The Philippines Vs. Indonesia: a Tale of Two Leaders
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Smuggling Cultures in the Indonesia-Singapore Borderlands
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Amsterdam University Press as: Ford, M., Lyons, L. (2012). Smuggling Cultures in the Indonesia-Singapore Borderlands. In Barak Kalir and Malini Sur (Eds.), Transnational Flows and Permissive Polities: Ethnographies of Human Mobilities in Asia, (pp. 91-108). Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Smuggling Cultures in the Indonesia-Singapore Borderlands Michele Ford and Lenore Lyons The smuggling will never stop. As long as seawater is still seawater and as long as the sea still has water in it, smuggling will continue in the Riau Islands. Tengku Umar, owner of an import-export business Borders are lucrative zones of exchange and trade, much of it clandestine. Smuggling, by definition, 'depends on the presence of a border, and on what the state declares can be legally imported or exported' (Donnan & Wilson 1999: 101), and while free trade zones and growth triangles welcome the free movement of goods and services, border regions can also become heightened areas of state control that provide an environment in which smuggling thrives. Donnan and Wilson (1999: 88) argue that acts of smuggling are a form of subversion or resistance to the existence of the border, and therefore the state. However, there is not always a conflict of interest and struggle between state authorities and smugglers (Megoran, Raballand, & Bouyjou 2005). Synergies between the formal and informal economies ensure that illegal cross-border trade does not operate independently of systems of formal regulatory authority. -
A Review of Thee Kian Wie's Major
Economics and Finance in Indonesia Vol. 61 No. 1, 2015 : 41-52 p-ISSN 0126-155X; e-ISSN 2442-9260 41 The Indonesian Economy from the Colonial Extraction Period until the Post-New Order Period: A Review of Thee Kian Wie’s Major Works Maria Monica Wihardjaa,∗, Siwage Dharma Negarab,∗∗ aWorld Bank Office Jakarta bIndonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) Abstract This paper reviews some major works of Thee Kian Wie, one of Indonesia’s most distinguished economic historians, that spans from the Colonial period until the post-New Order period. His works emphasize that economic history can guide future economic policy. Current problems in Indonesia were resulted from past policy failures. Indonesia needs to consistently embark on open economic policies, free itself from "colonial period mentality". Investment should be made in rebuilding crumbling infrastructure, improving the quality of health and education services, and addressing poor law enforcement. If current corruption persists, Indone- sia could not hope to become a dynamic and prosperous country. Keywords: Economic History; Colonial Period; Industrialization; Thee Kian Wie Abstrak Tulisan ini menelaah beberapakarya besar Thee Kian Wie, salah satu sejarawan ekonomi paling terhormat di Indonesia, mulai dari periode penjajahan hingga periode pasca-Orde Baru. Karya Beliau menekankan bahwa sejarah ekonomi dapat memberikan arahan dalam perumusan kebijakan ekonomi mendatang. Permasalahan yang dihadapi Indonesia dewasa ini merupakan akibat kegagalan kebijakan masa lalu. In- donesia perlu secara konsisten menerapkan kebijakan ekonomi terbuka, membebaskan diri dari "mentalitas periode penjajahan". Investasi perlu ditingkatkan untuk pembangunan kembali infrastruktur, peningkatan kualitas layanan kesehatan dan pendidikan, serta pembenahan penegakan hukum. Jika korupsi saat ini berlanjut, Indonesia tidak dapat berharap untuk menjadi negara yang dinamis dan sejahtera. -
The Rise and Fall of Virata's Network: Technocracy and the Politics Of
The Rise and Fall of Virata’s Network: Technocracy and the Politics of Economic Decision Making in the Philippines Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem* The influence of a technocratic network in the Philippines that was formed around Cesar E. A. Virata, prime minister under Ferdinand Marcos, rose during the martial law period (1972–86), when technocracy was pushed to the forefront of economic policy making. Applying concepts of networks, this essay traces the rise and even- tual collapse of Virata’s network to a three-dimensional interplay of relationships— between Virata and Marcos, Virata and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and Marcos and the United States. Virata’s close links