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Home , Abraham Sarmiento, Alejo Santos, Ambrosio Padilla, Chino Roces, Corazon Aquino, Ed Garcia

Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991

Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the (-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of

Masataka KIMURA*

The imposition of martial lawS) by

President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine . The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au­ had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in , having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the , At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin­ in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, City, Metro , such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in in August 1983, emerged as provinces. The parties in each province were structured based on vast networks of patron­ significant political actors especially In client type relationships between individuals opposition to Marcos. cutting across social classes. This kind of The period from September 1972 to parties are hereinafter referred to as traditional parties. February 1986 when the special presidential 2) One major challenge to the political system as such was the Hukbong Magpapalaya ng Bayan it was effectively suppressed by the government (HMB) or the National Liberation Army, a by the mid 1950s. peasant army in Central and Southern , 3) For discussions on the circumstances under which staged armed rebellion under the leader­ which was declared and the reasons ship of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas why it was declared, see, for example, Brillantes, (PKP) against the government in 1949. But Jr. [1987] and Daroy [1988].

205 election was held that triggered off the on the national level, even factual infor­ revolution is politically a very interesting mation about what happened at the local period. This is so not only because various level has not yet been systematically political forces, including those that had provided. hardly been significant actors before martial In view of this, what follows is an attempt law, came into play but also because they to give an account of how different political interacted with one another in a complicated forces, especially political parties, developed way. They did so sometimes as allies and and interacted with one another in the at othertimes as adversaries both above- and period in question. It first inquires into underground leading to the overthrow of the development at the national level and Marcos' authoritarian regime. then focuses in relation to it on the province

Many scholars have studied the develop­ of Batangas as a case at the local level. 6) ment of these various political forces and their interaction. Many studies were II The National Scene published in a competing manner shortly before and after the revolution. They have Upon the imposition of martial law, presented various viewpoints, interesting Marcos arrested many of his political interpretations and insightful analyses. 4) enemies of different persuasions and However, although their studies are based suppressed political activities against his on fairly abundant data, there still is room government. He abolished the Congress for further fact-searching to make significant and suspended elections for several years. scholarly contributions. This is because While the people were silenced with fear the details have not always been documented or acquiesced with a hope for social reform sufficiently and have sometimes been mis­ and economic development, he established represented especially regarding the under­ his martial law regime. Under his strong ground social democrats. 5) In addition, influence, a new was promul­ since their studies have concentrated mostly gated in 1973. Its transitory provisions and subsequent amendments virtually gave 4) The most comprehensive works on this topic him dictatorial powers for an indefinite will be Wurfel [1988] and De Dios et al. [1988]. Those from the leftist viewpoint include Malay, "interim" period. Marcos consolidated his Jr. [1988] and Avinales [1988]. Others include control over the military. He attacked the Nemenzo [1985], Lande [1986] and Thompson [1988]. economic bases of powerful political families 5) The reasons why the development of the under­ that he called oligarchs to be taken over ground social democrats under the Marcos by his close associates or cronies. He regime has not been documented sufficiently will be that it had been very difficult to have elevated technocrats to key government access to data and that their force was relatively positions including cabinet ministers which small so that they did not draw so much atten­ tion as the CPP-NDF-NPA. But their role in 6) This paper is a slightly revised version of a part the anti-Marcos struggle should deserve more of the author's Ph.D. dissertation [Kimura attention. 1990: 87-121].

206 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines had previously been given to politicians. - area, joined the CPP and Faced with the situation, traditional in March of that year formed its military political forces such as the NP and the LP arm, the New People's Army (NPA).8) whose primary activity was to gain power The NPA started as a small army in Tarlac and patronage through electoral contests with twenty automatic rifles and fifteen became inactive. They were reactivated handguns. By the time martial law was only in 1978 when elections were resumed. declared, its armory had increased to In contrast, non-traditional political forces 350 high-powered weapons. Its opera­ came to play significant roles as opposition tional zone had already extended to the to Marcos. The most important of all was Valley in Northern Luzon, and it the Communist Party of the Philippines had a few armed propaganda units in Bicol, (CPP). Others included the social demo­ Southern Luzon, Western and crats, civil libertarians and [Umali Undated as quoted in advocates, and certain segments of the Nemenzo 1985: 57]. religious sector. (The Moro National Under martial law, the NPA grew Liberation Front (MNLF) is excluded from rapidly despite military repression. Op­ the discussion here on the ground that it is pression radicalized many activists, most limited to Muslim Mindanao.) of whom were students, and drove them The CPP was founded on December 26, underground to join the CPP-NPA. They

19687) by Jose Ma. Sison who was then in turn contributed greatly to its rural leading the Kabataang (KM) orgamzmg. As of 1983, the NPA had at or the Patriotic Youth League. Affiliated least 12,000 full-time guerrillas and 35,000 with the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas part-time militias. It was operating in (PKP) for some time, he split with it in 1967 56 out of 72 provinces, and in 400 out of because of irreconcilable differences with 1,500 municipalities. It was argued that its old leadership. Influenced by Mao at least 20 percent of the barangays were Zedong thought, the CPP committed itself controlled or infiltrated by the NPA to the revolution by means of a protracted, [Nemenzo 1985: 57]. In addition, the rural based "people's war." In January Cpp initiated the formation of the National 1969, Bernabe Buscayno and his men, who Democratic Front (NDF) in 1973 in order had been with remnants of the Hukbong to bring together all forces hostile to what it Magpapalaya ng Bayan (HMB) or the called the "US-Marcos dictatorship." National Liberation Army m the With the NPA as one of its component organizations, the NDF has since become 7) However, Gregg Jones suggests that the founding congress was delayed and started on a countrywide apparatus having branches January 3, 1969 and that the founding members in all provinces and cities [Nemenzo agreed that the official date would be recorded as December 26, 1968 (the seventy-fifth anni­ versary of 's birthday) [Jones 8) For an excellent account of the establishment of 1989: 17]. the CPP, see Nemenzo [1984] and Jones [1989].

207 Undated: 21]. became its chairman, vice-chairman and While many radicalized activists joined secretary-general respectively. (NPDSP the CPP-NPA-NDF, others with a social was renamed PDSP in 1980.) democratic orientation kept a distance from In the early years of martial law, their them and continued their own anti-Marcos force was so small that they did not draw struggle. There emerged two significant the attention of the government. In organizations of social democrats, namely, December 1977, the NPDSP along with the Partido Demokratiko-Sosyalista ng some anti-Marcos politicians, most of whom Pilipinas (PDSP) or the Philippine Demo­ were LP leaders, created an alliance called cratic Socialist Party and the Katipunan ng Bayan para sa Kalayaan ng mga Sandigan ng Pilipino (KASAPI). (KABAKA) to boycott the referendum in The PDSP has its origin in different that month. The NPDSP provided the groups organized by the activists at the mass base for the politicians whose political turn ofthe decade. In 1971, the Katipunan machinery had broken down with the advent ng mga Demokratikong Sosyalistang of the martial law regime. In the Interim Pilipino (KDSP) or the Philippine Social elections of April Democratic Movement was formed by 1978, it actively supported and campaigned seventeen such groups, among them the for the LABAN candidates in Metro Hasik-Kalayaan headed by Norberto Manila. It also initiated the April 6 noise Gonzales and the Kilusan ng mga Anak ng barrage and provided poll watchers. Im­ Kalayaan by Fr. Romeo J. Intengan. mediately after the elections, the NPDSP In May 1973, the KDSP was reorganized was declared a subversive organization by into a to be called the the government, and its principal leaders PDSP. The party described itself as were arrested. From then on, realizing Filipino nationalist, democratic, socialist that parliamentary struggle was meaning­ and committed to the armed struggle for less under the dictatorship, it boycotted all national liberation [PDSP 1983 as quoted the elections before 1986 and concentrated in De Dios et al. 1988: 434-435]. In in armed struggle. In 1980, the PDSP 1976, the PDSP and another social demo­ set up a headquarters in Sabah in alliance cratic organization, namely, the Lakas with the MNLF. By this time, it had Diwa formed in 1970 by established its military arm, the Sandigan.9 ) together with Noel Tolentino, Conrado KASAPI was founded in 1970 by young Limcaoco, Ed Valenzuela, Mar Canonigo activists, among them Jose Luis Alcuaz and others, merged to form the Nagkakai­ and Herman Laurel who became Chairman sang Partido Demokratiko-Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (NPDSP) or the United Philippine 9) The account of the PDSP here is based on the Democratic Socialist Party. Norberto author's interviews with Mar Canonigo, , July 29,1988; Roy Oliveros, Quezon City, Gonzales, Fr. Romeo Intengan (the ideo­ September 8, 1989; and Norberto Gonzales, logue of the PDSP) and Mar Canonigo Quezon City, September 13,1989.

