The Decline of Golkar Party's Hegemony. Golkar's
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:50:49AM Via Free Access 96 Marcus Mietzner
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 95–126 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100094 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 MARCUS MIETZNER Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation? The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debate about the competitiveness, credibility, and representative- ness of these elections. Understandably, discussion has focused mainly on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates, and voters. In particular, authors have analysed the linkage between leadership, polit- ico-religious cleavages, and voting patterns (Liddle and Mujani 2007), or the extent to which voters are influenced by financial incentives when casting their ballots (Hadiz 2008b). But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: the remark- able proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. Ten years after the resignation of long-time autocrat Soeharto, a whole army of advis- ers informs the political elite about the electorate’s expectations, hopes, and demands. Indeed, public opinion polling has acquired such importance that no candidate running for public office can afford to ignore it, and voters have consistently punished those who thought they could. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diver- sity of views expressed in them – have challenged much of the conventional wisdom about the Indonesian electorate. -
The Utilization of Broadcasting Media in Meeting the Information Needs of Prospective Regional Chief Regarding Political News
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Library Philosophy and Practice (e-journal) Libraries at University of Nebraska-Lincoln Winter 2-27-2021 THE UTILIZATION OF BROADCASTING MEDIA IN MEETING THE INFORMATION NEEDS OF PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL CHIEF REGARDING POLITICAL NEWS Mohammad Zamroni UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, [email protected] suwandi sumartias Faculty of Communication Sciences, Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia, [email protected] soeganda priyatna Faculty of Communication Sciences, Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia, [email protected] atie rachmiatie Faculty of Communication Sciences, Bandung Islamic University, Indonesia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac Part of the Broadcast and Video Studies Commons, Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, Journalism Studies Commons, Library and Information Science Commons, Mass Communication Commons, and the Television Commons Zamroni, Mohammad; sumartias, suwandi; priyatna, soeganda; and rachmiatie, atie, "THE UTILIZATION OF BROADCASTING MEDIA IN MEETING THE INFORMATION NEEDS OF PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL CHIEF REGARDING POLITICAL NEWS" (2021). Library Philosophy and Practice (e-journal). 5204. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac/5204 THE UTILIZATION OF BROADCASTING MEDIA IN MEETING THE INFORMATION NEEDS OF PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL CHIEF REGARDING POLITICAL NEWS Mohammad Zamroni Faculty of Communication Science, Padjadjaran University, -
Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System In
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 418 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019) Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System in the Multi-Party Context in Indonesia Putra Kaslin Hutabarat Idrus Affandi Student of Civic Education Department, Professor of Civic Education Department, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia Bandung, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Abstract- This paper will have political implications in actually related to the party's rational choice in maximizing terms of the implementation of the presidential election system resources to prepare forces ahead of elections [4]. In that is relevant to the style of political parties in Indonesia. practice a democratic consolidation emphasizes the Reviewing the chosen solution for implementing the existence of strong legitimacy targets and solid coalitions so presidential threshold system in the upcoming presidential that all elements including political parties have strong election. This paper was made using descriptive qualitative and using a comparative design. Data collection using interviews, commitments. In other words, democratic consolidation collection and study. The subject of this study was a cadre of requires more than lip service that democracy is in principle the PDI-struggle Party DPP namely Mr. Ir. Edward Tanari, the best governance system, but democracy is also a M.Sc and Head of the Gerindra Party DPP Secretariat namely commitment normative is permitted and reflected Mr. Brigadier General (Purn) Anwar Ende, S.IP. besides this (habituation) in political behavior, both in elite circles, research also took the opinion of political communication organizations, and society as a whole [5]. -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
Ideological Cleavage Under Open-List Proportional Representation: Parties’ Position Toward the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Threshold
Ridho Al-Hamdi: Ideological Cleavage under Open-listJurnal Ilmu Proportional Sosial dan Representation: Ilmu Politik Parties’ Position towardVolume the 2019 24, Indonesian Issue 3, March Presidential 2021 Threshold(205-219) ISSN 1410-4946 (Print), 2502-7883 (Online) doi: 10.22146/jsp.53514 Ideological Cleavage under Open-list Proportional Representation: Parties’ Position toward the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Threshold Ridho Al-Hamdi Department of Government Afairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (email: [email protected]) Abstract This article examines the ideological position of Indonesia’s political parties in addressing the 2019 presidential threshold under the open-list proportional representation system. The article aims to determine the political cleavage among Indonesian political parties, whether classifed into the ideological spectrum or the organisational degree. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by employing in-depth interviews and online news collection as a data gathering technique. The study’s fnding depicts that the ideological cleavage is no longer relevant under the open-list proportional representation system because political parties eventually have pragmatical orientations rather than ideological considerations. It can be proven that the position of nationalist secular parties is not merely in the approval side but also in the denial and dilemma sides. Likewise, the position of nationalist Islamist parties can be found on two sides: denial and dilemma. This fnding verifes that Indonesia’s ideological contestation is waning and inactive when political parties cope with power issues. On the contrary, the ideology is revived when it deals with religious and tribal afairs. Keywords: Presidential threshold; parties; 2019 election; ideological cleavage; Indonesia Introduction the 2009 election until the present. -
Supporting Democratic Indonesia: British and European Options
POLICY The European Think Tank with a Global Outlook BRIEF Supporting Democratic Indonesia: British and European Options Summary: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s landslide win in the 20 October run-off presidential election has lifted local and foreign hopes that Indonesia’s nascent democracy will finally be in safe hands. Yet, his administration faces a fractured parliament and a challenging array of long-delayed economic and administrative reform challenges. As the world’s most populous Islamic country, as a political leader of the developing world, and as the world’s largest exporter of liquid natural gas, Indonesia is of considerable importance to Britain and Europe. Britain and Europe can help Indonesia consolidate its democracy. To do this effectively though, they must take into consideration the growing role of Islamic parties and the problems the new President will face in working with the parliament and addressing popular alienation. British and European aid programmes should shift to strengthening Indonesia’s political parties in a neutral manner, supporting more substantial administrative reform and championing institutional leaders of reform, such as the National Economic Council. A Policy Brief from the Foreign Policy Centre provides commentary and practical policy recommendations on topical problems confronting the international community. The views are not necessarily those of the Foreign Policy Centre. The author of this Policy Brief is Dr Malcolm Cook., Programme Director Asia & the Pacific for the Lowy Institute in Sydney (www.lowyinstitute.org). Before joining the Institute in November 2003, Malcolm ran his own consulting practice on Southeast Asian political and economic policy reform and risk analysis and successfully completed his doctorate on the politics of banking liberalization in Southeast Asia at the Australian National University. -
International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding Political Dynamics of Candidate Recruitment
Comparative Study of Post-Marriage Nationality Of Women in Legal Systems of Different Countries http://ijmmu.com [email protected] International Journal of Multicultural ISSN 2364-5369 Volume 6, Issue 3 and Multireligious Understanding June, 2019 Pages: 1026-1033 Political Dynamics of Candidate Recruitment: A Case Study of Nasdem Party in Pilkada of North Sumatera in 2018 Fifi Silfita; Humaizi; Abdul Kadir Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan, Indonesia Universita http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i3.924 Abstract This study aims to explain how the political dynamics in National Democratic party or Partai Nasional Demokrat (Nasdem) in the selection process of the candidates for the governor-deputy governor in pilkada of North Sumatera in 2018, and to explain what factors that affect the decision in that process. This study employed qualitative method. The location of this research was at the office of the regional representative council (RRC) of Nasdem party of North Sumatera. The technique of data collection was by using the interview method. The informants were the chairperson of the regional representative council and the chair of the winning team for the general election of the Nasdem party. The results of this study indicate that the candidcay in political recruitment or selection conducted by the RRC of Nasdem party of North Sumatera province uses an inclusive model. The determination of selectorate utilized exclusive model. The determination of where the candidate selection used centralistic pattern or model. The decision making procedure for determining the candidates was by using candidate pattern with more democratic selection principles. -
Of Electoral Systems and Decentralisation: an Institutional Explanation to the Lack of Ideological and Programmatic Competition Among Indonesia’S Political Parties
Graduate School of Public Policy The University of Tokyo Of Electoral Systems and Decentralisation: An institutional explanation to the lack of ideological and programmatic competition among Indonesia’s political parties Written by: Rehabya Randy Wijaya Student ID: 51-158223 Page 1 of 25 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 3 2. Indonesian political parties and party system ..................................................................... 4 2.1. Historical background ................................................................................................. 4 2.2. Post-New Order party system ..................................................................................... 6 2.2.1. The electoral system ............................................................................................ 7 2.2.2. Current parliamentary parties .............................................................................. 7 2.2.3. Election results and party strength ....................................................................... 9 3. Decentralisation in Indonesia ........................................................................................... 10 3.1. Fiscal decentralisation ............................................................................................... 11 4. Indonesian electoral dynamics .......................................................................................... 12 4.1. -
The New Indonesian Parliament: Who Won and What It Means
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 088 – 7 May 2019 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. 2019 Indonesian Presidential and Legislative Elections The New Indonesian Parliament: Who Won and What It Means By Alexander R. Arifianto SYNOPSIS Apart from electing the president, the recent Indonesian general election also voted in 575 members for the new parliament (DPR). Of the 16 political parties which contested the legislative elections, nine succeeded in getting into the new parliament. COMMENTARY INDONESIANS WENT to the polls on 17 April 2019 not just to elect their new president for the next five years. They also voted for candidates for the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR), House of Delegates (DPD), and provincial and regional legislative councils. A total of 575 lower house seats were contested in the recent legislative elections. Sixteen political parties – including four new ones contested. Two of the four new ones are linked to the Suharto family: Working Party (Berkarya) chaired by Tommy Suharto – youngest son of Indonesia’s late strongman; and Garuda Party, funded by Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Suharto’s eldest daughter. The remaining are the Indonesian Unity Party (Perindo) founded by media tycoon Hary Tanoesoedibjo and the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) which specifically targeted young voters, women, Chinese Indonesians, and religious minorities. -
Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998 Alphonsius
Criksetra: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah, Vol. 9, No. 2, 2020 Dwifungsi ABRI Dalam Konflik Internal PDI 1976-1998 Alphonsius Rodriquest Eko. W1, Kurniawati2, M. Hasmi Yanuardi3, Maulani4 1234Prodi Pendidikan Sejarah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta E-mail: [email protected] Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang pelaksanaan konsep Dwifungsi ABRI dalam konflik internal Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI). Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui keterlibatan militer dalam konflik internal PDI. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah, yakni terdiri dari pengumpulan sumber, verifikasi/ kritik sejarah, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Terlibatnya militer dalam kehidupan sosial-politik di Indonesia tidak lepas peran Jenderal A.H.Nasution. Puncak dari campur tangan ABRI dalam konflik internal PDI adalah dengan terjadinya Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996. Konflik yang melibatkan DPP PDI Megawati dan DPP PDI Soerjadi ini diduga juga melibatkan pihak eksternal partai, khususnya pemerintah dan ABRI. Dampak dari Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996 dirasakan semua pihak yang terlibat, baik pemerintah, ABRI, PDI dan bahkan masyarakat Kata kunci: Dwifungsi, ABRI, PDI ABRI Dual Function in Internal Conflict of PDI 1976-1998 Abstract: This study examines the implementation of the dual concept of ABRI in the internal conflict of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The research aims to determine the involvement of the military in the internal conflicts of the PDI. The research method used in this study is the historical method, which consists of collecting sources, verifying / critique history, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the involvement of the military in socio-political life in Indonesia could not be separated from the role of General A.H.Nasution. -
Political Parties' Manoeuvring After the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement
ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 2 June 2021 Political Parties’ Manoeuvring after the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement Max Lane* In this picture, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) (R) shakes hands with Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto (L) during the inauguration ceremony at the State palace in Jakarta on October 23, 2019. The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. Photo: Adek Berry, AFP. * Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Lecturer in Southeast Asian Politics and History at Victoria University, and Honorary Associate in Indonesian Studies at the University of Sydney. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. There are also no fundamental differences among parties over major policy questions. • The fractured nature of the Indonesian socio-political elite is instead reflected in the proliferation of small parties. This results in the necessity of multi-party coalitions, thus giving Indonesia’s largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), a tactical advantage. • The PDIP has floated the possibility of changing the laws to allow President Joko Widodo to stand again in 2024. Perhaps to sustain its leverage in a post-Widodo government, the PDIP is also advocating the revival of the formal Broad Outlines of State Strategy, which featured during the Soeharto era as overarching policy guidelines for each term of government.