to social, academic, US, and business community networks initially thrust him into government, where he shared Marcos’s goal of attracting foreign investments to build an export-oriented economy. Charged with obtaining IMF and World Bank loans, Virata’s network was closely joined to Marcos as the principal political hub. Virata, however, had to contend with the networks of Marcos’s wife, Imelda, and the president’s “chief cronies.” While IMF and World Bank support offered Virata some leverage, his network could not control Imelda Marcos’s profligacy or the cronies’ sugar and coconut monopolies. In Virata’s own assessment, his network was weakened when Marcos’s health failed during an economic crisis in 1981 and after Benigno Aquino’s assassination in 1983. In those crises, Imelda Marcos’s network and Armed Forces Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver’s faction of the military network took power amidst the rise of an anti-dictatorship movement. -
Initiating Bus Rapid Transit in Jakarta, Indonesia
Initiating Bus Rapid Transit in Jakarta, Indonesia John P. Ernst On February 1, 2004, a 12.9-km (8-mi) bus rapid transit (BRT) line began the more developed nations, the cities involved there frequently lack revenue operation in Jakarta, Indonesia. The BRT line has incorporated three critical characteristics more common to cities in developing most of the characteristics of BRT systems. The line was implemented in countries: only 9 months at a cost of less than US$1 million/km ($1.6 million/mi). Two additional lines are scheduled to begin operation in 2005 and triple 1. High population densities, the size of the BRT. While design shortcomings for the road surface and 2. Significant existing modal share of bus public transportation, terminals have impaired performance of the system, public reaction has and been positive. Travel time over the whole corridor has been reduced by 3. Financial constraints providing a strong political impetus to 59 min at peak hour. Average ridership is about 49,000/day at a flat fare reduce, eliminate, or prevent continuous subsidies for public transit of 30 cents. Furthermore, 20% of BRT riders have switched from private operation. motorized modes, and private bus operators have been supportive of expanding Jakarta’s BRT. Immediate improvements are needed in the These three characteristics combine to favor the development of areas of fiscal handling of revenues and reconfiguring of other bus routes. financially self-sustaining BRT systems that can operate without gov- The TransJakarta BRT is reducing transport emissions for Jakarta and ernment subsidy after initial government expenditures to reallocate providing an alternative to congested streets. -
'New Society' and the Philippine Labour Export Policy (1972-1986)
EDUCATION IN THE ‘NEW SOCIETY’ AND THE PHILIppINE LABOUR EXPORT POLICY (1972-1986) EDUCATION IN THE ‘NEW SOCIETY’ AND THE PHILIPPINE LABOUR EXPORT POLICY (1972-1986) Mark Macaa Kyushu University Abstract: The ‘overseas Filipino workers’ (OFWs) are the largest source of US dollar income in the Philippines. These state-sponsored labour migrations have resulted in an exodus of workers and professionals that now amounts to approximately 10% of the entire country’s population. From a temporary and seasonal employment strategy during the early American colonial period, labour export has become a cornerstone of the country’s development policy. This was institutionalised under the Marcos regime (1965-1986), and especially in the early years of the martial law period (1972-81), and maintained by successive governments thereafter. Within this context, this paper investigates the relationship between Marcos’ ‘New Society’ agenda, the globalization of migrant labour, and state sponsorship of labour exports. In particular, it analyses the significance of attempts made to deploy education policy and educational institutions to facilitate the state’s labour export drive. Evidence analyzed in this paper suggests that sweeping reforms covering curricular policies, education governance and funding were implemented, ostensibly in support of national development. However, these measures ultimately did little to boost domestic economic development. Instead, they set the stage for the education system to continue training and certifying Filipino skilled labour for global export – a pattern that has continued to this day. Keywords: migration, labour export, education reforms, Ferdinand Marcos, New Society Introduction This paper extends a historical analysis begun with an investigation of early Filipino labour migration to the US and its role in addressing widespread poverty and unemployment (Maca, 2017). -