208 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines and Secretary General, with Fr. Jose in charge of membership education and

Blanco as spiritual leader. It was based training. 10) in the Jesuit-run Apostolic Center. When In August 1977, Marcos announced his martial law was declared, some leaders were intention to hold Interim Batasang captured; members became inactive; and Pambansa elections and local elections by the organization experienced a set back. the end of 1978 as a step toward what he In mid-1973, KASAPI started to rebuild called normalization. The former were by organizing students, the urban poor held in April 1978, whereas the latter were and a segment of professionals. Along held only in January 1980. Behind this with the PDSP and Lakas Diwa, it partici­ move of Marcos was growing domestic pated in the negotiations, which practically criticism against the dictatorial government started in 1973, to unite the social demo­ and external pressure especially from the crats. But, when the NPDSP was formed, human rights diplomacy of the Carter KASAPI did not join it. Like the PDSP, Administration. The Interim Batasang KASAPI operated underground and opted Pambansa elections were held under for armed struggle against Marcos. (For a system of region-wide voting districts this Fr. Blanco, an advocate of active with block voting in contrast to the pre­ nonviolence, became inactive beginning in martial law congressional elections which 1975.) The armed elements of KASAPI, had a single-member district system. The in collaboration with certain elements of resumption of elections reactivated the the US-based anti-Marcos opposition, traditional political forces. formed the April 6 Liberation Movement, In preparation for the elections, Marcos an urban guerrilla force responsible for the as the titular head of the N acionalista Party series of explosions in in called a meeting of the National Directorate 1980. of the party on February 1, 1978 to re­

KASAPI also participated III the organize its ranks. As a method of electoral struggle. In the 1978 elections, reorgamzmg the party, the following it formed the Partido Sambayanang Pilipino proposal which was made by former and fielded several candidates in Metro Speaker Jose B. Laurel, Jr. was adopted: Manila. At the same time, it supported selected candidates of LABAN. When To organize a coalition movement, the Partido Demokratiko Pilipino (PDP) united front or umbrella organization was formed in 1982, KASAPI cadres that shall include as its members N acio­ entered the party clandestinely, recruited nalistas, Liberals, veterans as well as new cadres through PDP (later through other political sectoral and socio-civic PDP-LABAN) and operated within the aggrupations and individuals who adhere party. KASAPI claims that it had strong 10) The account of KASAPI here is based on the influence in forming the platform of the author's interviews with Boyet Montiel and party and in the party institute which was June Lee, Quezon City, October 18, 1989.

209 to the ideals and principles of the New elections. But the adoption by Marcos of Society, and which shall field its own block voting led the leaders to decide to candidates in the Interim Batasang boycott. However, Aquino, who had been Pambansa elections. [KBL 1985: 23] sentenced to death by the Military Tribunal and detained m , was The coalition movement was denomi­ convinced by former Senators Lorenzo nated as the Bagong Lipunang Kilusanng Tanada and Francisco Rodrigo that it would Nagkakaisang Nacionalista-Liberal, Atbp., be better for him to launch his candidacy which was later renamed Kilusang Bagong [LP Undated: 18]. The election process Lipunan (KBL), and started with the follow­ would provide him with the opportunity to ing interim officers [t·bid.: 24-25]: air his views [PDP-LABAN Undated: 1-2]. This divided the Liberal Party. President Ferdinand E. Marcos Since Aquino was detained in Fort Secretary General Jose A. Rono . Bonifacio, Rodrigo invited opposition Treasurer Luis Yulo Regional Chairmen political leaders to form a slate to be headed Region I Conrado Estrella by Aquino In Metro Manila. After Region II Region III Eduardo a series of marathon meetings, the following Region IV Imelda Romualdez·Marcos twenty-one candidates were selected: Region IV-A Felicisimo San Luis Region VI Roberto S. Benedicto From the Liberal Party Leadership: Region VII Lorenzo Teves 1. Benigno S. Aquino Region VIII Benjamin Romualdez 2. Francisco "Soc" Rodrigo Region IX Vicente M. Cerilles 3. Region X 4. Region XI Antonio O. Floreindo 5. Ramon Mitra Region XII Ali Dimaporo 6. Primitivo de Leon 7. Cesar T. Lucero 8. Rosario Planas The KBL attracted not only most of the 9. Antonio Martinez Nacionalista politicians but also many of From the ranks: those who were affiliated with the Liberal 10. 11. Juan T. David Party and others. A segment of the NP 12. Felicisimo Cabigao under , its acting president, did 13. Jaime Ferrer From Progressives and Independents: not join the KBL, but adopted the candi­ 14. Emmanuel "Noli" T. Santos dates of KBL as its own in the elections 15. Ernesto Rondon [COMELEC 1979b: 3]. 16. Aquilino Pimentel 17. Teofisto Guingona As for the Liberal Party, three principal 18. Napoleon Rama leaders, namely, former Senators Gerardo And from the Labor, Community and Youth Roxas, and Benigno Aquino, sector: 19. Trinidad Herrera Jr. who were President, Vice-President and 20. Fernando Barican Secretary General of the Party respectively, 21. Alexander Boncayao were first united in participating in the

