Indonesian Trade Union Developments Since the Fall of Suharto Michele Ford

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Indonesian Trade Union Developments Since the Fall of Suharto Michele Ford east asia LLa bour andm Mana g ementd in DDee v elopmenelopmentt JourJouJour r nalnanal l Volume 1, Number 3 Research note: Indonesian trade Eunion developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford 99-2 Asia Pacific Press at the AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY http://ncdsnet.anu.edu.au Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford © Asia Pacific Press 2000 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. ISSN 1443–6698 ISBN 0 7315 3636 3 Michele Ford is a doctoral candidate at the University of Wollongong. Her research is focused on the role of non-government organisations as outside intellectuals in the Indonesian labour movement. Her earlier research analysed the philosophy and practice of Industrial Relations in Suharto’s Indonesia, and includes publications on Indonesian corporatism and Indonesian industrial relations under President Habibie. Abbreviations ACILS American Centre for International Labour Solidarity DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat FAS Forum Adil Sejahtera (The Forum for Justice and Prosperity) FES Friedrich Ebert Stiftung FSP–BUMN Federasi Serikat Pekerja BUMN (The Federation of State Enterprise Workers’ Unions—BUMN) FNPBI Front Nasional Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia FSPSI Federasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trade Unions ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary Fund KPHP Komisi Pembaharuan Hukum Perburuhan NGO non-governmental organisation SBSI Serikat Buruh Sejahtera Indonesia SPTP Serikat Pekerja Tingkat Perusahaan (Enterprise Unions) TVRI Televisi Republik Indonesia (Indonesian State Television) Labour and Management in Development Journal, Volume 1, Number 3 2 © Asia Pacific Press 2000 Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford There have been significant developments first of these was the transitional in Indonesian trade unionism since the fall government’s decision to proceed with the of Suharto on May 21 1998. Despite implementation of the 1997 Manpower Department of Manpower1 figures Law (Law No.25/1997), which was a estimating rises in total unemployment significant force for continuity in the between 1996 and 1998 of over eighteen industrial relations system during the million (Kompas, 29 September 1998) and Habibie interregnum. The second was ILO estimates of 1 333 345 dismissals in the President Habibie’s decision to ratify and industrial sector in 1998 alone (Kompas, 21 implement ILO Convention No.87 on the September 1998), the number of unions Freedom of Association and Protection of which registered with the Department the Right to Organise. In ratifying during the Habibie interregnum is quite Convention No.87 on 5 June 1998, Habibie impressive. The implications of the massive effectively abandoned the Suharto regime’s increase in formal labour activism are, rhetorical and policy commitments to a de however, a more complex matter. The facto single vehicle of labour transitional government’s departure from ‘representation’. It was this latter the effectively single-union model of the late development which—despite the absence Suharto period is a major policy change, of significant change at the systemic level— but this has not been accompanied by other allowed informal workers’ groups and desperately-needed changes in the formal former unions—which had been forcibly structures of Indonesia’s tripartite industrial subsumed into the single, state-controlled relations system. This research note describes union (and later, pseudo-federation), the the findings of fieldwork carried out in Federasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia Indonesia in February–April 1999, (FSPSI), in the late Suharto era—to seek supplemented by ongoing monitoring of registration with the Department of trade union developments via the Manpower. Indonesian press and contacts in non- governmental organisations (NGOs). It The drafting of Manpower Law No.25/ concentrates on documenting developments 1997 was an attempt to comprehensively in the legal framework of Indonesian labour update Indonesia’s labour legislation. The relations and describing changing patterns law is intended to replace six ordinances of unionisation in both the private blue-collar and eight laws presently officially in force and white-collar sectors and the public sector in Indonesia (Amiruddin and Masduki in an attempt to tease out the implications 1997:1). It covers labour force issues in both of these developments for the future of the formal and informal sectors as well as Indonesian labour relations. defining the operation of the industrial relations system (Department of Manpower 1997). The draft version of this law was a Legal context focus of extensive protest before Suharto’s Two major legislative initiatives influenced resignation. Protests were led by a group the form and substance of trade unionism of non-governmental organisations whose in the immediate post-Suharto period. The interests ranged from women’s issues to Labour and Management in Development Journal, Volume 1, Number 3 3 © Asia Pacific Press 2000 Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford legal aid—namely Yayasan Lembaga notice of intention to strike (signed by union Bantuan Hukum Indonesia, Elsam, leaders) be provided to employers and Akatiga, Lembaga Bantuan Hukum APIK, government agencies (Asmoel et al. Solidaritas Perempuan, Infid, Kalyanamitra, 1997:23–24). Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Bandung and The final version of the Law, approved Lembaga Bantuan Jakarta—under an on 3 October 1997 by then-President umbrella organisation called Komisi Suharto, did not address any of these major Pembaharuan Hukum Perburuhan (KPHP— concerns. Yet, despite continued criticism, the Commission for the Renewal of Labour a Habibie government working group Law) (Asmoel et al. 1997:23; Amiruddin decided against striking it from the statutes and Masduki 1997). in October 1998. In fact, the only change Critics, led by KPHP, argued that the new made was to its date of implementation, law did not preserve the nominal protections which was moved from 1 October 1998 to provided under the ordinances and laws it 1 October 2000 (TVRI National News 16 was to replace. In addition, it was seen to October 1998; Jakarta Post, 17 October 1998). legitimate unfair labour practices established Two draft supplementary laws dealing by extra-legal means during the New Order with labour unions and a revamped period (Amiruddin and Masduki 1997:2). Industrial Relations Tribunal respectively Protests were focused on Articles 29, 32, 33, (Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang 34, and 35 which dealt with trade unions; Serikat Pekerja; Rancangan Undang- Article 77 on dismissals; and Articles 83, 84 undang MPPI)2 were later produced. and 85 on the right to strike (Asmoel et al. These, and subsequent, draft laws have 1997:23). Under the articles on trade unions, been broadly consistent with the overall attempts to establish a union must be framework of Law No.25/1997, although supported by a majority of employees; they have redressed some aspects of the employees whose duties conflicted with Law—notably, limitations on union union interests could not join the union and membership—which had attracted union interests were to be limited to the criticism earlier. While the Commission for company level. Union registration continued the Renewal of Labour Law became to be contingent on government approval inactive in the early months of the and further government regulation of trade transitional government (Interviews, union matters. KPHP argued that Article 77 February 1999), NGOs interested in labour on dismissal procedures made dismissals law reform did not totally abandon easier for employers, while the Articles on attempts to monitor changes to the code. strike procedures guarantee the right to The proposed Law on Labour Unions strike in abstraction but make it difficult for (which has since been superseded) was, for workers to go on strike by limiting access to example, the subject of a panel discussion wages while on strike, forbidding secondary held on 18 November 1998 (Panel Program, strikes, and demanding that three days’ 18 November 1998). Labour and Management in Development Journal, Volume 1, Number 3 4 © Asia Pacific Press 2000 Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford Although it is possible that Law No.25/ those unions granted official recognition 1997 could be cancelled by Abdurrahman (Articles 4 and 5). These provisions were Wahid’s government before its reinforced in Article 23 of the draft Law on implementation date, the results of the Labour Unions discussed earlier, and have review process and the drafting of the been retained in subsequent drafts. supplementary laws suggest that Habibie’s The implications of the Department’s transitional government had no intention continued role in deciding which unions of addressing problems with the basic legal could register were immediately clear. structure of Indonesia’s industrial relations While some informants described successful system. Yet shortly after coming to power attempts to register and run small on 21 May 1998, Habibie signaled that independent unions following the restrictions on alternative labour unions ratification of the convention, others would be eased. Interestingly—in
Recommended publications
  • The "G30S/PKI" Symbol Is the Major Obstacle to Democracy
    Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1985) Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985. Tapol bulletin (71). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26272/ British Campaign for the Defence of Political Prisoners and Human Rights in Indonesia TAPOL Bulletin No. 71 September 1985 The "G30S/PKI" symbol is the major obstacle to democracy On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the seizure of power by General Suharto, TA POL invited a former political prisoner in Indonesia to contribute a piece for publication. The following is a translation of his article. Here in Indonesia, people are still misled by symbols, death and is apparently about to be released even though primarily the G30S/A<I symbol. I) Facts about Untung he was the principal figure in the South Blitar affair? having carried out a military operation on 30 September This has nothing to do with questions of law. The reasons 1965, about volunteers from the Pemuda Rakjat [People's are purely political. Munir was regarded as being a Youth] and Gerwani[lndonesian Women's Movement] being potent ipl danger, someone who might have been able to given military training, are regarded as the absolute destroy that symbol, given the time and opportunity. truth, the whole and complete truth. The reality is that Munir had the respect of his comrades. Rewang's record these facts ore only part of the truth, not the whole during interrogation and during his detention was not truth, and there is no way for the whole truth to be considered as anything serious by the men in power.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerakan 30 September 1965 Dalam Perspektif Filsafat Sejarah Marxisme
    GERAKAN 30 SEPTEMBER 1965 DALAM PERSPEKTIF FILSAFAT SEJARAH MARXISME Harsa Permata Universitas Universal Batam Email: [email protected] Abstrak Gerakan 30 September 1965 (G30S 1965), merupakan gerakan yang sangat berpengaruh bagi perkembangan gerak sejarah masyarakat Indonesia sampai saat ini. Setelah G30S 1965, kebebasan berideologi mulai dibatasi di Indonesia. Selain itu, pembantaian terhadap jutaan manusia, dengan alasan membasmi komunisme, mulai berlangsung setelah G30S 1965. Pembatasan terhadap kebebasan berideologi ini juga menyentuh kehidupan akademik. Berdasarkan atas TAP MPRS No. XXV/1966, studi terhadap ideologi Marxisme-Leninisme dibatasi. Hal ini mengakibatkan minimnya pemikiran alternatif dan ilmiah dalam dunia akademik di Indonesia. Gerakan 30 September 1965 (G30S 1965), ditinjau dari perspektif Marxisme, adalah perwujudan dari kontradiksi kelas dalam masyarakat Indonesia yang kapitalis. G30S 1965, memperjelas kontra- diksi kelas dalam masyarakat Indonesia. Kelas-kelas sosial yang berkontradiksi dalam masyarakat Indonesia, adalah kelas borjuis militer yang diwakili oleh TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia), kelas proletariat, yang diwakili oleh PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia). Presiden Sukarno, berada di tengah-tengah kon- tradiksi antara TNI dan PKI. Dalam perkembangannya, G30S 1965, dijadikan alasan oleh Suharto dan Angkatan Darat untuk melakukan kudeta merangkak terhadap pemerintahan Sukarno dan membantai jutaan orang kader dan sim- patisan PKI. Pasca G30S 1965, rezim Orde Baru Suharto membuka pintu sele- bar-lebarnya bagi kapitalisme internasional, untuk mengeksploitasi sumber daya alam Indonesia. Rezim Orde Baru Suharto mematangkan kapitalisme di Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Komunisme, Filsafat Sejarah, Marxisme. Abstract The Thirtieth of September Movement 1965 (G30S 1965), is a movement which is very influential in the history of Indonesian society until today. After G30S 1965, freedom of ideology began to be restricted in Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategy of Golongan Karya to Be Winner in Election Year 1971-1997
    Jurnal Historica ISSN No. 2252-4673 Volume. 1 (2017) Issue. 1 Strategy of Golongan Karya to be Winner in Election Year 1971-1997 Noviah Iffatun Nisaa, Mohammad Na’imb, Nurul Umamahc aHistory education program, Jember University. bHistory education program, Jember University. [email protected] cHistory education program, Jember University. [email protected] Abstract Golkar is a political organization that develop by Orde Baru. Golkar always to be a winner by elections in the Orde Baru Era. The power of political support victory golkar is military, bureaucracy, organization mass, and the government policies. Golkar always perform in ge neral election and perlemen successive for six times elections, namely in 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997. The government put officer AD loyal to Suharto to occupy office bu reaucracy in government central and local. The government use various ways to winning g olkar in elections, one of them are approaching those of the lord through GUPPI that is the social organizations that engaged in islamic education. GUPPI plays an important role in is lamic mass persuasion. The government’s policy also contribute in succession golkar electi on common in the new order era. The outcome of an election 1971, Golkar have 227 seat ( 62,80 %), election 1977 with the results of 62,11 % of the vote, in election 1982 golkar ma naged to seize 10 seats, election 1987 golkar have 73,16 % of the vote, election 1992 get th e result 68,01 % of the vote, and the receipt of the votes in the election 1977 reached 74,51 %.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract Politics Military in Post – New Order Indonesia
