Labour Law and Development in Indonesia.Indb
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Southeast Asia Office: 2038 Derby Fall 2001 Hours: MW 10:30-12:30 Or CL 171, MW 1:30-3:18 by Appointment
Political Science 636: Southeast Asia Office: 2038 Derby Fall 2001 Hours: MW 10:30-12:30 or CL 171, MW 1:30-3:18 by appointment. Professor Liddle INTERPRETING INDONESIAN POLITICS Introduction. The purpose of this course is to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of alternative interpretations of Indonesian political developments since independence in 1945. We begin with basic description of pre-colonial and Dutch colonial history, the experience of Japanese occupation, revolution, and the independence period, divided into subperiods of parliamentary democracy, Guided Democracy, the New Order, and the current reform era. Several alternative interpretations are then examined, beginning with the most popular, culture, and ending with Professor Liddle’s own research emphasis on leadership and agency. There will be a mid-term, worth one-third of the course grade, and a final exam worth two-thirds. Both will be in-class exams, but the exam questions will be handed out several days before the exam date. The mid-term will be on Monday, October 15, the final on Tuesday, December 4 from 11:30AM-1:18PM. Students are expected to read the assigned materials before class, which will be conducted as a seminar to the extent possible. One additional grade level (for example, from B to B+) will be given for regular and effective participation. Book and article availability. Two books will be available for purchase: Benedict Anderson and Audrey Kahin, Interpreting Indonesian Politics: Thirteen Contributions to the Debate, Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1982; and Robert Hefner, Civil Islam, Princeton University Press, 2000. Soemarsaid Moertono, State and Statecraft in Old Java, can also be ordered from the publisher if desired. -
Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: a Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System
Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: John O. Haley, Chair Michael E. Townsend Beth E. Rivin Program Authorized to Offer Degree School of Law © Copyright 2015 Yu Un Oppusunggu ii University of Washington Abstract Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor John O. Haley School of Law A sweeping proviso that protects basic or fundamental interests of a legal system is known in various names – ordre public, public policy, public order, government’s interest or Vorbehaltklausel. This study focuses on the concept of Indonesian public order in private international law. It argues that Indonesia has extraordinary layers of pluralism with respect to its people, statehood and law. Indonesian history is filled with the pursuit of nationhood while protecting diversity. The legal system has been the unifying instrument for the nation. However the selected cases on public order show that the legal system still lacks in coherence. Indonesian courts have treated public order argument inconsistently. A prima facie observation may find Indonesian public order unintelligible, and the courts have gained notoriety for it. This study proposes a different perspective. It sees public order in light of Indonesia’s legal pluralism and the stages of legal development. -
Indo 15 0 1107128614 109
Top to bottom: Harian Rakjat, April 24, 1965. Madjalah Angkatan Bersen- dj ata, I, No. 7 (May 1965), back cover. Harian Rakjat, April 19, 1965. SUKARNO: RADICAL OR CONSERVATIVE? INDONESIAN POLITICS 1964-5 Peter Christian Hauswedell The passing of the Orde Lama in Indonesia and the death of Presi dent Sukarno seem too recent, and political emotions are still too high to arrive at a definitive characterization of the nature of the political system and its leader. The apparent contradictions between the ideological dynamism and the social conservatism1 of Guided Democ racy, the lack of conclusive evidence about Sukarno’s final political intentions, and the chaotic, even apocalyptic period before the sudden demise of the system a ll contribute to the d iffic u lt y of c la s s ific a tion. Finally, the dramatic events around the October 1, 1965 coup attempt have distracted our attention unduly. In Indonesia itself, the political atmosphere does not yet allow an objective assessment of the period. Since nearly all members of the present elite were in one way or another deeply involved in the events of that time, there are few publications about the period, and they have been rather polemical and unsystematic.2 Any study which contributes to our knowledge of Sukarno and Indo nesian p o lit ic s before the coup is therefore more than welcome, and John D. Legge’s recent political biography of the former President3 is the first ambitious attempt to portray this certainly complex, and often contradictory political leader.1* Although solid in factual 1. -
The "G30S/PKI" Symbol Is the Major Obstacle to Democracy
Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1985) Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985. Tapol bulletin (71). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26272/ British Campaign for the Defence of Political Prisoners and Human Rights in Indonesia TAPOL Bulletin No. 71 September 1985 The "G30S/PKI" symbol is the major obstacle to democracy On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the seizure of power by General Suharto, TA POL invited a former political prisoner in Indonesia to contribute a piece for publication. The following is a translation of his article. Here in Indonesia, people are still misled by symbols, death and is apparently about to be released even though primarily the G30S/A<I symbol. I) Facts about Untung he was the principal figure in the South Blitar affair? having carried out a military operation on 30 September This has nothing to do with questions of law. The reasons 1965, about volunteers from the Pemuda Rakjat [People's are purely political. Munir was regarded as being a Youth] and Gerwani[lndonesian Women's Movement] being potent ipl danger, someone who might have been able to given military training, are regarded as the absolute destroy that symbol, given the time and opportunity. truth, the whole and complete truth. The reality is that Munir had the respect of his comrades. Rewang's record these facts ore only part of the truth, not the whole during interrogation and during his detention was not truth, and there is no way for the whole truth to be considered as anything serious by the men in power. -
Indonesian Trade Union Developments Since the Fall of Suharto Michele Ford
east asia LLa bour andm Mana g ementd in DDee v elopmenelopmentt JourJouJour r nalnanal l Volume 1, Number 3 Research note: Indonesian trade Eunion developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford 99-2 Asia Pacific Press at the AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY http://ncdsnet.anu.edu.au Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford © Asia Pacific Press 2000 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. ISSN 1443–6698 ISBN 0 7315 3636 3 Michele Ford is a doctoral candidate at the University of Wollongong. Her research is focused on the role of non-government organisations as outside intellectuals in the Indonesian labour movement. Her earlier research analysed the philosophy and practice of Industrial Relations in Suharto’s Indonesia, and includes publications on Indonesian corporatism and Indonesian industrial relations under President Habibie. Abbreviations ACILS American Centre for International Labour Solidarity DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat FAS Forum Adil Sejahtera (The Forum for Justice and Prosperity) FES Friedrich Ebert Stiftung FSP–BUMN Federasi Serikat Pekerja BUMN (The Federation of State Enterprise Workers’ Unions—BUMN) FNPBI Front Nasional Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia FSPSI Federasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trade Unions ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary -
Indo 13 0 1107127212 183
DIVISIONS AND POWER IN THE INDONESIAN NATIONAL PARTY, 1965-1966* Angus McIntyre The principal division which split the PNI into two sharply opposed factions in 1965-1966 had its origins as far back as 1957, when the PKI made spectacular advances in large part at PNI expense in the 1957 regional elections in Java and South Sumatra. In Central Java, where the PKI supplanted the PNI as the region's strongest party (based on the 1955 general elections results) , the PNI reaction at the time was most outspoken. Hadisubeno, the regional party chairman, blamed the party's poor showing on its past association with the PKI1 and accordingly urged the party's central executive council to re view this relationship. He suggested that the party consider forming an alliance with the Masjumi (the modernist Islamic party) and the Nahdatul Ulama (NU, the traditional Islamic party).2 A conference of the Central Java PNI passed a resolution forbidding cooperation with the PKI.3 These acts were interpreted by many as a slap at President Sukarno,** who had made it increasingly clear in the preceding months that to oppose the PKI was to oppose him as well; however, the party's central leadership, no less hostile to the PKI, was unwilling to risk such an interpretation and thereby further impair its relations with Sukarno. Indeed, only a few months before, Sukarno had indicated strong displeasure with the PNI in his address to the party on the occasion of its thirtieth anniversary celebrations. He implied that PNI members had lost their commitment to the goal of a socialist or marhaenist5 society, the realization of which had been his very reason * The writer would like to express his gratitude to the Jajasan Siswa Lokantara Indonesia for providing him with the opportunity to con- duct research in Indonesia in 1966 and 1967 and to the Myer Founda tion for giving him financial assistance in 1967. -
State Terrorism and Political Identity in Indonesia