210 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines

It appeared that the LP which opted for five, only Pusyon Bisaya and the Mindanao boycott as a party would not allow the use Alliance could elect assemblymen. The of its name. Consequently, since the slate overall result of the elections was an was composed of individuals from different overwhelming victory for the KBL.12) groups, Aquino decided to form an umbrella Whether to participate or not in the organization. The organization was named 1980 local elections was another issue that or LABAN for short, and divided the opposition. While the LP Tanada became its chairman [ibz'd.: 2-3]. and LABAN, let alone the CPP and the Interestingly, LABAN projected the social democrats, were steadfast in their united front idea with the left as far as boycott position, many other traditional taking in four non-traditional, left leaning parties opted for participation. A segment personalities, namely, Barican, Boncayao, of the NP including the Laurels that had Herrera and Planas in the ticket. The Left been under the KBL umbrella split with under the leadership of the CPP's Manila­ Marcos and fielded candidates under the regional committee supported the banner of the NP. LABAN candidates clandestinely.ll) The result of the local elections was again Besides LABAN, many new political an overwhelming victory for the KBL. parties were formed to participate in the All but four elected governors were KBL Interim Batasang Pambansa elections: the in the country's seventy-three provinces; number of registered political parties, both all but six elected city mayors were KBL in old and new, at the time of the elections the fifty-nine cities. Most other local counted thirty-two. Many of the new elective positions were also taken by the ones were regional parties [COMELEC KBL. The four non-KBL governors were 1979a: 512-516]. Natalia F. Dumlao (NUL) of Nueva Though most of the registered parties Viscaya, Jose C. Laurel V (NP) of participated in the elections, only five could Batangas, Federico O. Mengote (Inde­ put up a good fight against the KBL. pendent) of Eastern , and Homobono They were the Lakas ng Bayan in Region Adaza (Mindanao Alliance) of Misamis IV (Metro Manila), Bicol Saro in Region V Oriental. The six non-KBL city mayors (Bicol), Pusyon Bisaya in Region VII were Francisco N epomuceno (Independent) (), Concerned Citizen's of Angeles City, Julian C. Medina, Jr.

Aggrupation III Region IX (Western (NP) of City, Cesar C. Climaco Mindanao), and Mindanao Alliance in (CCA) of , Aquilino Q. Regions IX, X and XI (Western, Northern Pimentel, Jr. (NUL-Mindanao Alliance) of and Southern Mindanao). Among the 12) In fact, while the Pusyon Bisaya won thirteen seats, the Mindanao Alliance and a group of 11) For the coalition politics among different independent candidates identified as Kunsensya opposition forces under the Marcos regime from ng Bayan one each, the KBL won all the other the leftist viewpoint, see Malay, Jr. [1988] and seats. See COMELEC [1979a: 46-48, 329­ Avinales [1988]. 346].

211 City, Elias B. Lopez (NP) Jose Roy did not attend the committee and of , and Teodoro V. Juliano claimed his NP presidency on the ground (Independent) of City [COME­ that he had been elected president by the LEC Undated-a; Undated-b]. Directorate ofthe partyin 1971 [Anonymous One reason for the sweeping success of 1980; 1, 6]. Puyat died in March 1981. the KBL both in the 1978 Interim Batasang The Ad Hoc Committee called a meeting Pambansa elections and in the 1980 local of the National Executive Committee on elections was the widespread use of election May 10 and recommended to convene the frauds. But the most important reason was National Directorate on May 11, in which that most traditional politicians especially Jose B. Laurel, Jr. was elected as the new at the local level sided with the Adminis­ party president [NP 1989; 6]. tration because Marcos controlled all the In June 1980, negotiations for a coalition sources of patronage and there was no of all opposition parties started among prospect of toppling him in the near future. prominent politicians, leading to the for­ Therefore, in the 1978 elections, the KBL mation of the United Democratic Opposi­ had a well-fueled nationwide organization, tion (UNIDO), an umbrella organization, while the opposition was fragmented and under the joint chairmanship of Jose B. poorly organized; in the 1980 elections, Laurel, Jr. and . Coalesced many local candidates competed for nomi­ under UNIDO were eight political parties, nation by KBL. namely, the NP, LP, NUL, the Interim Shortly after the 1980 local elections, National Assembly Association (INAA), a group of prominent NP leaders who had a segment of Pusyon Bisaya, the Mindanao split with Marcos started to reorganize the Alliance, Bicol Saro and the CCA. party. On March 28, 1980, former LABAN also joined UNIDO on a case-to­ Senator Gil J. Puyat (the party president on case basis [Laurel, Jr. 1981: 2J. leave in favor of former Senator Jose Roy), UNIDO's executive committee (the policy­ created the Ad Hoc Committee on the and decision-making body which was also Reorganization and Revitalization of the under co-chairmen Laurel, Jr. and Roxas) Nacionalista Party, and appointed to the was composed of the following members; committee former Vice-President Fernando former President , Lopez, former Speaker Jose B. Laurel, Jr., former Vice-President , former Senators Jose J. Roy, Domacao former Senators Salvador H. Laurel, Eva Alonto and Dominador R. Aytona with Estrada-Kalaw, Jovito R. Salonga, Salvador H. Laurel as interim Secretary Dominador R. Aytona, , General. On the following day, Jose B. Francisco Rodrigo, Lorenzo M. Tanada, Laurel, Jr. was elected Chairman of the and Mamintal Tamano, committee [Laurel, Jr. 1981: 1]. Inci­ former Representative Rogaciano M. dentally, this caused the split of the NP Mercado, former Foreign Affairs Secretary into the Laurel wing and the Roy Wing. Salvador P. Lopez, 1971 Constitutional

212 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines convention Delegates Abraham F. The general public were still apathetic. Sarmiento and Antonio C. Alano, Atty. In addition, the departure of Benigno Luis A. Jose, Assemblymen Valentino Aquino, Jr. for the United States in May Legaspi and Reuben Canoy, Governor 1980 followed by Jovito Salonga in March Homobono A. Adaza, Mayor Aquilino Q. 1981 and Gerardo Roxas in June 1981 Pimentel, and Economist Emmanuel Q. ostensibly for medical reasons weakened Yap [UNIDO 1985: 1]. the opposition leadership. But, the On August 28, 1980, about two hundred opposition's efforts to expand and consoli­ leaders of the nine groups under UNIDO date their forces continued. The process signed a document prepared by the ex­ may be described as a kind of tug-of-war ecutive committee and entitled "A National among different political groups and Covenant for Freedom." The covenant personalities in their attempts to unite the listed five goals topped by "the immediate opposition against Marcos who was still and absolute termination of the Marcos enjoying his comfortable hold on power. dictatorship," and "the unconditional The formation of the Social Democratic dismantling of martial rule and the holding Party (SDP)13) in December 1981 and the of free, honest and orderly elections, in inauguration of the PDP in February 1982 order to establish a truly democratic and were among the noteworthy events in the representative system of government development of the opposition after the [Laurel, Jr. 1981: 3]." presidential election. The first attempt to In January 1981, Marcos lifted martial unite the opposition began with an "Agree­ law. Then, after holding a plebiscite in ment for Unification" signed iIi February April on a set of constitutional amendments 1982 by Jose B. Laurel, Jr., Diosdado to change the parliamentary form of Macapagal, Lorenzo M. Tanada and Luis government to a presidential system, which A. Jose, representing NP, LP, LABAN was approved III spite of UNIDO's and PDP respectiv~ly. The leaders of the campaign for "No" votes, he called four parties thereby agreed to work for the a presidential election to be held in June. unification of all opposition parties and UNIDO boycotted the election on the groups towards one political party [Laurel, ground that they could not expect free Jr. et al. 1982]. This resulted in the and honest election. Marcos won handily. expansion of UNIDO. But, though there were thirteen presidential By April 1982, three more parties candidates including who ran including the PDP joined UNIDO, under the NP-Roy Wing, the boycott by 13) The SDP was formed by former Information the major opposition group reduced the Minister who had split with credibility of the election. Marcos at the time of the 1980 local elections In spite of a certain extent of success in and joined the NP, Assemblyman Reuben Canoy who had left the Mindanao Alliance, and the boycott movement, however, the Assemblyman Hilario G. Davide, Jr., who had opposition could not gain much headway. been with the Pusyon Bisaya.