    ABSTRACT POLITICS MILITARY IN POST ± NEW ORDER INDONESIA By: RIFQA DENI AMANAH 0901120004 Adviser By : Dr. Hasanuddin M.Si Post New Order Indonesian Politics which emphasize of changes in military problems in politics. Especially in the Indonesian Government. Civil-Military System that still overlap in politics. That is caused from the larger role of the military in Indonesia during The New Order. This research have to look at the changing role and function of the military who make changes like Redefinition, Repotioning, and Reactualitation. Along with research the factors that influence of changes in the Government transition procces in post-New Order in Indonesia. Basis of analysis research it can be concluded that Indonesia military is always undergoing a procces of change in the each government transition. So that military politics always has a different system and adapted according to the prevailing system of government. Indonesia‘s government in politics has not been able break away from the military, is caused because a several factors, especially on the weak civilian control and professional moral value that always different allowing to the comprehension of the military institution itself. Keywords : Government Transition, Politics, Military Politics PENDAHULUAN Latar Belakang Masalah Militer di suatu negara identik pasang surut, ada kalanya sehat dan ada kalanya menegangkan bahkan buruk. Hal ini berkaitan dengan hubungan antara sipil dan militer sebagai permasalahan yang abadi baik di negara maju maupun negara berkembang. Kontrol sipil yang tidak obyektif merupakan landasan awal militer berani masuk dan memberikan pengaruh terhadap politik. Otoritas sipil belum mampu menerapkan kontrol yang kuat atas kebijakan militer dalam pengambilan keputusan.
    [Show full text]
  • INDONESIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY in the ERA of APEC
    b. t\"s INDONESIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY in THE ERA Of APEC Sofyan Lubis Department of Politics The University of Adelaide Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts December 1998 Contents Abstract 1V Acknowledgments v Statement vi Charts/Tables vii Chapter One : Introduction Chapter Two : The Indonesian Economy in 1966-1990 10 The Legacy of Sukarno's period 10 The Period of Stabilisation, 1966-1970 11 The Role of Foreign Aid 17 The Oil Boom 1973-1979 19 Economic Growth and the Development of Secondary Industry, 1978-1990 25 The Banking Industry 29 A New Tiger Economy: Indonesia Macro-economic Performance, 1986-1991 31 The Indonesian Policy in International Trade 34 Chapter Three : The History of APEC 39 The Evolution of the Idea 40 The Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) 44 The Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) 46 The APEC Ministerial Meetings 48 The APEC Leaders Economic Meetings 58 APEC's Ten Major Working Group Meetings 62 The APEC Secretariat: functions and budget cycle 69 Chapter Four : The Indonesian Government Response to APEC 74 Sustaining economic development in a liberalising world 16 A Vision for the year 2020 79 Continuing refonn 84 Europe-Asia opportunity in the world business network 86 Chapter Five : The Opportunities in East and South-east Asia 89 Japan 90 Korea 94 China Taiwan 96 Hong Kong 103 Singapore 106 Thailand 108 The Philippines 112 Malaysia 115 Indonesia, Industry and Economic Deregulation 118 11 Chapter Six : Globalisation and its Impact on Indonesia 135 The implication of globalisation
    [Show full text]
  • Mahasiswa - and Was Right About It! Tony Liddicoat Provided Guidance on the Theoretical Aspects of the Thesis in the Early Stages of My Candidature
    ‘Warring Words’: Students and the state in New Order Indonesia, 1966-1998 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Australian National University. Elisabeth Jackson Southeast Asia Centre Faculty of Asian Studies June 2005 CERTIFICATION I, Elisabeth Jackson, declare that this thesis, submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy at the Australian National University, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. It has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. …………………………. Elisabeth Jackson 3 June 2005 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have been incredibly fortunate to have the support of a great many wonderful people throughout the course of researching and writing this thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank Virginia Hooker for her enthusiasm for this project and her faith in my ability to do it. Her thoughtful criticisms gently steered me in the right direction and made it possible for me to see the bigger picture. I also owe enormous thanks to Ed Aspinall, who encouraged me to tackle this project in the first place and supported me throughout my candidature. He was also an invaluable source of expertise on student activism and the politics of the New Order and his extensive comments on my drafts enabled me to push my ideas further. Virginia and Ed also provided me with opportunities to try my hand at teaching. Tim Hassall’s considered comments on the linguistic aspects of this thesis challenged me to think in new ways about Indonesian language and helped to strengthen the thesis considerably.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesian Politics in Crisis
