Symbolism, Rationality and Myth in Organizational Control Systems
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Surrealist Painting in Yogyakarta Martinus Dwi Marianto University of Wollongong
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 1995 Surrealist painting in Yogyakarta Martinus Dwi Marianto University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Marianto, Martinus Dwi, Surrealist painting in Yogyakarta, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Faculty of Creative Arts, University of Wollongong, 1995. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/1757 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] SURREALIST PAINTING IN YOGYAKARTA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY from UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG by MARTINUS DWI MARIANTO B.F.A (STSRI 'ASRT, Yogyakarta) M.F.A. (Rhode Island School of Design, USA) FACULTY OF CREATIVE ARTS 1995 CERTIFICATION I certify that this work has not been submitted for a degree to any other university or institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by any other person, except where due reference has been made in the text. Martinus Dwi Marianto July 1995 ABSTRACT Surrealist painting flourished in Yogyakarta around the middle of the 1980s to early 1990s. It became popular amongst art students in Yogyakarta, and formed a significant style of painting which generally is characterised by the use of casual juxtapositions of disparate ideas and subjects resulting in absurd, startling, and sometimes disturbing images. In this thesis, Yogyakartan Surrealism is seen as the expression in painting of various social, cultural, and economic developments taking place rapidly and simultaneously in Yogyakarta's urban landscape. -
Trade-Offs, Compromise and Democratization in a Post-Authoritarian Setting
Asian Social Science; Vol. 8, No. 13; 2012 ISSN 1911-2017 E-ISSN 1911-2025 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Trade-offs, Compromise and Democratization in a Post-authoritarian Setting Paul James Carnegie1 1 Department of International Studies, American University of Sharjah, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates Correspondence: Paul James Carnegie, Department of International Studies, American University of Sharjah, University City, Sharjah 26666, United Arab Emirates. Tel: 971-6-515-4703. E-mail: [email protected] Received: June 17, 2012 Accepted: July 5, 2012 Online Published: October 18, 2012 doi:10.5539/ass.v8n13p71 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v8n13p71 Abstract Reconstituting the disarticulated political space of authoritarian breakdown is anything but straightforward. Distinct trade-offs and ambiguous outcomes are all too familiar. This is in no small part because political change involves compromise with an authoritarian past. The very fact of this transition dynamic leaves us with more questions than answers about the process of democratization. In particular, it is important to ask how we go about interpreting ambiguity in the study of democratization. The following article argues that the way we frame democratization is struggling to come to terms with the ambiguity of contemporary political change. Taking Indonesia as an example, the article maps a tension between authoritarianism and subsequent democratization. The story here is not merely one of opening, breakthrough, and consolidation but also (re-)negotiation. There is also an unfolding at the interstices of culture and politics and of that between discourse and practice. Unfortunately, the insight gained will not lessen some of the more undesirable aspects of Indonesia’s post-authoritarian outcome but it does afford us a more fine-grained reading of the reconfigured patterns of politics that are emerging. -
Social Media and Politics in Indonesia
Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Anders C. Johansson Stockholm School of Economics Stockholm School of Economics Asia Working Paper No. 42 December 2016 Stockholm China Economic Research Institute | Stockholm School of Economics | Box 6501 | S-113 83 Stockholm | Sweden Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Anders C. Johansson* Stockholm School of Economics December 2016 * E-mail: [email protected]. Financial support from the Marianne & Marcus Wallenberg Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. 1 Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Abstract Does social media have the potential to influence the political process more in certain countries? How do political actors and citizens use social media to participate in the political process? This paper analyzes these questions in the context of contemporary Indonesia, a country with a young democracy and a vibrant emerging economy. First, the relationships between traditional and social media and politics are discussed. Then, the current situation in Indonesia’s traditional media industry and how it may have helped drive the popularity of social media in Indonesia is analyzed. Finally, the paper discusses social media in today’s Indonesia and provides examples of how political actors and citizens use social media in the political process. JEL Classifications: D72; L82 Keywords: Indonesia; Social media; Media; Politics; Democratic process; Political process; Media industry 2 1 Introduction The use and popularity of social networking sites online has increased dramatically over the last decade. In a recent study by the Pew Research Center (2015), it was reported that 65 percent of all adults in the United States use some form of social media, a ten times increase from 2005 to 2015. -