213 extending the number of its member parties National Union for Liberation to twelve. At the same time, following the Rogaciano Mercado UNIDO-Central Visayas demise of Gerardo Roxas, UNIDO Valentin Legaspi underWeht a major leadership reshuffle on Bicol Saro Salvador Princesa Interim National Assembly Organization April 22. Instead of the co-chairmanship, it was placed under a single presidency; Advisory Council and Salvador H. Laurel (a younger brother Chairman Diosdado Macapagal Vice-Chairman Fernando Lopez of Jose B. Laurel, Jr.) was elected president. UNIDO at this point gathered most of the major opposition parties and It also involved U.S.-based opposition prominent opposition leaders under its leaders like Benigno Aquino, Jr., Raul umbrella. Its leadership had the following Manglapus and J ovito Salonga, who composition: constituted UNIDO's External Advisory Group. The formal name of UNIDO was Executive Committee changed to the United Nationalist Demo­ President Salvador H. Laurel Executive Vice-President cratic Organization with the same Acronym [UNIDO 1985: 2-3J. Secretary-General Abraham F. Sarmiento The reorganization of UNIDO reflected National Treasurer Gemiliano 'Mel' Lopez National Vice-Presidents the strengthening position of Salvador H. for Metro Manila Neptali A. Gonzales Laurel in the organization. But the unity for North and Pablito V. Sanidad of the opposition was so fragile due to their for Southern Luzon and Eicol internal leadership struggle that UNIDO Dominador R. Aytona remained as an umbrella organization in for Decoroso Rosales for Antonio Gatmaitan spite of the "Agreement for Unification." for Eastern Mindanao In June 1982, the PDP and LABAN Homobono Adaza entered into a merger agreement to form for Western Mindanao Mamintal Tamano the PDP-LABAN with Tanada as chairman Council·of Leaders and Luis Jose as co-chairman. The merger Chairman Ambrosio Padilla was formalized in a party convention in Vice-Chairman Francisco Rodrigo Members (all the heads of the political parties February 1983 [Anonymous 1982: 1, 14; and groups) PDP 1983: 3]. The PDP-LABAN re­ Mindanao Alliance Homobono Adaza mained outside UNIDO. The merger Concerned Citizens' Aggrupation Cesar C. Climaco united the mass-based organization of the Timek Ti U mili Tito Dupaya PDP and the traditional politicians of Kabataang Pilipino LABAN. It was also geographically Luis Mario M. General PDP Luis A. Jose complementary since LABAN was Metro National Organization of Women and LP Manila-based while the PDP was better Eva Estrada Kalaw NP Jose B. Laurel, Jr. organized in the Visayas and Mindanao. The assassination of Benigno Aquino,

214 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines

Jr., the arch political enemy of Marcos, on though the relations between the two were August 21, 1983 changed the political not necessarily cordial except for the situation overnight. Marcos' political PDP-LABAN. credibility plunged into a critical level. The first major grouping of the protest An economic crisis followed. A citizens' movement was the Justice for Aquino, protest movement arose in a great magni­ Justice for All Movement (JAJA) which tude especially in Metro Manila. Various was launched as early as August 25 with forms of frequent mass action mobilized Lorenzo Tanada as chairman. Barely two a great number of people. months after its inception, it had grown to The protest movement was carried out about ninety chapters and organizations by numerous, different groups, large and [Diokno 1988: 134]. Among the member small. The majority of them were formed organizations were the August Twenty-One one after another immediately after the Movement (ATOM) led by Agapito "Butz" assassination. One of the most important Aquino, the Kilusang sa Kapangyarihan at aspects of the movement was the involve­ Karapatan ng Bayan (KAAKBAY) led by ment of the urban middle class that had former Senator , the Alliance been generally apolitical. Their groups, of Associations (AMA), the Alliance which were called cause-oriented groups, of Concerned Teachers (ACT), the Move­ joined the movement with the groups of ment of Attorneys for Brotherhood, Integ­ students, workers, the urban poor, civil rity and , Inc. (MABINI), libertarians, etc. the Mamamayang Nagkaisa kay Aquino It should not be overlooked here that (MANA), the Concerned Artists of the behind the protest movement were different Philippines (CAP), the Kilusang Mayo opposition forces that were trying to exploit Uno (KMU), the League of Filipino the highly politicized masses in their favor. Students (LFS), the Nationalist Alliance For example, the PDSP tried to recruit for Justice, Freedom and Democracy new members and to organize the masses (NAJFD), the Samahang para sa or to penetrate into their organizations to Pananampalataya at (SAPAK)

give them a political direction.14) So did the Ecumenical Movement for Justice KASAPI.15) It is natural to assume that and Peace (EMJP), the Task Force the CPP-NDF did the same. Also, Detainees of the Philippines (TFD), prominent businessmen and professionals, SANDIWA, etc.16) some of whom had been close to Benigno In January 1984, the Kongresso ng Aquino, Jr., started to organize. The Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL) was traditional political parties also tried to held upon the initiative of Agapito "Butz" join hands with the protest. movement, Aquino. It was an attempt to unite all

14) Norberto Gonzales Interview, September 13, 16) Interview with Reli German, November 23, 1989. 1989, Makati, Metro Manila; interview with 15) June Lee Interview, October 18, 1989. Chito Gascon, November 28,1989, Quezon City.

215 the opposition forces. It invited a wide J AJA with almost the same member spectrum of political elements from the organizations and organized boycott activi­ right to the left including politicians and ties such as Lakad para sa Bayan leaders of the protest movement. The (LAKBAYAN) [Anonymous 1984: 1, 2]. congress chose fifteen leaders who would It has to be noted, however, that some constitute KOMPIL's Council of Leaders, personalities in the protest movement, most its highest governing body. But the notably , the widow of question ofwhether to boycott or participate Benigno Aquino, Jr., opted for partici­ in the Batasang Pambansa elections of May pation. The newly formed National divided KOMPIL. The leaders reached Citizens' Movement for Free Elections an agreement on a compromise formula (NAMFREL) led by Jose Concepcion also called "A Call for Meaningful Elections." advocated for participation [Diokno 1988: It stipulated certain conditions to be met 151]. for the opposition to participate in the In spite of the division between those for elections. The conditions included the participation and those for boycott, the repeal of Amendment No. 6 and other opposition could make much headway in oppressive decrees, general amnesty and the elections. Out of the 183 elective seats release of all political detainees, appoint­ of the Batasang Pambansa contested, the ment of independent-minded individuals opposition could win 64 (including 4 NP­ to the COMELEC, etc. [ibid.: 149-152]. Roy Wing candidates) or about one third, These conditions were not met by Marcos. while the KBL won 112, the remaining 7 But most of the traditional political parties went to independent candidates. Most of including UNIDO decided to participate the victorious opposition candidates be­ in the elections. The PDP-LABAN was longed either to UNIDO or to the PDP­ divided over the issue of participation. LABAN [COMELEC Undated-d]. Com­ To avoid confrontation, the party left it pared with the previous elections, the to the provincial and city assemblies to result clearly indicated the declining support decide for themselves [Nolasco 1984: 14]. for Marcos. Even some ranking KBL The issue together with the leadership members such as (a former struggle split the LP into the Salonga Minister of Public Highways and of Wing, which boycotted the elections, and Industry) and Emmanuel Pelaez (former the Kalaw Wing, which participated [LP Vice-President), had left the party because Undated: 22]. The former left UNIDO; of the Aquino assassination [Anonymous the latter remained under it. On the other 1983: 1, 2]. Paterno joined NAMFREL. hand, the major groups in the protest Luis Villafuerte, a former Minister of movement under J AJA decided to boycott Trade, also left the KBL and was elected to the elections. They formed the Coalition the Batasang Pambansa under UNIDO. of Organizations for the Restoration of In early 1984, a small group of influential Democracy (CORD). CORD took over businessmen and professionals!7) started to

216 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the PtJilippines consider a method of selecting the oppo­ involving mainly the opposition Batasang sition's common presidential candidate. Pambansa assemblymen in order to adopt They came up with the so-called fast-track a method of selecting common candidates system, a contingency plan in case of for the local elections and the presidential sudden holding of a presidential election. election scheduled for 1986 and for 1987 In November 1984, Lorenzo Tanada, respectively. The NUC was composed of Corazon Aquino and Jaime Ongpin became representatives of different political parties convenors to put the contingency plan in [Foz 1984: 1, 12J. Cecilia Munoz Palma place. In its original blue print, the choice and Francisco Rodrigo became its chairman of the opposition's presidential candidate and vice-chairman. The method of was left to the eleven possible standard selecting common candidates presented by bearers (who were chosen by the Convenor the NUC in a national unification confer­ Group) and the three convenors [Cunanan ence in March 1985 was more or less a con­ 1985a: 26-29]. The eleven possible ventional one which was to start at the standard bearers were Agapito Aquino, local level [Foz 1985: 1, 19]. Jose S. Diokno, Teofisto Guingona, Eva Negotiations between the Convenor Estrada Kalaw, , Raul Group and the NUC started as early as Manglapus, Ramon Mitra, Ambrosio December 1984 in order to unite the two Padilla, Aquilino Pimentel, Rafael Salas, groups. But the process ofthe negotiations and J ovito Salonga. The effort of the were very difficult. The NUC criticized Convenor Group first resulted in the the fast-track system as undemocratic, Declaration of Unity, a document signed while the Convenor Group maintained the by the eleven possible standard bearers and necessity to meet the emergency situation. the three convenors or by their proxies The first major breakthrough came in except for Laurel and Kalaw. April 1985 when the two groups accepted Almost in parallel with the Convenor an agreement made by Corazon Aquino Group, the National Unification Com­ and Cecilia Munoz Palma. The agreement mittee (NUC) was set up by UNIDO limited presidential aspirants in a snap presidential election to one each from five

17) Later in 1984, these businessmen and pro­ major political parties and national organi­ fessionals formed a cause-oriented group called zations. These five parties and organi­ MANINDIGAN. The founding members of MANINDIGAN included Jaime Ongpin, zations were the LP, NP, UNIDO, Ramon del Rosario, Jr., Alfredo Benson, Noel PDP-LABAN and Bagong Alyansang Soriano, , Ricardo Lopa, Patricia Makabayan (BAYAN) which was then Licuanan, Lucina Teodro, Jesus Ayala, Narcisa Escaler and N arzalina Lim with Rodolfo under preparation. But the question on Ascuna as legal counsel. After the EDSA how the final candidate was to be chosen revolution, many of these people came to play was left to further negotiations [Anonymous important roles in the Aquino government occupying key positions including a number of 1985: 1, 8]. It should not be overlooked cabinet posts. here that Salvador Laurel who was at the

217 helm of UNIDO which had been building attempt to unite the protest movement. up its nationwide machinery had an On the second day of the founding congress, advantage in the conventional method, the social democrats and the liberal demo­ while the Convenors Group that was crats walked out because of their discord involved in the protest movement which was with the national democrats over the heavily concentrated in Metro Manila accreditation of voting delegates. Thus could exert more political influence in the only the national democrats that were in fast-track system. the furthest left among the three remained In line with the agreement, Salvador inBAYAN. The other two groups formed Laurel was proclaimed as UNIDO's another umbrella organization called presidential candidate in its convention in Bansang Nagkaisa sa Diwa at Layunin June. But, other parties had difficulty in (BANDILA) in August [Diokno 1988: choosing their standard bearers. 158-162]. Meanwhile, efforts of the protest As the possibility of the snap presidential movement, which were in a slump after election grew, the controversy between the the Batasang Pambansa elections, to re­ NUC and the Convenor Group over the vitalize led to an attempt to form a new selection of the opposition's presidential alliance called Bagong Alyansang Maka­ candidate was taken over by a new de­ bayan (BAYAN). The negotiations to velopment, that is, the Cory Aquino for form BAYAN started early 1985. Its President Movement (CAPM). It was founding congress was held in May. launched with Joaquin "Chino" Roces as By this time, three major groupings In Chairman on October 15, 1985. The the protest movement became clearly purpose of the movement was to draft differentiated. They were the so-called Corazon Aquino by getting one million national democrats, social democrats and signatures of endorsement from the people liberal democrats,18) Their struggle for and raising 30 million pesos by December the leadership of BAYAN marred the 31,1985. The cause oriented groups under BANDILA and the PDP-LABAN greatly 18) The national democrats were in the furthest left contributed to the movement by mobilizing among the three. Their program resembled that of the underground left, though they their organizations to get signatures. advocate militant but nonviolent struggle. On November 3, 1985, Marcos, realizing They included the KMU, LFS and NAJFD the necessity to seek a new mandate and among the largest member organizations. It is suspected that many organizations of the na­ pressured by the U.S. government, an­ tional democrats are infiltrated by the under­ nounced his intention to call a ground left. The social democrats included through an interview program on American sectoral organizations initiated by the PDSP and KASAPI. Cadres of the two underground television. This set in fast motion the organizations also formed the Filipino Social opposition's efforts to select a common Democratic Movement (FSDM) with other leaders ofsocial democrats' organizations. The zations of businessmen and professionals among liberal democrats consisted mostly of organi. them MANINDIGAN.

218 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines presidential candidate. On November 21, agreement was reached between the two. a new coalition called Laban ng Bayan was Laurel gave way to Aquino and became organized by eight political parties and her vice-presidential candidate. She ac­ organizations, namely, the LP-Salonga cepted his condition that both of them Wing, the PDP-LABAN, Panaghiusa, the should run under the banner of UNIDO Young Philippine Party, Bicol Saro, the [Cunanan 1985b: 6-7]. The Laban ng NUCD, the Convenor Group and Bayan and UNIDO made a coalition, BANDILA. It endorsed Corazon Aquino which was formalized during the election as its presidential candidate [Laban ng campaign period. Bayan 1985]. Thus, the snap election turned out to be On November 26, the CAPM achieved a contest between the KBL's Marcos and one million signatures. On the next day, Arturo M. Tolentino, his hand-picked Corazon Aquino, who had appeared re­ running mate, on the one hand and luctant at the beginning, stated that she the UNIDO-Laban ng Bayan coalition's would run for president if Cabinet Bill No.7 Aquino and Laurel on the other hand, which called for the special election for with both legal leftist forces under BAYAN President and Vice-President was finally and the underground CPP-NDF boycotting signed into law. On December 2, the bill the election. Almost all the political parties was signed into law by Marcos after it was and organizations were aligned into the approved by the Batasang Pambansa. three groups. The NP-Roy Wing which On the next day, she affirmed her candidacy. had been closely aligned with the KBL By December 6, five more parties adhered supported the Marcos-Tolentino ticket. to Laban ng Bayan. They were the There were two other presidential candi­ Mindanao Alliance led by Homobono dates including Reuben Canoy who ran Adaza, the Muslim Federal Party led by under the Social Democratic Party and four Abul Khayr Alonto, the NUL led by other vice-presidential candidates including Rogaciano Mercado, the Christian Social­ Eva Estrada Kalaw of the LP-Kalaw Wing. Democratic Party (CSDP) led by Francisco But they were relatively insignificant. Tatad, and Laban ni Ninoy sa Gitnang One salient aspect of the Aquino-Laurel Luzon led by Bren Guiao [ibid. : Exhibit D]. campaign was that a great number of The first three had been with UNIDO. volunteers together with the numerous It seems that they had just switched from cause oriented groups under BANDILA UNIDO to Laban ng Bayan or, syn­ participated in the campaign and vigil onymously, from Laurel to Aquino. activities. The activities of these volunteers By this time, the negotiation between were coordinated through VICTORY Aquino and Laurel had become the focus headed by Alfredo Benson, while the of the unification of the opposition. On campaign activities of the political parties December 11~ the last day to file their were coordinated through the Aquino­ certificates of candidacy, a last minute Laurel National Secretariat placed under

219 Paul Aquino and Violeta R. Laurel. 19) reelected in 1969 posed a challenge to the On the other hand, Marcos' side launched provincial leadership of the Laurels. But

the Marcos-Tolentino Movement to co­ their position was not shaken.21) ordinate the campaign activities of indi­ The declaration of martial law made viduals and groups that were not affiliated inactive the political competition among to KBL but were supporting the Marcos­ the traditional political forces in Batangas

Tolentino team. 20) for several years in which elections were suspended. Most of the politicians in­ cluding the Laurels acquiesced under III A Provincial Scene (A Case martial rule. Senator Jose Diokno, a vocal in Batangas) Marcos critic, was arrested. After his Politics in Batangas as well as in other release in 1974, he continued his anti­ provinces had been dominated by wealthy Marcos struggle and initiated the Free political families that competed with one Legal Assistance Group (FLAG) and the another for political power. Of them, the Kilusan sa Kapangyarihan at Karapatan Laurels had grown the most powerful within ng Bayan (KAAKBAY). But they were a fairly short period after independence based in Metro Manila. In the meantime, under the leadership of Jose P. Laurel, the underground opposition, namely the Sr., the war-time President and Senator, CPP-NDF-NPA, the PDSP and KASAPI, and Jose B. Laurel, Jr., the three-time penetrated into Batangas. House Speaker. Since independence, most The beginning of the CPP-NDF-NPA's of the congressmen and governors had been penetration into Batangas can be traced N acionalistas, though there had been many back to several founding members of the non-Nacionalistas in the town-level elective KM who hailed from Batangas, specifically posItIons. Since the Laurels had always N asugbu, Sto. Tomas, and been with the NP, this fact means that they San Juan. In 1969, the KM's provincial and their allies (the most notable of them organization was founded by Jose Luneta; Feliciano Leviste who held the governorship and Rodrigo Javier became its chairman. from 1947 to 1971) had dominated politics In 1970, that of the Samahang Demo­ in the province. kratikong (SDK) (a splinter from Lipa City who was elected to the group of the KM which later reconciled Senate under the LP in 1961 and Jose with it) was established by Guillermo Diokno from Taal who was also elected to Garno, who became its chairman. In 1971, the Senate under the NP in 1963 and both the KM and the SDK conducted a series of teach-ins in the province to

19) Interview with Paul Aquino, Makati, Metro expand their organizations. Upon the Manila, March 13, 1986. declaration of martial law, they suffered 20) Interview with an officer of the Marcos­ Tolentino Movement, Makati, Metro Manila, 21) For a brief account of the pre-martial law February 1, 1986. Batangas politics, see Machado [1972: 59-73].

220 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines a severe setback because of the of Center. 24) All told, however, the forces their leaders. Some members became of the social democrats in Batangas seem to inactive because of fear. But some went have been relatively insignificant. underground to sustain the organizations. The organizations of the traditional The expansion of the underground left political forces were reactivated at the time started in 1974 when two groups of CPP of the 1978 Interim Batasang Pambansa cadres were sent to Batangas to organize elections. But, unlike some other regions in the eastern and western parts of the where viable regional opposition parties province. In later years, NPA presence were formed and challenged the KBL, was most strongly felt in these areas. By Region IV-A of which Batangas is a part and large, however, their influence In did not see any strong opposition party Batangas seems to have been quite limited because most of the prominent politicians perhaps due to its relatively good economic from the region who participated in the condition. 22) elections ran under the KBL. Those

The PDSP gained a foothold in Batangas Batanguenos included In the twenty­ in 1974, when its ranking officer who was member KBL ticket were Arturo R. Tanco, a priest approached St. Francis de Sales Jr., Salvador H. Laurel, Soledad L. Dolor Major Seminary in Lipa City and recruited and Expedito lv!. Leviste. There were new members from the seminarians, among only eleven opposition candidates in the them Roy Oliveros. Then they tried to regIOn for its twenty Batasan seats organize peasants, workers and students. [COMELEC 1979a: 336]. Thus, the In 1977, the Kapisanan ng Magsasakang 1978 elections in Region IV-A were one­ Pilipino (KASAMA), a PDSP-backed sided and not really competitive.

peasant organization, was formed III The all-out electoral competition among

Nasugbu and Bauan. 23) KASAPI, which the traditional political forces in Batangas was heavily concentrated in Metro Manila resumed at the time of the 1980 local and its adjacent area, also reached Batangas. elections. The elections were contested In 1976, KASAPI cadres organized small between the KBL and the NP led by the fishermen in N asugbu through the Small Laurels who had just split with Marcos. Bureau for Small Fisherfolks (SBSF) There was no other traditional political which was also based in the Apostolic party in the province. No regional party was formed. The LP's organization had ------22) The account of the underground left here is been disintegrated or, rather, its local based on the author's interview with one building blocks, namely, local factions, had informant who was familiar with the leftist left the party. Most of the politicians in movement in Batangas conducted on the condition of anonymity and also an interview the province were realigned into the two with Guillermo A. Garno, Batangas City, Batangas, January 23, 1990. 24) Interview with Boyet Montiel, Quezon City, 23) Interview with Roy Oliveros, Quezon City, October 18, 1989; and interview with June Lee, September 8, 1989. Quezon City, October 18, 1989.