    Indonesian Politics in Crisis NORDIC INSTITUTE OF ASIAN STUDIES Recent and forthcoming studies of contemporary Asia Børge Bakken (ed.): Migration in China Sven Cederroth: Basket Case or Poverty Alleviation? Bangladesh Approaches the Twenty-First Century Dang Phong and Melanie Beresford: Authority Relations and Economic Decision-Making in Vietnam Mason C. Hoadley (ed.): Southeast Asian-Centred Economies or Economics? Ruth McVey (ed.): Money and Power in Provincial Thailand Cecilia Milwertz: Beijing Women Organizing for Change Elisabeth Özdalga: The Veiling Issue, Official Secularism and Popular Islam in Modern Turkey Erik Paul: Australia in Southeast Asia. Regionalisation and Democracy Ian Reader: A Poisonous Cocktail? Aum Shinrikyo’s Path to Violence Robert Thörlind: Development, Decentralization and Democracy. Exploring Social Capital and Politicization in the Bengal Region INDONESIAN POLITICS IN CRISIS The Long Fall of Suharto 1996–98 Stefan Eklöf NIAS Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Studies in Contemporary Asia series, no. 1 (series editor: Robert Cribb, University of Queensland) First published 1999 by NIAS Publishing Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) Leifsgade 33, 2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark Tel: (+45) 3254 8844 • Fax: (+45) 3296 2530 E-mail: [email protected] Online: http://nias.ku.dk/books/ Typesetting by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Limited, Padstow, Cornwall © Stefan Eklöf 1999 British Library Catalogue in Publication Data Eklof, Stefan Indonesian politics
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia: Power and Impunity: Human Rights Under the New Order
    Indonesia: Power and Impunity: Human Rights under the New Order Pancasila. Despite its chilling human rights record, this same government has consistently enjoyed support and succour from the world’s most powerful nations and the prime movers of the international community. Only human rights violations in East Timor, illegally occupied by Indonesia since 1975, have touched the international conscience. In this report Amnesty International shows that human rights violations are widespread, not only in East Timor but throughout the Indonesian archipelago. They are part of a pattern of systematic human rights violations which has unfolded over more than a quarter of a century. The report describes the structure of state and military power in which human rights violations have become institutionalized. It also contains recommendations to the international community as well as the Indonesian Government, which Amnesty International believes are essential to human rights protection. INTRODUCTION Indonesia’s New Order Government has been responsible for human rights violations on a staggering scale since a military coup brought it to power in 1965. Hundreds of thousands of civilians have been killed, their mutilated corpses sometimes left in public places to rot; prisoners, both political and criminal, have been routinely tortured and ill-treated, some so severely that they died or suffered permanent injury; thousands of people have been imprisoned following show trials solely for their peaceful political or religious views; scores of prisoners have been shot by firing- squad, some after more than two decades on death row. Signs of increasing political openness in Indonesia have recently raised hopes for human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • UN Victory for Timor
    Tapol bulletin no, 116, April 1993 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1993) Tapol bulletin no, 116, April 1993. Tapol bulletin (116). pp. 1-24. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26076/ The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign TAPOL Bulletin No. 116 April 1993 UN victory for Timor Indonesia suffered a double humiliation at the United Nations Commission on Human Rights this year. An East Timor resolution, resoundingly adopted by 23 votes to 12 with 15 abstentions, is a disaster for Indonesia. It calls for investigation of the human rights situation by four special rapporteurs who should visit the territory this year. This is a serious blow for newly re-elected Suharto and ABRI. Despite all Indonesia's attempts to remove the "stone from Military pressure its shoe", East Timor remains firmly on the UN agenda. In The main stumbling block to negotiations on a consensus the resolution on the situation in the territory, the Commis­ was the provision for a continuing investigation into the sion expresses its "deep concern" at the reports of continu­ massacre. The line taken by the Indonesian delegation was ing human rights abuses in East Timor. that in 1992 the Commission had adopted a consensus in The resolution follows the Consensus Statement agreed at the wake of the massacre: this year there was no massacre last year's Commission. The Commission acknowledges the so there should be no action! This argument smacks of failure of Indonesia to honour its commitments and: military involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Law and Development in Indonesia.Indb
    Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/37576 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation Author: Tjandra, Surya Title: Labour law and development in Indonesia Issue Date: 2016-02-04 Labour Law and Development in Indonesia Labour Law and Development in Indonesia PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van Rector Magnificus prof. mr. C.J.J.M. Stolker, volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties te verdedigen op dinsdag 4 februari 2016 klokke 10.00 uur door Surya Tjandra geboren te Jakarta (Indonesië) in 1971 Promotor: Prof.dr. G.J.J. Heerma van Voss Copromotor: Dr. A.W. Bedner Promotiecommissie: Prof.dr. P.F. van der Heijden Prof.dr. J.M. Otto Dr. M.H. Shubhan (Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia) Prof.dr. O. Törnquist (University of Oslo, Norway) Lay-out: AlphaZet prepress, Waddinxveen Printwerk: Wöhrmann Printservice ISBN 978-94-6203-981-0 © 2016 S. Tjandra Behoudens de in of krachtens de Auteurswet van 1912 gestelde uitzonderingen mag niets uit deze uitgave worden verveelvoudigd, opgeslagen in een geautomatiseerd gegevensbestand of openbaar gemaakt, in enige vorm of op enige wijze, hetzij elektronisch, mechanisch, door fotokopieen, opna- men of enige andere manier, zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de uitgever. Het reprorecht wordt niet uitgeoefend. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, made available or com- municated to the public, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher, unless this is expressly permitted by law. Acknowledgments Several institutions and individuals supported me during my doctoral study.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia from Its Pre-Independence Origins to Contemporary Democracy
    EXPLAINING STATE DEVELOPMENT: INDONESIA FROM ITS PRE-INDEPENDENCE ORIGINS TO CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRACY A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at the University of Canterbury By Dodik Ariyanto S.IP. (B.A.) Universitas Gadjah Mada, 1998 D.E.A. (Master) l‟Université Montesquieu, Bordeaux IV, 2004 Adviser: Professor Mark Francis, Ph.D. Associate Professor Alexander Tan, Ph.D. Department of Political Science 2010 LIST OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE LIST OF CONTENTS ii LIST OF APPENDICES v ABBREVIATIONS vi DEDICATION x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi ABSTRACT xii INTRODUCTION 1 1 TOWARD A FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS 9 1.1. A debate on the idea of state: classic and modern 9 1.2. Developing the ‗modern‘ State: Complexity and 17 capability 1.3. Mechanically developing democratic and dictatorial 28 versions of the State: Indonesia‘s four versions, 1950-2010 1.4. The four versions‘ capabilities: Dealing with 37 Legitimacy, the Military and Political Disorder 2 PRE-INDEPENDENCE ORIGINS OF THE FIRST 39 VERSION OF THE STATE 2.1. Disunited nationalism versus the ―Unity in diversity‖ 40 2.2. Polarization of perspectives among elites 47 2.3. Two competing models of constitution: the shari‘a 51 versus secularism 2.4. Mixed constitution: The middle way 60 ii 3 SEEKING LEGAL LEGITIMACY 68 3.1. Version I : Post-colonial attempt of democratic 68 legal legitimacy 3.2. Version II : Sukarno‘s charismatic legitimacy 74 3.3. Version III : Suharto‘s claim to performance 80 legitimacy 3.4. Version IV : Democratic legal legitimacy 93 3.5. Conclusion 100 4 THE MILITARY AND THE STATE 104 4.1.
    [Show full text]
  • Symbolism, Rationality and Myth in Organizational Control Systems
    SYMBOLISM, RATIONALITY AND MYTH IN ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL SYSTEMS An Ethnographic Case Study of PBS Jakarta Indonesia A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy From UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG By Imam Wahyudi, Drs (UGM); MCom (Hons) (UOW) School of Accounting and Finance 2004 Certification I, Imam Wahyudi, declare that this thesis, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the School of Accounting and Finance, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. Imam Wahyudi 8 November 2004 i Abstract The study of accounting in its environmental contexts requires an understanding of accounting beyond its technical and numerical aspects. To obtain social, cultural and political legitimacy, organizations tend to adopt formal structures and practices – including accounting - that have been widely accepted by society as social norms and values without necessarily using them in actual practices. Seen from this perspective, accounting information, and particularly budgeting that plays an important role in organizational control systems, is not “value free”. It intermingles and is implicated in constructing social reality by shaping and being shaped by the political interplay among contested interested parties that takes place in organizations. This study examines the impact of the institutionalization of
    [Show full text]