Contemporary Literature from the Chinese Diaspora in Indonesia
CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE FROM THE CHINESE 'DIASPORA' IN INDONESIA Pamela Allen (University of Tasmania) Since the fall of Suharto a number of Chinese-Indonesian writers have begun to write as Chinese-Indonesians, some using their Chinese names, some writing in Mandarin. New literary activities include the gathering, publishing and translating (from Mandarin) of short stories and poetry by Chinese-Indonesians. Pribumi Indonesians too have privileged Chinese ethnicity in their works in new and compelling ways. To date little of this new Chinese-Indonesian literary activity has been documented or evaluated in English. This paper begins to fill that gap by examining the ways in which recent literary works by and about Chinese-Indonesians give expression to their ethnic identity. Introduction Since colonial times the Chinese have been subjected to othering in Indonesia on account of their cultural and religious difference, on account of their perceived dominance in the nation’s economy and (paradoxically, as this seems to contradict that economic - 1 - dominance) on account of their purported complicity with Communism. The first outbreak of racial violence towards the Chinese, engineered by the Dutch United East Indies Company, was in Batavia in 1740.1 The perceived hybridity of peranakan Chinese (those born in Indonesia) was encapsulated in the appellation used to describe them in pre-Independence Java: Cina wurung, londa durung, Jawa tanggung (‘no longer a Chinese, not yet a Dutchman, a half- baked Javanese’).2 ‘The Chinese are everywhere -
Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto Oleh George Junus Aditjondro
Tempointeraktif.com - Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto oleh George Junus Aditjondro Search | Advance search | Registration | About us | Careers dibuat oleh Radja:danendro Home Budaya Nasional Digital Berita Terkait Ekonomi Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto oleh George Mahasiswa Serentak Kenang Tragedi Iptek • Junus Aditjondro Trisakti Jakarta Jum'at, 14 Mei 2004 | 19:23 WIB • Kesehatan Soeharto Memburuk Nasional • BEM Se-Yogya Tolak Mega, Akbar, Nusa TEMPO Interaktif : Wiranto, dan Tutut Olahraga • Asvi: Ada Polarisasi di Komnas HAM Majalah BERAPA sebenarnya kekayaan keluarga Suharto dari yayasan- soal Kasus Soeharto yayasan yang didirikan dan dipimpin Suharto dan Pemeriksaan Kesehatan Soeharto Koran • keluarganya, dari saham yayasan- yayasan itu dalam Belum Jelas Pusat Data berbagai konglomerat di Indonesia dan di luar negeri? • Kejaksaan Lanjutkan Perkara Setelah Tempophoto Soeharto Sehat Narasi Pertanyaan ini sangat sulit dijawab oleh "orang luar". LSM: Selidiki Pelanggaran HAM • English Kesulitan melacak kekayaan semua yayasan itu diperparah Soeharto oleh tumpang-tindihnya kekayaan keluarga Suharto dengan • Komnas HAM: Lima Pelanggaran HAM kekayaan sejumlah keluarga bisnis yang lain, misalnya tiga Berat di Masa Soeharto keluarga Liem Sioe Liong, keluarga Eka Tjipta Widjaya, dan • Pengacara Suharto: Kejari Kurang keluarga Bob Hasan. Kerjaan • Mahasiswa Mendemo KPU Tapi jangan difikir bahwa keluarga Suharto hanya senang >selengkapnya... menggunakan pengusaha-pengusaha keturunan Cina sebagai operator bisnisnya. Sebab bisnis keluarga Suharto juga sangat tumpang tindih dengan bisnis dua keluarga keturunan Referensi Arab, yakni Bakrie dan Habibie. Keluarga Bakrie segudang kongsinya dengan keluarga Suharto, a.l. dengan Bambang • Yayasan-Yayasan Soeharto oleh dan Sudwikatmono dalam bisnis minyak mentah Pertamina George Junus Aditjondro lewat Hong Kong (Pura, 1986; Toohey, 1990: 8-9; Warta • Biodata Soeharto Ekonomi , 30 Sept. -
Only Yesterday in Jakarta: Property Boom and Consumptive Trends in the Late New Order Metropolitan City
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 38, No.4, March 2001 Only Yesterday in Jakarta: Property Boom and Consumptive Trends in the Late New Order Metropolitan City ARAI Kenichiro* Abstract The development of the property industry in and around Jakarta during the last decade was really conspicuous. Various skyscrapers, shopping malls, luxurious housing estates, condominiums, hotels and golf courses have significantly changed both the outlook and the spatial order of the metropolitan area. Behind the development was the government's policy of deregulation, which encouraged the active involvement of the private sector in urban development. The change was accompanied by various consumptive trends such as the golf and cafe boom, shopping in gor geous shopping centers, and so on. The dominant values of ruling elites became extremely con sumptive, and this had a pervasive influence on general society. In line with this change, the emergence of a middle class attracted the attention of many observers. The salient feature of this new "middle class" was their consumptive lifestyle that parallels that of middle class as in developed countries. Thus it was the various new consumer goods and services mentioned above, and the new places of consumption that made their presence visible. After widespread land speculation and enormous oversupply of property products, the property boom turned to bust, leaving massive non-performing loans. Although the boom was not sustainable and it largely alienated urban lower strata, the boom and resulting bust represented one of the most dynamic aspect of the late New Order Indonesian society. I Introduction In 1998, Indonesia's "New Order" ended. -
