The Case of Golkar
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
50 Years Since 30 September, 1965: the Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo
ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 November 2015 50 Years since 30 September, 1965: The Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo. By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year marks the 50th anniversary of the events of 30 September, 1965 and its aftermath. Amidst heightened discussion of the matter, President Widodo, on behalf of his government, stated that there would be no state expression of being sorry for the large scale massacres of 1965. He attended conventional activities on the anniversary consistent with the long-term narrative originating from the period of Suharto’s New Order. At the same time, there are signs of a gradual but steady erosion of the hegemony of the old narrative and an opening up of discussion. This is not driven by deliberate government policy, although some government decisions have facilitated the emergence of a generation for whom the hegemonic narrative holds less weight. The processes weakening the old hegemony have also been fostered by: a) Increased academic openness on the history of the period, both in and outside of Indonesia. b) More activity by lawyers, activists, researchers as well as former political prisoners demanding state recognition of human rights violations in 1965 and afterwards. c) A general attitude to educational processes no longer dominated by indoctrination concerns. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 Hegemony may be slowly ending, but it is not clear what will replace it. *Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, and has written hundreds of articles on Indonesia for magazines and newspapers. -
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite. -
"Case of Mega Corruption E-Ktp (Electronic Id Card) " in Tempo
Journal of Education, Teaching and Learning Volume 3 Number 1 March 2018. Page 1-8 p-ISSN: 2477-5924 e-ISSN: 2477-8478 - Journal of Education, Teaching, and Learning is licensed under A Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International License. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS TOWARDS AUTHORITY IDEOLOGY "CASE OF MEGA CORRUPTION E-KTP (ELECTRONIC ID CARD) " IN TEMPO MAGAZINE Martono1), Sri Mulyani2) 1) Universitas Tanjungpura, Pontianak, Indonesia E-mail: [email protected] 2) Universitas Tanjungpura, Pontianak, Indonesia E-mail:[email protected] Abstract. The ideology that is reflected in the discourse of Tempo Magazine in 2017 'the case of Mega Corruption e-KTP is seen from the text structure which includes the macrostructure. The global meanings studied are interrelated. The data obtained by journalists are used to discuss the topic of e-KTP case. "Fireball Corruption KTP". Superstructure discourse discussed based on the introduction, the contents, the cover, but not found conclusions. The preliminary section described has always supported the title of the discourse. The content section is the focus of journalist's study on e-KTP corruption issues. The closing section used by journalists always gives a settlement of the news presented. The microstructure of the discourse uses effective, straightforward and diction sentences. Ideology is seen from social cognition. There is a linkage of texts that journalists describe with the community. All perceptions and actions, and ultimately the production and interpretation of this discourse are based on the mental representation of every event that takes place. Events are presented based on a lot of evidence and believed to be true. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:50:49AM Via Free Access 96 Marcus Mietzner
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 95–126 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100094 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 MARCUS MIETZNER Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation? The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debate about the competitiveness, credibility, and representative- ness of these elections. Understandably, discussion has focused mainly on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates, and voters. In particular, authors have analysed the linkage between leadership, polit- ico-religious cleavages, and voting patterns (Liddle and Mujani 2007), or the extent to which voters are influenced by financial incentives when casting their ballots (Hadiz 2008b). But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: the remark- able proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. Ten years after the resignation of long-time autocrat Soeharto, a whole army of advis- ers informs the political elite about the electorate’s expectations, hopes, and demands. Indeed, public opinion polling has acquired such importance that no candidate running for public office can afford to ignore it, and voters have consistently punished those who thought they could. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diver- sity of views expressed in them – have challenged much of the conventional wisdom about the Indonesian electorate. -
Indonesia 2018 Human Rights Report
INDONESIA 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Indonesia is a multiparty democracy. In 2014 voters elected Joko Widodo as president. Domestic and international observers judged the 2014 legislative and presidential elections free and fair. Domestic and international observers judged local elections in June for regional executives to be free and fair. Civilian authorities generally maintained control over security forces. Human rights issues included reports of arbitrary or unlawful killings by government security forces; torture by police; arbitrary detention by the government; harsh and life-threatening conditions in prisons and detention centers; political prisoners; censorship, including laws addressing treason, blasphemy, defamation, and decency, site blocking, and criminal libel; corruption and attempts by government elements to undermine efforts to prosecute corrupt officials; criminalization of same-sex sexual activities at the local level and violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; and forced or compulsory labor. While the government took steps to investigate and prosecute some officials who committed human rights abuses, impunity for serious human rights violations remained a concern. In certain cases, the courts meted out disparate and more severe punishment against civilians than government officials found guilty of the same crimes. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were allegations the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. These included reports by human rights groups and media that military and police personnel used excessive force that resulted in deaths during arrests, investigations, crowd control, and other operations. -
Who Owns the Broadcasting Television Network Business in Indonesia?