And During the (1998-Reformasi Era (1998—2006)
CHAPTER IV OPPORTUNISTIC SUBALTERN’S NEGOTIATIONS DURING THE NEW ORDER ERA (1974-1998) AND DURING THE (1998-REFORMASI ERA (1998—2006) What happened in West Kalimantan from early 1998 to 2006 was a distorted mirror image of what happened in Jakarta from early 1997 to 2004 (the return of the former government party Golkar, or at least its pro-development/anti-poor policies, to national politics). The old power, conveniently setting up scapegoats and places to hide, returned slowly and inconspicuously to the political theater. On the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI, or Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia) anniversary on 5 October 1999, its Supreme Commander General Wiranto, a protégé of former president Suharto, published a book that outlined the new, formal policy of the Armed Forces (entitled “ABRI Abad XXI: Redefinisi, Reposisi, dan Reaktualisasi Peran ABRI dalam Kehidupan Bangsa” or Indonesian Armed Forces 21st Century: Redefinition, Reposition, and Re-actualization of its Role in the Nation’s Life). Two of the most important changes heralded by the book were first, a new commitment by the Armed Forces (changed from ABRI to TNI, or Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian National Soldier) to detach itself from politics, political parties and general elections and second, the eradication of some suppressive agencies related to civic rules and liberties1. 1 Despite claims of its demise when the Berlin Wall was dismantled in 1989, the Cold War had always been the most influential factor within the Indonesian Armed Forces’ doctrines. At the “end of the Cold War” in 1989, the Indonesia Armed Forces invoked a doctrine related to the kewaspadaan (a rather paranoid sense of danger) to counter the incoming openness (glastnost) in Eastern Europe. -
12Th Annual Seminar on Cavite History and Culture Disaster,Calamity Awareness Discussed
GALEDECEMBER 2010Ó VOL. 1 NO.N 1 10 PAGES Official publication of the Cavite Studies Center • DE LA SALLE UNIVERSITY-DASMARIÑAS 12th Annual Seminar on Cavite history and culture Disaster,calamity awareness discussed To assess the geographical condition of the province and to single out the preparedness capacity of Caviteños in terms of catastrophe and calamities, the Cavite Studies Center (CSC) convened its 12th annual seminar on history and culture entitled Desastres y Calamidades: Cavite and the Signs of the Times. The event took place at the Aguinaldo Shrine, Kawit, Cavite on September 24. Public school teachers from Kawit and Dasmariñas and local government officials of Kawit, Noveleta, Naic, Ternate, Trece Martires, and Imus attended the seminar. The opening ceremonies Before the lecture proper, Kawit Mayor Reynaldo ‘Tik’ Aguinaldo commended the CSC regarding the importance of holding such activity. This, accordingly, will give the audience the ability to determine the actions to be done once a calamity or a disaster happens. Former Prime Minister Cesar EA Virata stressed that population growth which contribute to environmental and garbage problems is one factor in the occurrence of calamities. He even suggested some measures such as education and concentrated efforts for a cleaner surroundings that Caviteños have to observe in order to lessen the problem. CSC Director Aquino Garcia, on the other hand, delivered the conference overview. An overview of the disasters and calamities in the Philippines Dr. Regino Paular, CSC writer-in-residence, an expert in history, anthropology and in Spanish language discussed and summarized the major (continued on page 2) GALEÓN DECEMBER 2010 VOL. -
Tax Alert the New Tax Treaty Between Singapore and Indonesia
