Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto Oleh George Junus Aditjondro
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Nabbs-Keller 2014 02Thesis.Pdf
The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Author Nabbs-Keller, Greta Published 2014 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Griffith Business School DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/2823 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366662 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au GRIFFITH BUSINESS SCHOOL Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By GRETA NABBS-KELLER October 2013 The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Greta Nabbs-Keller B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A. School of Government and International Relations Griffith Business School Griffith University This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. October 2013 Abstract How democratisation affects a state's foreign policy is a relatively neglected problem in International Relations. In Indonesia's case, there is a limited, but growing, body of literature examining the country's foreign policy in the post- authoritarian context. Yet this scholarship has tended to focus on the role of Indonesia's legislature and civil society organisations as newly-empowered foreign policy actors. Scholars of Southeast Asian politics, meanwhile, have concentrated on the effects of Indonesia's democratisation on regional integration and, in particular, on ASEAN cohesion and its traditional sovereignty-based norms. For the most part, the literature has completely ignored the effects of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry – the principal institutional actor responsible for foreign policy formulation and conduct of Indonesia's diplomacy. Moreover, the effect of Indonesia's democratic transition on key bilateral relationships has received sparse treatment in the literature. -
F Re E P O Rt and the Suharto Regime, 1 965–1 9
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Fre e p o r t and the Suharto Regime, provided by ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa 19 65–19 9 8 Denise Leith In functioning democratic economies a structural balance must be found between state and capital. In Suharto’s autocratic state, however, a third variable upset this equation: patronage. By using access to resources and business as the major lubricant of his patronage style of leadership Suharto actively encouraged the involvement of all powerful groups within the ec o n o m y . Eventually, the military, politicians, and the bureaucracy became intimately involved in the most lucrative business ventures to the point that to be successful in Indonesian business one required an influential partner in at least one of these institutional groups, preferably with direct access to Suharto. When Freeport began negotiations with the new military regime in Jakarta in 1967 to mine the copper in West Papua, the American transna- tional with the valuable political connections was the more powerful of the negotiating parties, enabling it to dictate the terms of its contract. As Suharto’s political confidence grew and as the American company’s finan- cial investment in the province increased—and by association its vulner- ability—the balance of power shifted in Jakarta’s favor. Eventually Free- port became another lucrative source of patronage for the president. E a r ly Histo ry of Fr e e p o rt in West Pa p ua In 1936, while on an expedition to the center -
The End of Suharto
Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1998) Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998. Tapol bulletin (147). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/25993/ ISSN 1356-1154 The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign TAPOL Bulletin No. 147 July 1998 The end of Suharto 21 May 1998 will go down in world history as the day when the bloody and despotic rule ofSuharto came to an end. His 32-year rule made him Asia's longest ruler after World War IL He broke many other world records, as a mass killer and human rights violator. In 196511966 he was responsible for the slaughtt:r of at least half a million people and the incarceration of more than 1.2 million. He is also respon{iible for the deaths of 200,000 East Timorese, a third of the population, one of the worst . acts ofgenocide this century. Ignoring the blood-letting that accompanied his seizure of In the last two years, other forms of social unrest took power, the western powers fell over themselves to wel hold: assaults on local police, fury against the privileges come Suharto. He had crushed the world's largest commu nist party outside the Soviet bloc and grabbed power from From the editors: We apologise for the late arrival of President Sukarno who was seen by many in the West as a this issue. -
In ,East 11Mor
Tapol bulletin no, 94, August 1989 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1989) Tapol bulletin no, 94, August 1989. Tapol bulletin (94). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26197/ The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign '· ,, ,,.·X . TAPOL Bulletin No. 94 August 1989 New wave of arrests in ,East 11mor Sinqe April this :vear, many people have'been arrested ffu""8Jl Rights InsU~ut.e st.epa in . in Dili,' Baucau, Venilale, Man,a~.i.ito, Airiaro and, other The Jakarta-based Institute for the Defence of Ruman places. The're are also .reports of dozens of ~eople Rights has, for . the first time, pyblicly .expressed being summarily executed in Baucau and elsewhere. concern abm,1t the hiJman rights situatio.n. in East , According to a clandestine documen~ ~ated 15 April 'j:'imor. In a letter to G~r;ieral 'fry Soetrisno, com~ 1989, twenty people were shot dead between 12 - 15 mander-in-chief of the Jndonesian Armed Forces on 15 March by troops under the command of Colonel June 1989, the In~titute said it had been informed Prabowo, son-in-law of President Suharto. The that "at the beginning, in the middle. and. at . the .end killings took place in Bere-Coli, Bauca.u and all those pf May, . h~ndred$ of peqple had ,been a,rreste~ S.1?~ put to . dea~}l were from , the locali,tr. -
The Philippines Vs. Indonesia: a Tale of Two Leaders
The Philippines vs. Indonesia: A Tale of Two Leaders by Kristian Osmeña Rüegg An honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science Undergraduate College Leonard N. Stern School of Business New York University May 2020 Professor Marti G. Subrahmanyam Professor Peter Blair Henry Faculty Adviser Thesis Adviser Rüegg 2 Abstract: Previous work emphasizes the correlation or casual impact between institutions and economic performance (e.g. property rights, independent judiciaries, and access to education all encouraging investment and growth). Economists, Peter Henry and Conrad Miller, provide a counterargument to this claim in their paper, “Institutions vs. Policies: A Tale of Two Islands.” They argue differences in macroeconomic policy choices, not differences in institutions, were responsible for the divergence of economic growth between Jamaica and Barbados throughout the late 20th century. This thesis provides another counterexample, but with particular emphasis on leadership. Specifically, the Philippines and Indonesia are two archipelagos that have had similar institutions in terms of weakness, but radically different economic outcomes, particularly under the leadership of dictators, Ferdinand Marcos (term: 1965-1986) and Suharto (term: 1968- 1998), respectively. Indonesia’s average growth rate of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita under Suharto was roughly four times greater than the Philippines’ under Marcos. Ultimately, the divergence of the economic growth between the Philippines vs. Indonesia, more than anything, is a story of these two corrupt leaders—with one having significantly more effective macroeconomic policies than the other. Rüegg 3 Acknowledgements: I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Professor Peter Henry, for his guidance throughout my senior year. -
Power Politics and the Indonesian Military
Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 Power Politics and the Indonesian Military Throughout the post-war history of Indonesia, the military has played a key role in the politics of the country and in imposing unity on a fragmentary state. The collapse of the authoritarian New Order government of President Suharto weakened the state, and the armed forces briefly lost their grip on control of the archipelago. Under President Megawati, however, the military has again begun to assert itself, and to reimpose its heavy hand on control of the state, most notably in the fracturing outer provinces. This book, based on extensive original research, examines the role of the military in Indonesian politics. It looks at the role of the military histori- cally, examines the different ways in which it is involved in politics, and considers how the role of the military might develop in what is still an uncertain future. Damien Kingsbury is Head of Philosophical, International and Political Studies and Senior Lecturer in International Development at Deakin University, Victoria, Australia. He is the author or editor of several books, including The Politics of Indonesia (Second Edition, 2002), South-East Asia: A Political Profile (2001) and Indonesia: The Uncertain Transition (2001). His main area of work is in political development, in particular in assertions of self-determination. Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 Power Politics and the Indonesian Military Damien Kingsbury Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 First published 2003 by RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor and Francis e-Library, 2005. -
Politik Ingatan Adalah Politik Waktu Melawan Lupa. Inilah
olitik ingatan adalah politik waktu melawan lupa. Inilah kewajiban untuk melindungi seluruh warga negara Indonesia 1. Peristiwa 1965 (1965-1970) 4. Penembakan Misterius Kesulitan lainnya adalah Komnas HAM belum bisa memetakan kunci dari untuk memahami kekerasan politik masa dari politik rente, kroni, dan tindakan yang tidak bertanggung pihak-pihak yang bertanggung jawab, khususnya dalam Plalu. Ada memori yang melekat dalam benak individu jawab lainnya yang akan merugikan kehidupan demokrasi, Pelanggaran berat HAM yang dilakukan secara keji ini telah ‘Petrus’ (1982-1985) menemukan pelaku lapangan untuk dimintai keterangan. dan kolektif atas peristiwa masa lalu yang mengakibatkan penegakan hukum, dan hak asasi manusia di masa depan. menyebabkan lebih dari 1.500.000 orang dibantai secara rasa trauma hadir tak berkesudahan. Jika trauma hadir, itu massal. Korban sebagian besar merupakan anggota PKI atau Munculnya sebuah kebijakan negara yang oleh masyarakat menjadi tanda bahwa memori-memori yang tersimpan adalah Kiranya Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono benar-benar ormas yang dianggap berafiliasi dengannya, seperti SOBSI, dinamakan sebagai peristiwa penembakan misterius (Petrus). penanda represivitas dari gejala penyimpangan kebijakan bisa menentukan prioritas politik yang tidak mencederai arah BTI, Gerwani, PR, Lekra, dan organisasi-organisasi lainnya. Kebijakan itu merupakan jalan pintas untuk mengurangi angka 5. Tanjung Priok (1984) politik masa lalu. Pembenaran ini digunakan secara resmi perjuangan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia di masa depan. Selain dibunuh dengan keji, sebagian besar dari mereka kejahatan. Caranya dengan mengeksekusi mati dan menembak Tindakan represi militer terhadap massa yang berdemonstrasi untuk membenarkan kembali pilihan dan gaya kebijakan dipenjara tanpa adanya proses hukum yang sah. Banyak di tempat orang-orang yang dituduh sebagai preman dan Sekali lagi, kita masih terus melawan yang kekal dan abadi: menolak asas tunggal Pancasila di Jakarta. -
CONCORD REVIEW Democracy Combined with Stagnant Economic Growth
After gaining independence from the Dutch at the conclusion of the Second World War, Indonesia found itself in a tumultuous period of Western-style parliamentary THE CONCORD REVIEW democracy combined with stagnant economic growth. During this period, a postwar THE economic boom occurred for the global timber industry beginning in the early 1950s and extending into the late 1980s. In 1959, the Philippines and Malaysia were the two largest exporters of hardwood, while Indonesia’s timber industry was still a fl edgling business.1 Indonesia, however, had an untapped forestry sector, CONCORD REVIEW with three-quarters of the entire archipelago covered in forests.2 These forests would play a pivotal role in the geopolitics of Indonesia in the ensuing decades. A longtime nationalist, President Sukarno, Indonesia’s fi rst president, created the I am simply one who loves the past and is diligent in investigating it. 1960 Basic Agrarian Law ostensibly to safeguard the Indonesian people’s basic K’ung-fu-tzu (551-479 BC) The Analects rights to the land. Article 21 paragraph one of that law stated “Only an Indonesian Yes, these are3 citizen may have rights of ownership [to forest land].” Over time, the legisla- President Suharto Jun Bin Lee tion served to push out foreign businesses from Indonesia, leaving Indonesia’s Jakarta Intercultural School, Jakarta forestry industry in tatters, as most of the sector had been composed of investors Judicial Independence Perri Wilson and corporationsHigh from abroad. Without School the support of foreign businesses, the Commonwealth School, Boston, Massachusetts growth of Indonesia’s logging operations stagnated, leaving the country with just Winter 2016 Athenian Democracy Duohao Xu $4 million in timber exports up until 1966.4 1 St. -
Michael Malley
T he 7th D evelopment Cabinet: Loyal to a Fault? Michael Malley Five years ago, amid speculation that B. J. Habibie and his allies in the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) would gain a large number of seats in the cabinet, State Secretary Moerdiono announced that "expertise" would be Soeharto's chief criterion for choosing ministers. This year, despite the economic crisis that enveloped the country, few people even thought to suggest that Soeharto sought the most technically qualified assistants. As the outgoing cabinet's term wore to a close, the jockeying for influence among ministers and their would-be successors emphasized the most important qualification of any who would join the new cabinet: loyalty. As if to diminish any surprise at the lengths he would go to create a cabinet of loyalists, Soeharto fired his central bank chief, Soedradjad Djiwandono, in mid- February, just two weeks before the 6 ^ Development Cabinet's term expired. Together with the finance minister, Mar'ie Muhammad, Soedradjad had worked closely with the International Monetary Fund to reach the reform-for-aid agreements Soeharto signed in October 1997 and January this year. Their support for reforms that would strike directly at palace-linked business interests seems to have upset the president, and neither were expected to retain their posts in the 7 ^ Cabinet. But Soedradjad made the further mistake of opposing the introduction of a currency board system to fix the rupiah's value to that of the US dollar. The scheme's main Indonesian proponents were Fuad Bawazier, one of Mar'ie's subordinates, and Peter Gontha, the principal business adviser to Soeharto's son Bambang Trihatmodjo. -
INDONESIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY in the ERA of APEC
b. t\"s INDONESIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY in THE ERA Of APEC Sofyan Lubis Department of Politics The University of Adelaide Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts December 1998 Contents Abstract 1V Acknowledgments v Statement vi Charts/Tables vii Chapter One : Introduction Chapter Two : The Indonesian Economy in 1966-1990 10 The Legacy of Sukarno's period 10 The Period of Stabilisation, 1966-1970 11 The Role of Foreign Aid 17 The Oil Boom 1973-1979 19 Economic Growth and the Development of Secondary Industry, 1978-1990 25 The Banking Industry 29 A New Tiger Economy: Indonesia Macro-economic Performance, 1986-1991 31 The Indonesian Policy in International Trade 34 Chapter Three : The History of APEC 39 The Evolution of the Idea 40 The Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) 44 The Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) 46 The APEC Ministerial Meetings 48 The APEC Leaders Economic Meetings 58 APEC's Ten Major Working Group Meetings 62 The APEC Secretariat: functions and budget cycle 69 Chapter Four : The Indonesian Government Response to APEC 74 Sustaining economic development in a liberalising world 16 A Vision for the year 2020 79 Continuing refonn 84 Europe-Asia opportunity in the world business network 86 Chapter Five : The Opportunities in East and South-east Asia 89 Japan 90 Korea 94 China Taiwan 96 Hong Kong 103 Singapore 106 Thailand 108 The Philippines 112 Malaysia 115 Indonesia, Industry and Economic Deregulation 118 11 Chapter Six : Globalisation and its Impact on Indonesia 135 The implication of globalisation -
Timeasia.Com 05/24/99
TIMEasia.com 05/24/99 TIME IN PRINT Subscribe TIME Asia International Editions Customer Service TIME Asia Home FAQs Current Issue Contact Us Asia News Pacific News May 24, 1999 Technology Business The Family Firm Suharto Inc.: All in Arts the Family A TIME investigation into Indonesian officials Travel the wealth of Indonesia's say they can't find Photos Suharto and his children evidence of ill-gotten Special Features uncovers a $15 billion wealth. But a four- Magazine Archive fortune in cash, month TIME property, art, jewelry and investigation reveals Subscribe to TIME jets that the former Customer Service By JOHN COLMEY and DAVID LIEBHOLD President and his About Us Jakarta children now have Write to TIME Asia assets worth $15 When the end came for Suharto, Indonesia's billion, including TIME.com long-serving President appeared oddly passive. fancy homes, TIME Canada As students and angry mobs took to the streets jewelry, fine art and and soldiers responded with gunfire and tear TIME Europe private jets gas, the five-star general hovered in the TIME Pacific background, making few attempts to set things A Talent for Latest CNN News right. When he finally quit a year ago this week, Business he stood meekly to the side as his successor, B. Cash and assets J. Habibie, took the oath of office. Suharto has acquired by the hardly been heard from since. family over 30 years TIME Digest But Indonesia's onetime autocrat has been far "I Never Asked" FORTUNE.com busier than most of his countrymen realize. Just The Attorney FORTUNE China after his fall from power there began feverish General has few movements of his personal fortune. -
Indonesian Politics in Crisis
Indonesian Politics in Crisis NORDIC INSTITUTE OF ASIAN STUDIES Recent and forthcoming studies of contemporary Asia Børge Bakken (ed.): Migration in China Sven Cederroth: Basket Case or Poverty Alleviation? Bangladesh Approaches the Twenty-First Century Dang Phong and Melanie Beresford: Authority Relations and Economic Decision-Making in Vietnam Mason C. Hoadley (ed.): Southeast Asian-Centred Economies or Economics? Ruth McVey (ed.): Money and Power in Provincial Thailand Cecilia Milwertz: Beijing Women Organizing for Change Elisabeth Özdalga: The Veiling Issue, Official Secularism and Popular Islam in Modern Turkey Erik Paul: Australia in Southeast Asia. Regionalisation and Democracy Ian Reader: A Poisonous Cocktail? Aum Shinrikyo’s Path to Violence Robert Thörlind: Development, Decentralization and Democracy. Exploring Social Capital and Politicization in the Bengal Region INDONESIAN POLITICS IN CRISIS The Long Fall of Suharto 1996–98 Stefan Eklöf NIAS Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Studies in Contemporary Asia series, no. 1 (series editor: Robert Cribb, University of Queensland) First published 1999 by NIAS Publishing Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) Leifsgade 33, 2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark Tel: (+45) 3254 8844 • Fax: (+45) 3296 2530 E-mail: [email protected] Online: http://nias.ku.dk/books/ Typesetting by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Limited, Padstow, Cornwall © Stefan Eklöf 1999 British Library Catalogue in Publication Data Eklof, Stefan Indonesian politics