukraine has been conducted under a new election law.