State Terrorism and Political Identity in Indonesia Approximately one million innocent Indonesians were killed by their fellow nationals, neighbours and kin at the height of an anti-communist campaign in the mid-1960s. This book investigates the profound political consequences of these mass killings in Indonesia upon public life in the subsequent decades, highlighting the historical speci®cities of the violence and compar- able incidents of identity politics in more recent times. Weaving a balance of theory with an empirically based analysis, the book examines how the spectre of communism and the trauma experienced in the latter half of the 1960s remain critical in understanding the dynamics of terror, coercion and consent today. Heryanto challenges the general belief that the periodic anti-communist witch-hunts of recent Indonesian history are largely a political tool used by a powerful military elite and authoritarian government. The book investigates what drove otherwise apolitical subjects to be complicit in the engul®ng cycles of witch-hunts. It argues that elements of what began as an anti-communist campaign took on a life of their own, increasingly operating independently of the violence and individual subjects who appeared to be manipulating the campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s. Despite the profound importance of the 1965±6 events it remains one of the most dicult and sensitive topics for public discussion in Indonesia today. State Terrorism and Political Identity in Indonesia is one of the ®rst books to fully discuss the problematic representation and impacts of a crucial moment of Indonesia's history that until recently has been largely unspoken. -
Sukarno and the Nature of Indonesian Political Society
Sukarno and the Nature of Indonesian Political Society A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE THE names Indonesia and the Republic of Indonesia have been in our political vocabulary for only three decades. When they were first pro- claimed to the world in 1945. there were violently opposed interpretations of what they betokened. The Indonesian nationalists declared that a new state had been born, with a flag, a government, a territory embracing the islands of the former Dutch East Indies, a national identity, and a place in the hearts of 70 million people. They demanded that the Republic of Indonesia be treated as other states and its sovereign equality accepted by the world. At the other extreme, outraged Dutch politicians and officials, who claimed to know 'the Indies' well, dismissed it as 'a puny form of words'; 'a handful of men who called themselves the "Indonesian Republic" '.' They possessed a radio transmitter, but nothing else that suggested statehood. Only Dutch colonial institutions, these conservative voices argued, had united a variety of peoples with their own diverse but traditional political and religious loyalties. Inevitably it was the first of these views which eventually prevailed in the West. Yet this polarity continued to be reflected in most of the scholarly writing about Indonesia. Should Indonesia be approached through its modern political aspirations, or through its rich and varied cultural tradition? American political science discovered Indonesia after the war and tended to take the first of these courses. Dutch orientalists and anthro- pologists. who had for long had the scholarly field almost to themselves, tended to represent the second. -
12 Getting Organized Culture and Nationalism in Bali, 1959-1965
12 Getting organized Culture and nationalism in Bali, 1959-1965 I Nyoman Darma Putra Studies of Indonesian cultural institutions and their associated political movements from 1950 to 1965 focus mainly on a single organization – namely Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat (LEKRA, Institute of People’s Culture) (Yahaya Ismail 1972; Foulcher 1986; Taufik Ismail and D.S. Moeljanto 1995). To some extent, such stud- ies cover the 1963-1964 conflict between LEKRA and the group behind the Cultural Manifesto (Manifes Kebudayaan, disparagingly referred to as Manikebu by its opponents) (Foulcher 1969; 1994; Goenawan Mohamad 1988). Even then, however, most studies on LEKRA, including those that cover the conflict with the Cultural Manifesto, discuss activities at the national level and overlook what happened at the regional level. In general, existing studies provide an incomplete picture of arts and cultural movements and institu- tions in Indonesia during the 1950s and early 1960s. The considerable attention given to LEKRA is understandable because this cultural organization, which was affiliated with the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, Indonesian Communist Party) and had branches all over Indonesia, was highly organized, visible, and driven by a cultural political ideology that increasingly brought it into conflict with other cultural political groups and individual artists and writers who opposed its approach. It is arguable that LEKRA was the most influential cultural institution in Indonesia during this period. After the alleged Communist coup attempt in September 1965, and President Soekarno then deprived of effec- tive power, LEKRA was banned by military decree in March 1966. Many of those who were members of, or accused of sympathy with LEKRA were brutally killed or jailed without trial. -
Gerakan 30 September 1965 Dalam Perspektif Filsafat Sejarah Marxisme
