Cultural Landscapes Management in the Northwest Territories) Canada

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Cultural Landscapes Management in the Northwest Territories) Canada Cultural Landscapes Management in the Northwest Territories) Canada THOMAS D. ANDREWS To the Indian people our land is really our life. and live them, if we take the sign set on the Without our land we ... could no longer land for us as our symbol, we will never have exist as people. (Richard Nerysoo, Fort any trouble surviving as a nation. (Stanley McPherson, 1976-from Berger 1977:94). Isiah, as told to George Blondin-from Dene Nation 1981 :ii) On April 1, 1999, following nearly fifteen years of land We kept on traveling, and grandfather ... kept claims negotiations, the map of northern Canada on talking to me.... That was how the changed dramatically with the creation ofthe new terri­ grandfathers taught the children (George Blondin, Deline, 1990-from Blondin 1990: tory of Nunavut. Nunavut-the homeland of Canada's 204) Inuit-represents the transformation of a cultural land­ 1 scape into a geopolitical landscape, where political self­ For the Dene, Metis, and Inuvialuit of the Northwest sufficiency is now in the control of the Inuit them­ Territories (Fig. 97) the land is indeed a special thing. selves. In reality, two new territories were created: the More thanjust a space, it is a blanketwoven from strands new Nunavut, and a smaller NorthwestTerritories (NWTI, of stories centuries old-a landscape imbued with riv­ largely forgotten in the glow of media interest in the ers of meaning. It is a cultural landscape where physi­ creation of its newer sibling. If Nunavut represents the cal features are used as mnemonic devices to order transformation of a cultural landscape into a geopoliti­ and help preserve oral narratives, which themselves cal one, what is the status of NWT cultural landscapes? encode knowledge relative to identity, history, cul­ Cultural landscapes, still important from the perspec­ ture, and subsistence. To paraphrase Richard Nerysoo, tive of NWT Aboriginal worldviews, are under pressure the land is life. from changes and impacts from resource development, The mnemonic link between geographic feature, which have escalated in the last two decades. What place name, and oral narrative has been well docu­ trends, changes, and developments have taken place mented in many societies that preserve rich oral tra­ over the last two decades? How are NWT Aboriginal ditions (see Buggey, this volume; Andrews et a1.1998; societies working to preserve and protect northern cul­ Feld and Basso 1996; Hirsch and O'Hanlon 1995). Vast turallandscapes? This paper reviews these changes from territories known intimately by members of highly the perspective ofcultural landscape research, with par­ mobile societies and codified by names form the basis ticular emphasis on the recent developments in the ofa complex ethnogeography, where the physical world Mackenzie River valley of the Northwest Territories. is transformed into a social geography in which culture and landscape are fused into a semiotic whole. These Cultural Landscapes in the NWT cultural landscapes meld natural and cultural values [I]f we remember the teachings of the legends and are often difficult to compare with Western catego- 301 b Legend -'. • Community --- Rivers === All Weather Roads --- Winter Roads Completed Land Claims Inuvialuit ~ Gwich'in Sahtu It?<?l 97/ The Northwest Territories, Canada. Three land claims have been negotiated in the NWT and passed into settlementlegislation-for the Inuvialuit, Gwich'in, andSahtu Dene and Metis. The Dogrib, occupying the region north of Yellowknife, have completed a land claim agreement, but it awaits passage by the Canadian Parlia­ ment. The roads represented bydotted lines are usable onlyin winter. 302 REGIONAL APPROACHES/ NORTHWEST TERRITORIES ries ofgeographical description. As young people travel children and it is said that the battle was so fierce that there was a lake of blood that with their elders, they are told the names and stories, formed on that hill. Finally an Elder stood and asked the people to stop fighting. Everyone using geographic features as mnemonic aids, and in went their separate ways, and even the this way travel, or mobility, becomes a vehicle for learn­ languages changed with time. A lone dog ing. Elders who have worked on the land all their lives, wandered toward Gwich'in country and that represents the Gwich'in. A young man wandered who have visited places of spiritual significance, who to the Arctic coast and that represents the Inuit. have traveled to the edge of the world-and who have That is why the Inuit are so agile. The children ran towards Great Bear Lake; they represent the learned and recounted the stories about these places­ Neyagot'ine [DelIne people]. That is why the are regarded with great respect because they are very people of Bear Lake are so energetic. An Elder stayed here, and he represents the people who knowledgeable. In this way, knowledge passed down live here today. That is why the people of this through the ages in