221 parties. Those aspirants who were not opposition under the leadership of the included in the tickets of either party ran Laurels. as independent or unofficially carried the When UNIDO was formed, the NP banner of either party. Batangas Chapter constituted practically By this time, Governor Antonio Leviste the sole force of UNIDO in Batangas due and most of the incumbent mayors had to the virtual absence of local organizations joined the KBL regardless of their party of other traditional opposition parties in the affiliations at the time of their election in province. During the 1981 presidential 1971. The NP's gubernatorial candidate election campaign, the NP Batangas against Leviste was Jose C. Laurel V, Chapter organized a series of boycott rallies a son of former Ambassador Jose H. of UNIDO in the major towns. But the Laurel III. The NP's mayoral candidates KBL that commanded the majority of the were generally recruited from political mayors and far superior resources was more rivals of the KBL mayors in their respective active m campaigning for Marcos. towns regardless of their previous party Lacking a credible opposition candidate, affiliations. however, the election was not a heated one. The results of the elections were as The Aquino assassination of August follows. Laurel V won the governorship 1983 had significant political effects in over Leviste, while Ofelia M. Carpio Batangas as well, though they were not so (KBL) won the vice-governorship over dramatic as in Metro Manila. For one, Conrado V. Apacible (NP). Of the eight legal leftist organizations which had almost elected provincial board members, five disappeared shortly after the declaration of were NP, namely, Vicente Mayo, Jose martial law started to appear again. 25) Atienza, Bienvenido Medrano, Hernando But their strength should not be over­ B. Perez, and Rafael R. Recto; three were emphasized. It hardly modified the domi­ KBL, namely, Olegario F. Cantos, Jr., nation of Batangas politics by the traditional Dominador L. Bonuan, and Maxima R. political forces. On the other hand, the Recto. Of the thirty-four elected municipal traditional opposition steadily gained and city mayors, twenty-five were KBL, ground against the KBL, though it did not while the remammg mne were NP. develop in so far as to induce any significant Positions of the vice-mayors and the realignment among the local politicians. municipal and city councilors were divided Thus, the 1984 Batasang Pambansa between the KBL and the NP, though some elections in Batangas were practically independents were also elected in a number a contest between the KBL and UNIDO. of towns [COMELEC Undated-a; Un­ The PDP-LABAN began to organize in dated-b; Undated-c]. Compared with most 1983 starting from the municipalities of other provinces where the KBL nearly Rosario and Cuenca with Dante Q. monopolized the local elective positions, 25) Interview with a BAYAN organizer, Makati, Batangas saw a significant advance of the Metro Manila, April 11, 1989.

222 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines

Barbosa, a close associate of Ramon V. General of BAYAN-Batangas formed

Mitra, as coordinator. 26) But it could not a core group to establish BAYAN in expand so much as to be able to field Batangas. The core group tried to in­ candidates in the elections. corporate into BAYAN various sectoral There were fifteen candidates altogether. and multi-sectoral groups such as trade The KBL fielded Arturo Tanco (an unions, organizations of peasants, the urban assemblyman, Minister of Agriculture poor, the youth and students, teachers and and Harvard-trained technocrat), Manuel professionals, and religious groups. Collantes (Acting Minister for Foreign The founding congress of BAYAN­ Affairs), Expedito Leviste (an assemblyman Batangas was held in Taal on September and son of the late governor -Feliciano 28, attended by about three hundred people Leviste) and Roberto Diokno (an ex­ including Wigberto Tafiada and Fr. Jose congressman). UNIDO fielded Jose B. Dizon, Chairman and Vice-Chairman Laurel, Jr., Tom Apacible, Hernando of BAYAN-Southern Luzon, as guest Perez and Rafael Recto. Practically all speakers. Its initial affiliates included the the other seven candidates were inde­ Samahang Magbubukid ng Batangas, pendent, though one of them filed his Samahang Mangangawil 78, Malayang candidacy under the NP without the party's Katipunang Manggagawa sa Batangas, nomination. Those elected were three and Samahang Maralita Baybay Dagat UNIDO and one KBL candidates, namely (peasant and labor sector); Barrio Sta. Laurel, Jr., Perez, and Recto on the one Clara Community (Batangas City based hand and Collantes on the other. organizations of the urban poor); the The boycott campaign of the protest League of Filipino Students (LFS) and movement does not seem to have had Kabataan para sa Demokrasya at a significant impact in Batangas, although N asyonalismo (KADENA) (student and the CORD sponsored LAKBAYAN youth sector); the Concerned Teachers of passed the province and that there seem to Our Lady Caysasay Academy; and member have been its coordinators. Active organizations of the Citizen Solidarity organizing by the protest movement in Movement of Batangas, a multi-sectoral Batangas was carried out after the for­ group. Individual members of the mation of BAYAN and BANDILA in Southern Tagalog Attorneys for National Metro Manila. Democracy CSTAND) led by Tanada and Shortly after the founding congress of of the Medical Action Group also joined BAYAN-Southern Luzon in Silang, Cavite BAYAN-Batangas.27) in July 1985, two officers for Southern BANDILA, the membership of which Luzon and two leaders in Batangas who was heavily concentrated in Metro Manila later became Chairman and Secretary at the time of its founding congress in

26) Interview with Dante Barbosa, Quezon City, 27) Interview with a BAYAN organizer, Makati, August 5, 1988 and October 31, 1989. Metro Manila, July 6, 1988.

223 August 1985, also endeavored to expand overlaps that of BAYAN. into the provinces. Its expansion work in It was not easy for BANDILA to Batangas as well as in other parts of Luzon recruit members at that time because of was done mainly in October and November fear among the people. In Lipa City, for of that year. 28) The social democrats example, Fr. Panganiban arranged a two­ seem to have taken the initiative. Certain day seminar in St. Joseph Seminary in BANDILA leaders, using their personal November and invited people from different contacts, approached organizations of sectors of the city to help establish workers and peasants, youth and pro­ BANDILA. About fifty people attended fessional groups, and church people. For the seminar and some ranking officers of example, Roy Oliveros, now a researcher of BANDILA including Canonigo and Dep­ the Federation of Free Workers (FFW) who uty Secretary General Toy Nepomuceno later became BANDILA Deputy Secretary came and gave lectures to the partici­

General, approached 8to. Tomas Academy pants.31) Of the fifty participants, only Union in Sto. Tomas and Fr. Richard six who were members of a Catholic Panganiban of St. Francis de Sales Major Charismatic group, became BANDILA Seminary in Lipa City. Riza Yapchiongco members. The six included Willie Cucio, contacted the Kapisanan ng Magsasakang a youth leader, and Eldee Latayan,

Pilipino (KASAMA), a peasant organi­ a bookkeeper of a local bank. 32) After all zation based in Bauan and Balayan.29) its efforts, BANDILA could establish

Prior to this, Pascual Tonog, a farmer itself only in Bauan and Lipa City.33) residing in the municipality of Bauan and After the 1984 Batasang Pambansa part-time employee of a trading company elections, some realignment among the in Manila, was introduced to BANDILA Batangas politicians took place. For Secretary General Mar Canonigo by Raul example, Maxima Recto, a provincial Daza, Tonog's provincemate in Samar, board member elected as KBL, joined in Salonga's residence in in Sep­ UNIDO, while Ben Medrano and Rafael tember. Canonigo gave Tonog an au­ Recto became identified with the Marcos thority to organize BANDILA in Bauan. Administration. Some mayors also switched Tonog approached the workers ofa shipyard their parties. of the Philippine National Oil Company, Local elections had been scheduled for farmers and students.30) Interestingly, the May 1986. It seems that the local politi­ sectoral composition of the groups ap­ cians started to make some preparatory proached by BANDILA apparently moves for the elections by 1985. But most

28) Interview with Solphie Confiado, Makati, 31) Interview with Richard Panganiban, Lipa City, Metro Manila, January 6, 1988. January 7, 1988. 29) Interview with Roy Oliveros, Manila, June 27, 32) Interview with Eldee Latayan, Lipa City, 1988. February 24, 1987. 30) Interview with Pascual Tonog, Quezon City, 33) Interview with Pascual Tonog, Quezon City, August 17, 1988. August 7, 1988.