Network Intelligence Studies Volume VI, Issue 11 (1/2018) Rendra WIDYATAMA Károly Ihrig Doctoral School of Management and Business University of Debrecen, Hungary Communication Department University of Ahmad Dahlan, Indonesia Case WHO OWNS THE BROADCASTING Study TELEVISION NETWORK BUSINESS IN INDONESIA? Keywords Regulation, Parent TV Station, Private TV station, Business orientation, TV broadcasting network JEL Classification D22; L21; L51; L82 Abstract Broadcasting TV occupies a significant position in the community. Therefore, all the countries in the world give attention to TV broadcasting business. In Indonesia, the government requires TV stations to broadcast locally, except through networking. In this state, there are 763 private TV companies broadcasting free to air. Of these, some companies have many TV stations and build various broadcasting networks. In this article, the author reveals the substantial TV stations that control the market, based on literature studies. From the data analysis, there are 14 substantial free to network broadcast private TV broadcasters but owns by eight companies; these include the MNC Group, EMTEK, Viva Media Asia, CTCorp, Media Indonesia, Rajawali Corpora, and Indigo Multimedia. All TV stations are from Jakarta, which broadcasts in 22 to 32 Indonesian provinces. 11 Network Intelligence Studies Volume VI, Issue 11 (1/2018) METHODOLOGY INTRODUCTION The author uses the Broadcasting Act 32 of 2002 on In modern society, TV occupies a significant broadcasting and the Government Decree 50 of 2005 position. All shareholders have an interest in this on the implementation of free to air private TV as a medium. Governments have an interest in TV parameter of substantial TV network. According to because it has political effects (Sakr, 2012), while the regulation, the government requires local TV business people have an interest because they can stations to broadcast locally, except through the benefit from the TV business (Baumann and broadcasting network. -
Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia
Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia Location: Southeast Asia; consists of 5 large islands and about 13,677 smaller islands; Capital city: Jakarta Fourth largest Asian country after China, India, and Saudi Arabia – by 2050, will have the 4th largest world economy Topography: Islands filled with active and inactive volcanoes; earthquakes and tsunamis often devastate Indonesia (1992, 2004) Indonesia Population: 221,932,000; #4 in population among the 193 nations in the world Primary language: Bahasa Indonesia; secondary languages: Malay, Javanese, English, Dutch, among many others Indonesia Religion: Islam (over 88%) Protestant (over 5%) Roman Catholic (over 3%) Hindu (almost 2%) Buddhist (almost 1%) Indonesia Colonial influences: Dutch; Portuguese Beginning 20th century – first steps were taken to give Indonesians participation in government 1945 – Independent republic of Indonesia under leadership of Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta Indonesia Sukarno became the first President of Indonesia; Hatta, Vice- President in 1949 In the next two decades, communist leadership and agitation would increase, resulting in the Mass Killings of 65- 66 September 30th Movement, 1965 Claimed to be protecting President Sukarno from right-wing faction of the army planning a coup of their own After Yani’s death, Major General Suharto took command of the army and on October 1st, launched a counter-attack Suharto’s success in removing rebel forces launched the decline in Sukarno’s leadership and the rise of Suharto Suharto and the Killings Suharto accused the Communist party (PKI) of masterminding the coup and used this rationale to exterminate anyone associated with the PKI Suharto’s military rounded up more than a million and a half people who were accused of being involved with the PKI (Roosa 4). -
Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancin
Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancing our Understanding Drawing on Recently Released U.S. Records November 29, 2017 Speaker: Dr. Bradley Simpson Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies, University of Connecticut Founder and Director, Indonesia and East Timor Documentation Project National Security Archive Discussants: Dr. Barbara Harvey Retired Foreign Service Officer and USINDO Advisor Ambassador Robert Pringle Historian of Southeast Asia, Retired Foreign Service Officer, former Ambassador to Mali www.usindo.org Introduction and background: It has been over 50 years since September 30, 1965, a date that dramatically changed Indonesian history. A small group of Indonesians identifying themselves as the September 30 Movement, believed to be working in collaboration