GERAKAN 30 SEPTEMBER 1965 DALAM PERSPEKTIF FILSAFAT SEJARAH MARXISME Harsa Permata Universitas Universal Batam Email: [email protected] Abstrak Gerakan 30 September 1965 (G30S 1965), merupakan gerakan yang sangat berpengaruh bagi perkembangan gerak sejarah masyarakat Indonesia sampai saat ini. Setelah G30S 1965, kebebasan berideologi mulai dibatasi di Indonesia. Selain itu, pembantaian terhadap jutaan manusia, dengan alasan membasmi komunisme, mulai berlangsung setelah G30S 1965. Pembatasan terhadap kebebasan berideologi ini juga menyentuh kehidupan akademik. Berdasarkan atas TAP MPRS No. XXV/1966, studi terhadap ideologi Marxisme-Leninisme dibatasi. Hal ini mengakibatkan minimnya pemikiran alternatif dan ilmiah dalam dunia akademik di Indonesia. Gerakan 30 September 1965 (G30S 1965), ditinjau dari perspektif Marxisme, adalah perwujudan dari kontradiksi kelas dalam masyarakat Indonesia yang kapitalis. G30S 1965, memperjelas kontra- diksi kelas dalam masyarakat Indonesia. Kelas-kelas sosial yang berkontradiksi dalam masyarakat Indonesia, adalah kelas borjuis militer yang diwakili oleh TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia), kelas proletariat, yang diwakili oleh PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia). Presiden Sukarno, berada di tengah-tengah kon- tradiksi antara TNI dan PKI. Dalam perkembangannya, G30S 1965, dijadikan alasan oleh Suharto dan Angkatan Darat untuk melakukan kudeta merangkak terhadap pemerintahan Sukarno dan membantai jutaan orang kader dan sim- patisan PKI. Pasca G30S 1965, rezim Orde Baru Suharto membuka pintu sele- bar-lebarnya bagi kapitalisme internasional, untuk mengeksploitasi sumber daya alam Indonesia. Rezim Orde Baru Suharto mematangkan kapitalisme di Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Komunisme, Filsafat Sejarah, Marxisme. Abstract The Thirtieth of September Movement 1965 (G30S 1965), is a movement which is very influential in the history of Indonesian society until today. After G30S 1965, freedom of ideology began to be restricted in Indonesia. -
Strategy of Golongan Karya to Be Winner in Election Year 1971-1997
Jurnal Historica ISSN No. 2252-4673 Volume. 1 (2017) Issue. 1 Strategy of Golongan Karya to be Winner in Election Year 1971-1997 Noviah Iffatun Nisaa, Mohammad Na’imb, Nurul Umamahc aHistory education program, Jember University. bHistory education program, Jember University. [email protected] cHistory education program, Jember University. [email protected] Abstract Golkar is a political organization that develop by Orde Baru. Golkar always to be a winner by elections in the Orde Baru Era. The power of political support victory golkar is military, bureaucracy, organization mass, and the government policies. Golkar always perform in ge neral election and perlemen successive for six times elections, namely in 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997. The government put officer AD loyal to Suharto to occupy office bu reaucracy in government central and local. The government use various ways to winning g olkar in elections, one of them are approaching those of the lord through GUPPI that is the social organizations that engaged in islamic education. GUPPI plays an important role in is lamic mass persuasion. The government’s policy also contribute in succession golkar electi on common in the new order era. The outcome of an election 1971, Golkar have 227 seat ( 62,80 %), election 1977 with the results of 62,11 % of the vote, in election 1982 golkar ma naged to seize 10 seats, election 1987 golkar have 73,16 % of the vote, election 1992 get th e result 68,01 % of the vote, and the receipt of the votes in the election 1977 reached 74,51 %. -
Abstract Politics Military in Post – New Order Indonesia
ABSTRACT POLITICS MILITARY IN POST ± NEW ORDER INDONESIA By: RIFQA DENI AMANAH 0901120004 Adviser By : Dr. Hasanuddin M.Si Post New Order Indonesian Politics which emphasize of changes in military problems in politics. Especially in the Indonesian Government. Civil-Military System that still overlap in politics. That is caused from the larger role of the military in Indonesia during The New Order. This research have to look at the changing role and function of the military who make changes like Redefinition, Repotioning, and Reactualitation. Along with research the factors that influence of changes in the Government transition procces in post-New Order in Indonesia. Basis of analysis research it can be concluded that Indonesia military is always undergoing a procces of change in the each government transition. So that military politics always has a different system and adapted according to the prevailing system of government. Indonesia‘s government in politics has not been able break away from the military, is caused because a several factors, especially on the weak civilian control and professional moral value that always different allowing to the comprehension of the military institution itself. Keywords : Government Transition, Politics, Military Politics PENDAHULUAN Latar Belakang Masalah Militer di suatu negara identik pasang surut, ada kalanya sehat dan ada kalanya menegangkan bahkan buruk. Hal ini berkaitan dengan hubungan antara sipil dan militer sebagai permasalahan yang abadi baik di negara maju maupun negara berkembang. Kontrol sipil yang tidak obyektif merupakan landasan awal militer berani masuk dan memberikan pengaruh terhadap politik. Otoritas sipil belum mampu menerapkan kontrol yang kuat atas kebijakan militer dalam pengambilan keputusan.