Strategy of Golongan Karya to Be Winner in Election Year 1971-1997
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:50:49AM Via Free Access 96 Marcus Mietzner
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 95–126 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100094 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 MARCUS MIETZNER Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation? The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debate about the competitiveness, credibility, and representative- ness of these elections. Understandably, discussion has focused mainly on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates, and voters. In particular, authors have analysed the linkage between leadership, polit- ico-religious cleavages, and voting patterns (Liddle and Mujani 2007), or the extent to which voters are influenced by financial incentives when casting their ballots (Hadiz 2008b). But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: the remark- able proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. Ten years after the resignation of long-time autocrat Soeharto, a whole army of advis- ers informs the political elite about the electorate’s expectations, hopes, and demands. Indeed, public opinion polling has acquired such importance that no candidate running for public office can afford to ignore it, and voters have consistently punished those who thought they could. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diver- sity of views expressed in them – have challenged much of the conventional wisdom about the Indonesian electorate. -
Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System In
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 418 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019) Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System in the Multi-Party Context in Indonesia Putra Kaslin Hutabarat Idrus Affandi Student of Civic Education Department, Professor of Civic Education Department, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia Bandung, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Abstract- This paper will have political implications in actually related to the party's rational choice in maximizing terms of the implementation of the presidential election system resources to prepare forces ahead of elections [4]. In that is relevant to the style of political parties in Indonesia. practice a democratic consolidation emphasizes the Reviewing the chosen solution for implementing the existence of strong legitimacy targets and solid coalitions so presidential threshold system in the upcoming presidential that all elements including political parties have strong election. This paper was made using descriptive qualitative and using a comparative design. Data collection using interviews, commitments. In other words, democratic consolidation collection and study. The subject of this study was a cadre of requires more than lip service that democracy is in principle the PDI-struggle Party DPP namely Mr. Ir. Edward Tanari, the best governance system, but democracy is also a M.Sc and Head of the Gerindra Party DPP Secretariat namely commitment normative is permitted and reflected Mr. Brigadier General (Purn) Anwar Ende, S.IP. besides this (habituation) in political behavior, both in elite circles, research also took the opinion of political communication organizations, and society as a whole [5]. -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
The "G30S/PKI" Symbol Is the Major Obstacle to Democracy
Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1985) Tapol bulletin no, 71, September 1985. Tapol bulletin (71). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26272/ British Campaign for the Defence of Political Prisoners and Human Rights in Indonesia TAPOL Bulletin No. 71 September 1985 The "G30S/PKI" symbol is the major obstacle to democracy On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the seizure of power by General Suharto, TA POL invited a former political prisoner in Indonesia to contribute a piece for publication. The following is a translation of his article. Here in Indonesia, people are still misled by symbols, death and is apparently about to be released even though primarily the G30S/A<I symbol. I) Facts about Untung he was the principal figure in the South Blitar affair? having carried out a military operation on 30 September This has nothing to do with questions of law. The reasons 1965, about volunteers from the Pemuda Rakjat [People's are purely political. Munir was regarded as being a Youth] and Gerwani[lndonesian Women's Movement] being potent ipl danger, someone who might have been able to given military training, are regarded as the absolute destroy that symbol, given the time and opportunity. truth, the whole and complete truth. The reality is that Munir had the respect of his comrades. Rewang's record these facts ore only part of the truth, not the whole during interrogation and during his detention was not truth, and there is no way for the whole truth to be considered as anything serious by the men in power. -
Indonesian Trade Union Developments Since the Fall of Suharto Michele Ford
east asia LLa bour andm Mana g ementd in DDee v elopmenelopmentt JourJouJour r nalnanal l Volume 1, Number 3 Research note: Indonesian trade Eunion developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford 99-2 Asia Pacific Press at the AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY http://ncdsnet.anu.edu.au Research note: Indonesian trade union developments since the fall of Suharto Michele Ford © Asia Pacific Press 2000 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. ISSN 1443–6698 ISBN 0 7315 3636 3 Michele Ford is a doctoral candidate at the University of Wollongong. Her research is focused on the role of non-government organisations as outside intellectuals in the Indonesian labour movement. Her earlier research analysed the philosophy and practice of Industrial Relations in Suharto’s Indonesia, and includes publications on Indonesian corporatism and Indonesian industrial relations under President Habibie. Abbreviations ACILS American Centre for International Labour Solidarity DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat FAS Forum Adil Sejahtera (The Forum for Justice and Prosperity) FES Friedrich Ebert Stiftung FSP–BUMN Federasi Serikat Pekerja BUMN (The Federation of State Enterprise Workers’ Unions—BUMN) FNPBI Front Nasional Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia FSPSI Federasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trade Unions ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary -
Supporting Democratic Indonesia: British and European Options
POLICY The European Think Tank with a Global Outlook BRIEF Supporting Democratic Indonesia: British and European Options Summary: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s landslide win in the 20 October run-off presidential election has lifted local and foreign hopes that Indonesia’s nascent democracy will finally be in safe hands. Yet, his administration faces a fractured parliament and a challenging array of long-delayed economic and administrative reform challenges. As the world’s most populous Islamic country, as a political leader of the developing world, and as the world’s largest exporter of liquid natural gas, Indonesia is of considerable importance to Britain and Europe. Britain and Europe can help Indonesia consolidate its democracy. To do this effectively though, they must take into consideration the growing role of Islamic parties and the problems the new President will face in working with the parliament and addressing popular alienation. British and European aid programmes should shift to strengthening Indonesia’s political parties in a neutral manner, supporting more substantial administrative reform and championing institutional leaders of reform, such as the National Economic Council. A Policy Brief from the Foreign Policy Centre provides commentary and practical policy recommendations on topical problems confronting the international community. The views are not necessarily those of the Foreign Policy Centre. The author of this Policy Brief is Dr Malcolm Cook., Programme Director Asia & the Pacific for the Lowy Institute in Sydney (www.lowyinstitute.org). Before joining the Institute in November 2003, Malcolm ran his own consulting practice on Southeast Asian political and economic policy reform and risk analysis and successfully completed his doctorate on the politics of banking liberalization in Southeast Asia at the Australian National University. -
Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998 Alphonsius
Criksetra: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah, Vol. 9, No. 2, 2020 Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998 Alphonsius Rodriquest Eko. W1, Kurniawati2, M. Hasmi Yanuardi3, Maulani4 1234Prodi Pendidikan Sejarah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta E-mail: [email protected] Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang pelaksanaan konsep Dwifungsi ABRI dalam konflik internal Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI). Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui keterlibatan militer dalam konflik internal PDI. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah, yakni terdiri dari pengumpulan sumber, verifikasi/ kritik sejarah, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Terlibatnya militer dalam kehidupan sosial-politik di Indonesia tidak lepas peran Jenderal A.H.Nasution. Puncak dari campur tangan ABRI dalam konflik internal PDI adalah dengan terjadinya Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996. Konflik yang melibatkan DPP PDI Megawati dan DPP PDI Soerjadi ini diduga juga melibatkan pihak eksternal partai, khususnya pemerintah dan ABRI. Dampak dari Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996 dirasakan semua pihak yang terlibat, baik pemerintah, ABRI, PDI dan bahkan masyarakat Kata kunci: Dwifungsi, ABRI, PDI ABRI Dual Function in Internal Conflict of PDI 1976-1998 Abstract: This study examines the implementation of the dual concept of ABRI in the internal conflict of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The research aims to determine the involvement of the military in the internal conflicts of the PDI. The research method used in this study is the historical method, which consists of collecting sources, verifying / critique history, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the involvement of the military in socio-political life in Indonesia could not be separated from the role of General A.H.Nasution. -
Political Parties' Manoeuvring After the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement
ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 2 June 2021 Political Parties’ Manoeuvring after the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement Max Lane* In this picture, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) (R) shakes hands with Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto (L) during the inauguration ceremony at the State palace in Jakarta on October 23, 2019. The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. Photo: Adek Berry, AFP. * Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Lecturer in Southeast Asian Politics and History at Victoria University, and Honorary Associate in Indonesian Studies at the University of Sydney. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. There are also no fundamental differences among parties over major policy questions. • The fractured nature of the Indonesian socio-political elite is instead reflected in the proliferation of small parties. This results in the necessity of multi-party coalitions, thus giving Indonesia’s largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), a tactical advantage. • The PDIP has floated the possibility of changing the laws to allow President Joko Widodo to stand again in 2024. Perhaps to sustain its leverage in a post-Widodo government, the PDIP is also advocating the revival of the formal Broad Outlines of State Strategy, which featured during the Soeharto era as overarching policy guidelines for each term of government. -