224 M. KIMURA: Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines

of them kept from embarking on all-out ~__. 1983. In Metro Manila, , : Resignation Rock FM's KBL. Ang Pahayag­ preparations and took a wait-and-see ang Malaya. Taon II, BIng. 47. October 6-9, attitude, because the possibility of the 1983. snap election was looming. ___. 1984. Lakbayan Protesters All Set to Go. Malaya. February 29, 1984. Most of the opposition politicians were ___ . 1985. NUC, Convenors Okey Plan for supporting the presidential candidacy of 1 PSB Per Party. Malaya. April 10, 1985. Salvador Laurel, their Kababayan (province Avinales, P. N. 1988. The Left and Other Forces: The Nature and Dynamics of Pre-1986 Co­ mate). The CAPM was also launched in alition Politics. In in the Pht·lippines. Batangas under the provincial chairmanship Second Series, edited by Third World Studies Center. Quezon City: Bede's Publishing of Dante Barbosa.34) But it does not seem House. to have gained momentum so much as in Drillantes, Alex Bello Jr. 1987. Dictatorship and Metro Manila. iv.rartial Law, Pllt'Nppine Authoritarianism in When the snap election was called, the 1972. Quezon City: Great Books Publishers. Cunanan, Belinda Olivares. 1985a. Unity Could Be KBL campaigned for Marcos and So Divisive. Mr. & Mrs. February 15-21, Tolentino. Some KBL politicians, how­ 1985. ever, reportedly campaigned for Marcos _____. 1985b. Believe It or Not: Cory, Doy Unite. Mr. & lIh. Special Edition. De­ and Laurel. The Marcos-Tolentino Move­ cember 13-19, 1985. ment was also established III Batangas; Daroy, Petronilo Bn. 1988. On the Eve of Dictator­ and Ben Medrano became its provincial ship and Revolution. In [De Dios et al. 1988]. coordinator [MTM 1986: 26-27]. UNI­ De Dios, Javate; Daroy, Petronilo Bn.; DO campaigned for Aquino and Laurel. and Kalaw-Tirol, Lorna, eds. 1988. Dictator­ ship and Revolution: Roots of People's Power. BANDILA also campaigned for the oppo­ Metro Manila: Conspectus. sition candidates separately from UNIDO. Diokno, Ma. Serena I. 1988. Unity and Struggle. BAYAN-Batangas adopted the "conscience In [De Dios et al. 1988]. vote" position which was the decision of Foz Vicente B. 1984. UNIDO Adopts Scheme to Choose Poll Bets. Bullett'n Today. December BAYAN-Southern Tagalog in spite of the 31,1984. decision of its national leadership to boycott ___. 1985. NUC Forges Unity Accord. Bulletin Today. March 11, 1985. the election.35) Jones, Gregg R. 1989. Red Revolution. Boulder: Westview Press. Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL). 1985. The Bibliography KBL as a Political Party. In Revised Party Rules of the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan. Anonymous. 1980. Roy Insists He Is Still NP Manila: KBL National Headquarters. President. Bulletin Today. April 3, 1980. Kimura, Masataka. 1989. The Revolution and ___. 1982. 'Genuine' Opposition; NP, LP Realignment of Political Parties in the Invited to Coalition. Bulletin Today. June 18, Philippines (December 1985-January 1988): 1982. With a Case in the Province of Batangas. Southeast Asian Studies 27(3): 352-379. 34) Interview with Dante Barbosa, Quezon City, ___. 1990. Elections and Politics Philippine August 5, 1988. -A Case in Lipa-. Ph.D. dissertation, 35) Interview with a BAYAN organizer, Makati, Asian Center, University ofthe Philippines. Metro Manila, July 6, 1988. Laban ng Bayan. 1985. In the Matter of the

225 Petition for Accredita#on as the Dominant , 17-19 November 1982) Opposi#on Party for All Elections z'n the Nolasco, Jose Ma.1984. For Unity, PDP-LABAN Phz'lippz'nes. (A petition filed by Laban ng Elects to Fight or Perish. Mr. & Ms. March Bayan at Commission on Elections, dated 2,1984. December 6, 1985 and received on December Partido Demokratiko Pilipino Lakas ng Bayan 7,1985) (PDP-LABAN). Undated. Party History. Lande, Carl H. 1986. The Political Crisis. In (A part of teaching materials for the use of Cn'sis z'n the Philz"ppz'nes, edited by Bresnan, trainers of the party institute) John. New Jersey: Philippine Democratic Socialist Party (PDSP). Press. 1983. Growth oj Democratic SodaHst, and Laurel, Jose B., Jr. 1981. Report oj the Ad Hoc Other Related Developments in the Philz'ppines. Committee Chairman on the Reorganiza#on and (A Statement of the Party issued in Manila on Revz"talz"zation oj the Nacionalista Party. (A October 1983) report submitted to the National Directorate Pilipino Democratic Party (PDP). 1983. Mabuhay of NP on May 11, 1981) ang PiHpino (Official Organ of the Pilipino Laurel, J. B., Jr.; Macapagal, Diosdado; Taiiada, Democratic Party). Vo1.1, No.2, February 1983. Lorenzo M.; and Jose, Luis A. 1982. Agree­ Philippines, Commission on Elections (COMELEC). ment for Unification. (A document signed by 1979a. Report oj the Commission on Elec#ons the four politicians on February 2,1982) to the PresidentfPn'me Minister oj the The Liberal Party (LP). Undated. The Liberal Philippines and the Batasang Pambansa on the Party: Its Past and the New Poli#cs. (An LP Manner the Elec#ons oj Representa#ves to the publication which was based on the lecture of Batasang Pambansa were Held on April 7 and J ovito Salonga at the LP orientation seminar 27, 1978. Manila: Government Printing on local administration on April 24, 1988) Office. Machado, Kit Gordon. 1972. Leadership and ____. 1979b. Resolution No. 1409. (December Organization in Philippine Local Politics. 26, 1979). Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington. ___. Undated-a. Elected Provindal O./fidals, Malay, Armando S., Jr. 1988. The Dialectics of January 30, 1980 Elec#ons. (Mimeopgraphed) Kaluwayan: Echo of a 1978 Debate. In ____. Undated-b. Elected City O./fidals, Marxism z'n the Philippines. Second Series, January 30, 1980 Elections. (Mimeographed) edited by Third World Studies Center. Quezon ___. Undated·c. Elected Munz"dpal Officials, City: Bede's Publishing House. January 30, 1980 Elec#ons, (Mimeographed) Marcos-Tolentino Movement (MTM). 1986. On­ ____. Undated-d. Elected Members of the ward to Victory!! I. Bulle#n Today. February Batasang Pambansa with Their Total Votes 4,1986. Obtained and Party A./fiHa#on. (Mimeo­ The Nacionalista Party (NP). 1989. To Shape the graphed) Na#on. Thompson, Mark R. 1988. Apres Moi Ie Deluge: Nemenzo, Francisco. 1984. An Irrepressible Revo­ The Fall of Marcos and the Problems of lution: The Decline and Resurgence of the Democracy in the Philippines. (Typescript) Philippine Communist Movement. U mali, N. T. Undated. The Losing Course of the ___. 1985. The Left and the Traditional Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Fascist Opposition. In The PhiHppz'nes After Marcos, Dictatorship. (Typescript) edited by May, R. J.; and Nemenzo, Francisco. The United Nationalist Democratic Organization : St. Martin's Press. (UNIDO). 1985. Toward a Just Sodety.­ ____. Undated. Rectifica#on Process in the UNIDO Na#onal Conference. (June 12, 1985) Philz'ppz'ne Communz'st Movement. (Revised Wurfel, David. 1988. Filipino Pol£#cs: Develop­ version of a paper prepared for the seminar­ ment and Decay. Ithaca: Cornel University workshop on "armed communism in Southeast Press. Asia," Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,

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