Nabbs-Keller 2014 02Thesis.Pdf
The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Author Nabbs-Keller, Greta Published 2014 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Griffith Business School DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/2823 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366662 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au GRIFFITH BUSINESS SCHOOL Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By GRETA NABBS-KELLER October 2013 The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Greta Nabbs-Keller B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A. School of Government and International Relations Griffith Business School Griffith University This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. October 2013 Abstract How democratisation affects a state's foreign policy is a relatively neglected problem in International Relations. In Indonesia's case, there is a limited, but growing, body of literature examining the country's foreign policy in the post- authoritarian context. Yet this scholarship has tended to focus on the role of Indonesia's legislature and civil society organisations as newly-empowered foreign policy actors. Scholars of Southeast Asian politics, meanwhile, have concentrated on the effects of Indonesia's democratisation on regional integration and, in particular, on ASEAN cohesion and its traditional sovereignty-based norms. For the most part, the literature has completely ignored the effects of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry – the principal institutional actor responsible for foreign policy formulation and conduct of Indonesia's diplomacy. Moreover, the effect of Indonesia's democratic transition on key bilateral relationships has received sparse treatment in the literature. -
The "G30S/PKI" Symbol Is the Major Obstacle to Democracy
Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1985) Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985. Tapol bulletin (71). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26272/ British Campaign for the Defence of Political Prisoners and Human Rights in Indonesia TAPOL Bulletin No. 71 September 1985 The "G30S/PKI" symbol is the major obstacle to democracy On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the seizure of power by General Suharto, TA POL invited a former political prisoner in Indonesia to contribute a piece for publication. The following is a translation of his article. Here in Indonesia, people are still misled by symbols, death and is apparently about to be released even though primarily the G30S/A<I symbol. I) Facts about Untung he was the principal figure in the South Blitar affair? having carried out a military operation on 30 September This has nothing to do with questions of law. The reasons 1965, about volunteers from the Pemuda Rakjat [People's are purely political. Munir was regarded as being a Youth] and Gerwani[lndonesian Women's Movement] being potent ipl danger, someone who might have been able to given military training, are regarded as the absolute destroy that symbol, given the time and opportunity. truth, the whole and complete truth. The reality is that Munir had the respect of his comrades. Rewang's record these facts ore only part of the truth, not the whole during interrogation and during his detention was not truth, and there is no way for the whole truth to be considered as anything serious by the men in power. -
Indonesian Trade Union Developments Since the Fall of Suharto Michele Ford
east asia LLa bour andm Mana g ementd in DDee v elopmenelopmentt JourJouJour r nalnanal l Volume 1, Number 3 Research note: Indonesian trade Eunion developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford 99-2 Asia Pacific Press at the AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY http://ncdsnet.anu.edu.au Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford © Asia Pacific Press 2000 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. ISSN 1443–6698 ISBN 0 7315 3636 3 Michele Ford is a doctoral candidate at the University of Wollongong. Her research is focused on the role of non-government organisations as outside intellectuals in the Indonesian labour movement. Her earlier research analysed the philosophy and practice of Industrial Relations in Suharto’s Indonesia, and includes publications on Indonesian corporatism and Indonesian industrial relations under President Habibie. Abbreviations ACILS American Centre for International Labour Solidarity DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat FAS Forum Adil Sejahtera (The Forum for Justice and Prosperity) FES Friedrich Ebert Stiftung FSP–BUMN Federasi Serikat Pekerja BUMN (The Federation of State Enterprise Workers’ Unions—BUMN) FNPBI Front Nasional Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia FSPSI Federasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trade Unions ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary -
The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: the Indonesian Case
Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 25, No.3, December 1987 The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: The Indonesian Case Mely G. TAN* As recent writIngs indicate, the term Introduction more commonly used today is "ethnic Chinese" to refer to the group as a Despite the manifest diversity of the whole, regardless of citizenship, cultural ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, there orientation and social identification.2) is still the tendency among scholars The term ethnic or ethnicity, refers to focusing on this group, to treat them a socio-cultural entity. In the case of as a monolithic entity, by referring to the ethnic Chinese, it refers to a group all of them as "Chinese" or "Overseas with cultural elements recognizable as Chinese." Within the countries them or attributable to Chinese, while socially, selves, as In Indonesia, for instance, members of this group identify and are this tendency is apparent among the identified by others as constituting a majority population in the use of the distinct group. terms "orang Cina," "orang Tionghoa" The above definition IS III line with or even "hoakiau."D It is our conten the use in recent writings on this topic. tion that these terms should only be In the last ten years or so, we note a applied to those who are alien, not of revival of interest In ethnicity and mixed ancestry, and who initially do ethnic groups, due to the realization not plan to stay permanently. We also that the newly-developed as well as the submit that, what terminology and what established countries In Europe and definition is used for this group, has North America are heterogeneous socie important implications culturally, so ties with problems In the relations cially, psychologically and especially for policy considerations. -
F Re E P O Rt and the Suharto Regime, 1 965–1 9
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Fre e p o r t and the Suharto Regime, provided by ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa 19 65–19 9 8 Denise Leith In functioning democratic economies a structural balance must be found between state and capital. In Suharto’s autocratic state, however, a third variable upset this equation: patronage. By using access to resources and business as the major lubricant of his patronage style of leadership Suharto actively encouraged the involvement of all powerful groups within the ec o n o m y . Eventually, the military, politicians, and the bureaucracy became intimately involved in the most lucrative business ventures to the point that to be successful in Indonesian business one required an influential partner in at least one of these institutional groups, preferably with direct access to Suharto. When Freeport began negotiations with the new military regime in Jakarta in 1967 to mine the copper in West Papua, the American transna- tional with the valuable political connections was the more powerful of the negotiating parties, enabling it to dictate the terms of its contract. As Suharto’s political confidence grew and as the American company’s finan- cial investment in the province increased—and by association its vulner- ability—the balance of power shifted in Jakarta’s favor. Eventually Free- port became another lucrative source of patronage for the president. E a r ly Histo ry of Fr e e p o rt in West Pa p ua In 1936, while on an expedition to the center -
The End of Suharto
Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1998) Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998. Tapol bulletin (147). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/25993/ ISSN 1356-1154 The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign TAPOL Bulletin No. 147 July 1998 The end of Suharto 21 May 1998 will go down in world history as the day when the bloody and despotic rule ofSuharto came to an end. His 32-year rule made him Asia's longest ruler after World War IL He broke many other world records, as a mass killer and human rights violator. In 196511966 he was responsible for the slaughtt:r of at least half a million people and the incarceration of more than 1.2 million. He is also respon{iible for the deaths of 200,000 East Timorese, a third of the population, one of the worst . acts ofgenocide this century. Ignoring the blood-letting that accompanied his seizure of In the last two years, other forms of social unrest took power, the western powers fell over themselves to wel hold: assaults on local police, fury against the privileges come Suharto. He had crushed the world's largest commu nist party outside the Soviet bloc and grabbed power from From the editors: We apologise for the late arrival of President Sukarno who was seen by many in the West as a this issue.