Gerakan 30 September 1965 Dalam Perspektif Filsafat Sejarah Marxisme
GERAKAN 30 SEPTEMBER 1965 DALAM PERSPEKTIF FILSAFAT SEJARAH MARXISME Harsa Permata Universitas Universal Batam Email: [email protected] Abstrak Gerakan 30 September 1965 (G30S 1965), merupakan gerakan yang sangat berpengaruh bagi perkembangan gerak sejarah masyarakat Indonesia sampai saat ini. Setelah G30S 1965, kebebasan berideologi mulai dibatasi di Indonesia. Selain itu, pembantaian terhadap jutaan manusia, dengan alasan membasmi komunisme, mulai berlangsung setelah G30S 1965. Pembatasan terhadap kebebasan berideologi ini juga menyentuh kehidupan akademik. Berdasarkan atas TAP MPRS No. XXV/1966, studi terhadap ideologi Marxisme-Leninisme dibatasi. Hal ini mengakibatkan minimnya pemikiran alternatif dan ilmiah dalam dunia akademik di Indonesia. Gerakan 30 September 1965 (G30S 1965), ditinjau dari perspektif Marxisme, adalah perwujudan dari kontradiksi kelas dalam masyarakat Indonesia yang kapitalis. G30S 1965, memperjelas kontra- diksi kelas dalam masyarakat Indonesia. Kelas-kelas sosial yang berkontradiksi dalam masyarakat Indonesia, adalah kelas borjuis militer yang diwakili oleh TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia), kelas proletariat, yang diwakili oleh PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia). Presiden Sukarno, berada di tengah-tengah kon- tradiksi antara TNI dan PKI. Dalam perkembangannya, G30S 1965, dijadikan alasan oleh Suharto dan Angkatan Darat untuk melakukan kudeta merangkak terhadap pemerintahan Sukarno dan membantai jutaan orang kader dan sim- patisan PKI. Pasca G30S 1965, rezim Orde Baru Suharto membuka pintu sele- bar-lebarnya bagi kapitalisme internasional, untuk mengeksploitasi sumber daya alam Indonesia. Rezim Orde Baru Suharto mematangkan kapitalisme di Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Komunisme, Filsafat Sejarah, Marxisme. Abstract The Thirtieth of September Movement 1965 (G30S 1965), is a movement which is very influential in the history of Indonesian society until today. After G30S 1965, freedom of ideology began to be restricted in Indonesia. -
The Decline of Golkar Party's Hegemony. Golkar's
THE DECLINE OF GOLKAR PARTY’S HEGEMONY. GOLKAR’S PERFORMANCE IN FACING THE SIMULTANEOUS REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN SOUTH SULAWESI Muhammad Reza Syamsuri1, Sri Budi Eko Wardani2 1Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 16424, Indonesia, [email protected] 2Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 16424, Indonesia, [email protected] Abstract After the era of decentralization and democratization, Golkar entered the era of direct regional elections. Golkar in its participation in regional elections in South Sulawesi in 2005-2013 was relatively successful in most regions in South Sulawesi. Entering the regional elections simultaneously in 2015 and 2018, Golkar valued a significant reduction of votes. In some regions, Golkar showed poor performance. Ironically, out of eleven regional elections, Golkar only nominated its candidates in six regions and only won in one region. At present Golkar is facing a serious challenge if it wants to maintain its position in South Sulawesi as the largest base in the region. This qualitative research found the weakening factor of Golkar's power in South Sulawesi in the 2015 simultaneous elections. This factor was the existence of elite factionalization that occurred inside Golkar party after the 2014 presidential election which had an impact on the creation of Golkar internal conflicts and factions in simultaneous elections in South Sulawesi. Keywords: Factionalism; Golkar; regional elections; South Sulawesi Halaman 69 INTRODUCTION Source: KPUD Kabupaten The failure of Golkar to win over Gowa its candidates in 10 regencies during the 2015 regional elections in South Golkar's vote in regional election Sulawesi has made Golkar's power be in Gowa was the lowest since the weaker in these regions. -
Abstract Politics Military in Post – New Order Indonesia
ABSTRACT POLITICS MILITARY IN POST ± NEW ORDER INDONESIA By: RIFQA DENI AMANAH 0901120004 Adviser By : Dr. Hasanuddin M.Si Post New Order Indonesian Politics which emphasize of changes in military problems in politics. Especially in the Indonesian Government. Civil-Military System that still overlap in politics. That is caused from the larger role of the military in Indonesia during The New Order. This research have to look at the changing role and function of the military who make changes like Redefinition, Repotioning, and Reactualitation. Along with research the factors that influence of changes in the Government transition procces in post-New Order in Indonesia. Basis of analysis research it can be concluded that Indonesia military is always undergoing a procces of change in the each government transition. So that military politics always has a different system and adapted according to the prevailing system of government. Indonesia‘s government in politics has not been able break away from the military, is caused because a several factors, especially on the weak civilian control and professional moral value that always different allowing to the comprehension of the military institution itself. Keywords : Government Transition, Politics, Military Politics PENDAHULUAN Latar Belakang Masalah Militer di suatu negara identik pasang surut, ada kalanya sehat dan ada kalanya menegangkan bahkan buruk. Hal ini berkaitan dengan hubungan antara sipil dan militer sebagai permasalahan yang abadi baik di negara maju maupun negara berkembang. Kontrol sipil yang tidak obyektif merupakan landasan awal militer berani masuk dan memberikan pengaruh terhadap politik. Otoritas sipil belum mampu menerapkan kontrol yang kuat atas kebijakan militer dalam pengambilan keputusan.