stories is mediated through per­ area are so wise. sonal experience. Mobility, and the knowledge gained Generally stories are not interpreted for young people, from it, is therefore tied to notions of prestige as well and are told without the explanation that ends the story (Andrews et al. 1998:311-13). The ethno-pedagogy of of Ayonikl, above. The elders say that young people educating and socializing children with the land is an musttryto understand the meaning ofthe story through ancient tradition, corroborated by oral tradition and sup­ their own experience, noting that this encourages in­ ported by archaeological research (see below), dependent thinking, and prOVides for a strong future Though there are many examples to draw upon to for the youth. As family groups traveled from place to illustrate this relationship, the site of Ayonikl (Fig. 98) place along the trails that cross the Sahtu landscape, is particularly useful, as it is said that the site witnessed children were told the names of the places and the the creation of the Sahtu Dene and their neighbors. stories that reside at each. As they grew to adulthood The following passage is taken from the Sahtu Heri­ and began telling their own children the same stories, tage Places and Sites Joint Working Group report the places themselves became aids for remembering (T'Seleie et al. which is described more 2000:18-20), the vast oral tradition in which Sahtu Dene and Metis fully later in the paper: culture finds its roots (Fig. 99). In this way the land The story takes place at a time in Sahtu teaches the young their identity, their history, the rules history long ago when humans and animals of their society. Experience becomes the catalyst for could change form. Sahtu Dene history is divided into two great time periods: the time the acquisition of knowledge. These places are con­ of the 'Old World,' when animals and humans sidered sacred, and are important to the future well could change form, and lived together. This was succeeded by the 'New World,' a time being of Sahtu Dene and Metis culture. when humans and animals took their final The link between land and culture in the NWT rep­ form. With the New World, people and animals lived in harmony, abiding by rules of resents an ancient system that operates in complete mutual respect and conduct. These are the harmony with the landscape, where both mental and rules that guide hunters to respect the animals that give themselves for food. We physical sustenance is sought and found. What remains are living in the New World today. As told by of this today? Does this system continue to function? an Elder from Colville Lake, the story of With the current pace of change in the North, is this Ayonikl begins... ancient ethno-pedagogy still valid? In the ancient days everyone lived together­ the Inuit, the Gwich'in, and the Dene from The Changing landscape this region. The big war that happened at "-' Ayonikl happened because of two children Some young people today claim that the that were fighting one another over an owl. traditional way of life is a thing of the past. I Everyone began to fight because of the believe that as long as there are Dene, then THOMAS D. ANDREWS 303 we will not abandon the traditional way of life. proceeds at a tremendous pace, Aboriginal inhabit­ I tell the young people to listen to what we have to say because then they will be able to ants of the Northwest Territories have been negoti­ benefit from the teachings that we are passing ating a relationship with Canada for more than a on to them. Our oral tradition, once written, will last as long as this land, and if they retain this century, attempting both to gain a degree of self­ information in memory they will gain from it. sufficiency, but also to exert control ofand ultimately That is why we are working on the land. (Harry Simpson, Rae Lakes, 1991-from Andrews et benefit from resource development on their tradi­ al. 1998:317) tional lands. Beginning with the negotiation of Trea­ Someone once remarked in reference to the pace of ties 8 (1899) and 11 (l 921 ), Aboriginal inhabitants change in the NWT that if you are unhappy with the of the NWT-the Dene, Metis, and Inuvialuit-have status quo, wait a few days until negotiations change it. struggled to find a relationship with Canada. Though Over the last century, both the pace and degree of comprehensive land claims-which many refer to as change have been dramatic, and it has had dramatic modern treaties-were signed with the Inuvialuit impacts on northern indigenous societies. Beginning (1984), the Gwich'in (1992), the Inuit of Nunavut over two centuries ago with early exploration and the (1993), and the Sahtu Dene and Metis (1993), land fur trade and continuing today with the prospects of claim negotiations continue in the southern reaches major resource development, the landscape ofthe NWT of the territory, as do self-government negotiations has been of international interest as multinational com­ in most.2 Part of a long and difficult process, self­ panies vie for development rights.
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