Tax Alert ISSUE 03 | MARCH 2020 The New Tax Treaty between Singapore and Indonesia: Capital Gains Protection included at last! On 4 February 2020, Singapore and Indonesia dividend and interest income, which remain 10% signed an updated Avoidance of Double Taxation to15% for dividends and 10% for interest. It is Agreement (treaty). The new treaty will enter somewhat disappointing that there was no into force after it has been ratified by both reduction in the dividend WHT rate of 10% for countries, with the earliest possible date of substantial shareholdings to match the Hong effect being 1 January 2021 if ratified by both Kong – Indonesia tax treaty. Nevertheless, there countries during the course of the year 2020. are some positive changes which are set out Many of the existing treaty provisions continue, below. including the withholding tax (WHT) rates on 1. Introduction of a Capital Gains Article – impose up to 10% WHT on such income, as on any Including Protection from Indonesian Tax on other interest income. Sales of Indonesian Shares and Bonds While this will not affect Indonesian Government The existing treaty doesn’t have a capital gains article bonds that are issued offshore, as these already and hence does not restrict Indonesia’s ability to enjoy an exemption from interest WHT under impose taxes on Singaporean sellers of Indonesian Indonesian domestic law, it will impact Indonesian assets, including shares and bonds. This has long Government bonds that are issued in Indonesia; been a disadvantage of the Singapore – Indonesia tax hence, Singapore investors should take note of the treaty when compared to other Indonesian tax potential for increased interest WHT on their treaties, particularly as Indonesian domestic law Indonesian bond investments when the new treaty imposes a 5% WHT on gross proceeds for the sale of takes effect. -
399 International Court of Justice Case Between Indonesia And
International Court of Justice Case between Indonesia and Malaysia Concerning Sovereignty over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan Introduction On 2 November 1998 Indonesia and Malaysia jointly seised the International Court of Justice (ICJ) of their dispute concerning sovereignty over the islands of Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan in the Celebes Sea.' They did so by notifying the Court of a Special Agreement between the two states, signed in Kuala Lumpur on 31 May 1997 and which entered into force on 14 May 1998 upon the exchange of ratifying instruments. In the Special Agreement, the two parties request the Court "to determine on the basis of the treaties, agreements and other evidence furnished by [the two parties], whether sovereignty over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan belongs to the Republic of Indonesia or Malaysia". The parties expressed the wish to settle their dispute "in the spirit of friendly relations existing between [them] as enunciated in the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Co-operation in Southeast Asia" and declared in advance that they will "accept the Judgement of the Court given pursuant to [the] Special Agreement as final and binding upon them." On 10 November 1998 the ICJ made an Order' fixing the time limits for the respective initial pleadings in the case as follows: 2 November 1999 for the filing by each of the parties of a Memorial; and 2 March 2000 for the filing of the counter-memorials. By this order the Court also reserved subsequent procedure on this case for future decision. In fixing the time limits for the initial written pleadings, the Court took account and applied the wishes expressed by the two parties in Article 3, paragraph 2 of their Special Agreement wherein they provided that the written pleadings should consist of: 1 International Court of Justice, Press Communique 98/35, 2 November 1998. -
Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto Oleh George Junus Aditjondro
Tempointeraktif.com - Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto oleh George Junus Aditjondro Search | Advance search | Registration | About us | Careers dibuat oleh Radja:danendro Home Budaya Nasional Digital Berita Terkait Ekonomi Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto oleh George Mahasiswa Serentak Kenang Tragedi Iptek • Junus Aditjondro Trisakti Jakarta Jum'at, 14 Mei 2004 | 19:23 WIB • Kesehatan Soeharto Memburuk Nasional • BEM Se-Yogya Tolak Mega, Akbar, Nusa TEMPO Interaktif : Wiranto, dan Tutut Olahraga • Asvi: Ada Polarisasi di Komnas HAM Majalah BERAPA sebenarnya kekayaan keluarga Suharto dari yayasan- soal Kasus Soeharto yayasan yang didirikan dan dipimpin Suharto dan Pemeriksaan Kesehatan Soeharto Koran • keluarganya, dari saham yayasan- yayasan itu dalam Belum Jelas Pusat Data berbagai konglomerat di Indonesia dan di luar negeri? • Kejaksaan Lanjutkan Perkara Setelah Tempophoto Soeharto Sehat Narasi Pertanyaan ini sangat sulit dijawab oleh "orang luar". LSM: Selidiki Pelanggaran HAM • English Kesulitan melacak kekayaan semua yayasan itu diperparah Soeharto oleh tumpang-tindihnya kekayaan keluarga Suharto dengan • Komnas HAM: Lima Pelanggaran HAM kekayaan sejumlah keluarga bisnis yang lain, misalnya tiga Berat di Masa Soeharto keluarga Liem Sioe Liong, keluarga Eka Tjipta Widjaya, dan • Pengacara Suharto: Kejari Kurang keluarga Bob Hasan. Kerjaan • Mahasiswa Mendemo KPU Tapi jangan difikir bahwa keluarga Suharto hanya senang >selengkapnya... menggunakan pengusaha-pengusaha keturunan Cina sebagai operator bisnisnya. Sebab bisnis keluarga Suharto juga sangat tumpang tindih dengan bisnis dua keluarga keturunan Referensi Arab, yakni Bakrie dan Habibie. Keluarga Bakrie segudang kongsinya dengan keluarga Suharto, a.l. dengan Bambang • Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto oleh dan Sudwikatmono dalam bisnis minyak mentah Pertamina George Junus Aditjondro lewat Hong Kong (Pura, 1986; Toohey, 1990: 8-9; Warta • Biodata Soeharto Ekonomi , 30 Sept. -
Fifty Years of Indonesian Development: "One Nation," Under Capitalism
Fifty Years of Indonesian Development: "One Nation," Under Capitalism ... by Brian McCormack Department of Political Science Arizona State University Tempe, Arizona 85287-2001 USA e-mail: [email protected] Cite: McCormack, Brian. (1999). "Fifty Years oflndoncsian Development: 'One Nation,' Under Capitalism ... " Journal of World-Systems Research http://jwsr.ucr.edu/ 5: 48-73. (cJ 1999 Brian McCormack. [Page 48] Journal o.lWorld-Systems Research In Indonesia much uncertainty remains in the wake of the dramatic changes that unfolded in the latter half of the l990's. By the end of the 20th century, the Indonesian economy was in ruins. The concept of democracy remained contested. The transportation and communication system that once at lea'lt minimall y linked the diverse and at times disparate area'l and peoples of the Indonesian archipelago into an Andcrsonian imagined national community collapsed, making more likely movcmcnt'l for regional autonomy, in turn, making the status of an Indonesian nation itself uncertain. One thing that is certain, however, is that Socharto, the "Father of Development," is history. As political and economic policy makers in Indonesia, the United States, and around the world, and more importantly, Indonesia's men, women, and children pick up the pieces, it is our responsibility to look back and consider the past fifty years. Indonesian development ha'l been marked by a struggle between two opposing forces: one that is commensurate with self-reliance predicated upon an ideology of nationalism, and another that positions Indonesia within global capitalism. The issue that I shall address here is the degree to which the strategies of development were determined by a culture of capitalism or, alternatively, by a culture of nationalism. -
Nabbs-Keller 2014 02Thesis.Pdf
The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Author Nabbs-Keller, Greta Published 2014 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Griffith Business School DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/2823 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366662 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au GRIFFITH BUSINESS SCHOOL Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By GRETA NABBS-KELLER October 2013 The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Greta Nabbs-Keller B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A. School of Government and International Relations Griffith Business School Griffith University This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. October 2013 Abstract How democratisation affects a state's foreign policy is a relatively neglected problem in International Relations. In Indonesia's case, there is a limited, but growing, body of literature examining the country's foreign policy in the post- authoritarian context. Yet this scholarship has tended to focus on the role of Indonesia's legislature and civil society organisations as newly-empowered foreign policy actors. Scholars of Southeast Asian politics, meanwhile, have concentrated on the effects of Indonesia's democratisation on regional integration and, in particular, on ASEAN cohesion and its traditional sovereignty-based norms. For the most part, the literature has completely ignored the effects of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry – the principal institutional actor responsible for foreign policy formulation and conduct of Indonesia's diplomacy. Moreover, the effect of Indonesia's democratic transition on key bilateral relationships has received sparse treatment in the literature.