with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), launched an overnight strike against Indonesian generals whom they alleged were planning a coup against President Sukarno. Six top generals were killed, but General Suharto, who was not targeted, thwarted the September 30 Movement and subsequently began a military-led program to crush the PKI, which resulted in the execution of both its leaders and followers. In the ensuing power struggle with President Sukarno over Indonesia's political and economic future, Suharto consolidated his control, leading to his New Order government that lasted for 32 years. The domestic and international environment in the period leading up to September 30; the events of the night itself; the extent and nature of the actions that followed; the roles and motivations of the parties; and the knowledge, stance, and actions of the U.S. -
Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System In
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 418 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019) Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System in the Multi-Party Context in Indonesia Putra Kaslin Hutabarat Idrus Affandi Student of Civic Education Department, Professor of Civic Education Department, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia Bandung, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Abstract- This paper will have political implications in actually related to the party's rational choice in maximizing terms of the implementation of the presidential election system resources to prepare forces ahead of elections [4]. In that is relevant to the style of political parties in Indonesia. practice a democratic consolidation emphasizes the Reviewing the chosen solution for implementing the existence of strong legitimacy targets and solid coalitions so presidential threshold system in the upcoming presidential that all elements including political parties have strong election. This paper was made using descriptive qualitative and using a comparative design. Data collection using interviews, commitments. In other words, democratic consolidation collection and study. The subject of this study was a cadre of requires more than lip service that democracy is in principle the PDI-struggle Party DPP namely Mr. Ir. Edward Tanari, the best governance system, but democracy is also a M.Sc and Head of the Gerindra Party DPP Secretariat namely commitment normative is permitted and reflected Mr. Brigadier General (Purn) Anwar Ende, S.IP. besides this (habituation) in political behavior, both in elite circles, research also took the opinion of political communication organizations, and society as a whole [5]. -
Misuse of Legitimate Business Transactions Between Countries As the Latest Corruption Method
MISUSE OF LEGITIMATE BUSINESS TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN COUNTRIES AS THE LATEST CORRUPTION METHOD Arin Karniasari* I. INTRODUCTION Corruption eradication has always been and will always be a commitment for the Indonesian government. The Indonesian National Police, the Indonesian Prosecution Service and the Corruption Eradication Commission, as the state institutions which are authorized to investigate corruption, are working together to eliminate corruption acts in Indonesia. As an illustration of their efforts, the following chart shows the number of corruption cases handled by the Indonesian National Police, the Indonesian Prosecution Service and the Corruption Eradication Commission over the last four years:1 Number of Corruption Cases 1000 800 911 876 833 600 628 400 371 200 273 80 196 87 202 96 123 0 2014 2015 2016 2017 INP IPS CEC Those corruption cases occurred in various administrative sectors which relate to goods and services procurement conspiracy, licensing conspiracy, bribery, extortion and budget manipulation2 perpetrated by various professions such as members of parliament, ministers, governors, mayors/regents, high-level officials, judges, prosecutors, policemen, advocates, businessman and corporations,3 which are categorized as “legal subjects” by the Law on Corruption Eradication. However, despite the abundant cases handled by Indonesian law enforcement apparatus, it does not mean that the efforts to investigate and prosecute those cases were easy. The criminals have and will always try to develop their methods in committing corrupt acts, as mentioned by an adage which says that criminals are always one step ahead of law enforcement. The development of civilizations and Industrial Revolution 4.0, which was supported by the advancement of information technology, has created more complex, sophisticated, faster, globalized and undetected methods of crime. -
Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI.