For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 66 / Spring 2010 / £7.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

‘A very English gentleman’ Paul Holden The life of ‘Tommy’ Agar-Robartes MP Dr J. Graham Jones Violet and Clem Clem Davies and Colin Eglin Helen Suzman An appreciation David S. Patterson Emily Hobhouse and the controversy over the destruction of Leuven in 1914 Report What’s left of Gladstonian Liberalism in the Liberal Democrats? Liberal Democrat History Group in 1939 Wintringham might the have overturned a Conserva- (ULP) for its last phase. The Letters tive majority of less than 2,000 ULP had previously existed with over 4,000 Labour voters from time to time in the The 1906 election, and looking for a new home. province from 1886, when Sir Charles Grey MP (Sourced from: Liberal Gladstone’s espousal of home Being surrounded by elec- by-election in August 1941 Magazine 1938 and 1939 for rule destroyed the Irish Liber- tion statistics, I thought I until he was killed in action Wintringham’s Gainsborough als. Support from the British would take another look at on 30 July 1944 – was related activity; Labour Party National Liberal Party revived it briefly the question (Liberal History to Sir Edward Grey, Liberal Annual Report 1939 for confir- in 1906–14 and again in 1929. Quiz 2008, Journal of Liberal Foreign Secretary in 1905–16 mation of no Labour candi- After 1970 it lost support to History 61), ‘In which 20th and Liberal MP for Berwick- date in Gainsborough.) the newly formed Alliance century election did the Lib- on-Tweed from the 1885 Graem Peters Party of Northern Ireland and eral Party achieve it highest general election until he was was finally wound up by 1987. share of the vote?’ The stated created Viscount Grey in My thanks go to Dr Sandy answer of 1906 was correct 1916? Albert McElroy Waugh for bringing this mis- but the associated 49.0 per Contact details: 1 Pantoch In my article about the use take to my attention. cent quoted was slightly inac- Gardens, Banchory, Kin- of the online encyclopaedia, Readers can find out more curate and perhaps somewhat cardineshire AB31 5ZD; tel. Wikipedia, which appeared about McElroy by access- misleading. 01330-823159; email s.waugh. in Journal of Liberal History ing Journal 33 (Winter 2001) In both my immediate [email protected] 65 (winter 2009–10), I stated which is available to down- sources to hand, the Liberal Sandy S. Waugh incorrectly that the Ulster load free from the History share of the vote is given as Liberal Party had two MPs Group website at http:// 49.4 per cent. However, the elected to the Parliament of www.liberalhistory.org. significance of plural voting Northern Ireland. In fact uk/item_single.php?item_ (business and universities) Journal of Liberal History 36 there was only one, Sheelagh id=10&item=journal This should be appreciated, as also (autumn 2002) carries a biog- Murnaghan, who served as contains an article by Berkely should the fact that 114 MPs raphy of Margaret Wintring- MP for Queen’s University, Farr, ‘Liberalism and Union- (17 per cent) were returned ham, the Liberal MP from the Belfast from 1961 to 1969. ist Northern Ireland’, which unopposed (13 Conserva- 1920s, written by Larry Iles Albert McElroy was never tells the story of the ULP and tives, etc., 27 Liberals, 73 Irish and Robert Ingham. They elected to Stormont. He was the role played by the remark- Nationalists and 1 other) and state that: ‘She was not asked a Glasgow-born Minister of able Albert McElroy. Journal that, by reason of the Glad- to contest the 1937 by-elec- the Non-subscribing Pres- 33 also has an article by Denis stone–MacDonald pact, 24 tion for the seat (Aylesbury), byterian Church who had Loretto on the formation of of the Labour MPs elected in nor did she pursue an initial previously supported the the Alliance Party of North- England had only Conserva- interest in contesting the Northern Ireland Labour ern Ireland which contains a tive, etc. opposition. Gainsborough constituency’, Party and a breakaway group, critique of the ULP approach, Thus and otherwise, the before going on to conclude the Commonwealth Labour also well worth revisiting. Liberal vote of 49.4 per cent that: ‘The Liberal Party lost Party. In 1956 he resurrected Graham Lippiatt represented the vote for 509 one of its biggest assets by candidates (with an average marginalising Wintringham vote of 5,404) whereas the from the 1930s until her Conservative, etc. vote of death’. 43.4 per cent represented the Both these points under- Liberal Democrat History Group on vote for 543 candidates (with value the worth placed in her the web an average vote of 4,461). by the party. She did more Accordingly, the real Liberal/ than pursue an initial interest Conservative, etc. votes ratio in Gainsborough – she was Email was about 100:83 rather than in fact prospective candidate Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and about 100:88, as from the for the seat in 1939. A general publications – the fastest and earliest way to find out what we’re basic percentages. If statisti- election was anticipated that doing. To join the list, send a blank email to liberalhistory-subscribe@ cal account could be taken of year and Gainsborough was lists.libdems.org.uk. all that and all other factors, one of the party’s best pros- the Liberal share of the 1906 pects for a gain. Website vote, perhaps in the UK and In addition, it is interest- See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of History Group activities, certainly in Great Britain, ing to note that the Labour records of all past Journals and past meetings, guides to archive could be adjusted to over 50 Party did not have a candidate sources, research in progress and other research resources, together per cent. in place, as they had done in with a growing number of pages on the history of the party, covering On another tack, in the 1935. In 1939, there was much particular issues and periods in more detail, including lists of party context of writing biographi- speculation (nurtured by the leaders, election results and cabinet ministers. cal and family notes on all Popular Front proposals) that the Liberal Cabinet Ministers Labour candidates might Social network sites from 1859 to 1932, can anyone not appear in seats where the See us on Facebook and on Lib Dem Act for news of the latest advise if George Charles Grey Liberals were well placed to meetings, and discussion forums: – Liberal MP for Berwick-on- defeat sitting Conservatives. • http://www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup Tweed from an uncontested It is not hard to imagine that • http://act.libdems.org.uk/group/libdemhistory

2 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 Journal of Liberal History Issue 66: Spring 2010 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Letters to the Editor 2 Editor: Duncan Brack The 1906 election, and Sir Charles Grey MP (Sandy S. Waugh); Margaret Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Wintringham (Graem Peters); Albert McElroy (Graham Lippiatt) Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Liberal History News 4 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Gladstone bicentenary; Gladstone and Bulgaria; Gladstone bicentenary event York Membery in Edinburgh; What would Gladstone think?; New on the History Group website Patrons ‘A Very English Gentleman’ 8 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; The life of Captain the Hon. Thomas Charles Reginald Agar-Robartes, Liberal Professor John Vincent MP 1906, 1907–15; by Paul Holden Editorial Board Report: What’s left of Gladstonian Liberalism in 18 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard the Liberal Democrats? Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr With Dr Eugenio Biagini and Chris Huhne MP. Report by Mark Pack J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe Violet and Clem 20 Dr J. Graham Jones examines the relationship between Liberal leader Clement Editorial/Correspondence Davies and Lady Violet Bonham Carter Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Helen Suzman: An Appreciation 32 publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Colin Eglin recalls the life of South Africa’s first anti-apartheid MP

Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, SW2 4BQ Emily Hobhouse and the Controversy over the 38 email: [email protected] Destruction of Leuven in All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. David S. Patterson recalls Emily Hobhouse’s role in attempting to reveal the facts behind the German destruction of the Belgian city of Leuven in 1914 Advertisements Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Reviews 47 Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers Cook, Cash for Honours: The Story of Maundy Gregory, reviewed by Duncan (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please Brack; Beith, A View from the North, reviewed by Michael Meadowcroft; contact the Editor. Campbell, Pistols at Dawn: Two Hundred Years of Political Rivalry, from Pitt and Fox to Blair and Brown, reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00.

The institutional rate is £50.00, which includes online access. As well as printed copies, online subscribers are able to access online copies of current and all past Journals. Online subscriptions are also available to individuals at £40.00.

Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) should be sent to:

Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Payment is also possible via our website, Liberal Democrat History Group www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o occasional publications. 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. May 2010 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 3 Liberal History News spring 2010

Liberal History News is a new regular feature in the savage, as we call him’, from devoted member. Yet at the same Journal (except in special themed the 1879 Midlothian campaign time this devoted churchman was issues), reporting news of meet- speech on the Afghan war. Rev the political hero of most Non- ings, conferences, commemora- Paul Hunt, chairman of the conformists, he devoted much of tions, dinners or any other events, , hinted his political capital to an attempt together with anything else of at the expenses scandal when he to end the religious and political contemporary interest to our spoke of Gladstone’s assertion that subjection of the Catholics of Ire- readers. Contributions are very ‘nothing that is morally wrong land, and he fought for the right welcome; please keep them rea- can be politically right’, while of an atheist to sit in the House of sonably concise, and accompany Rev Peter Francis, Warden of Commons. them, if possible, with photos. St Deiniol’s Library, Gladstone’s He had turned from a Tory Email to the Editor on journal@ national memorial, noted the upbringing to the promotion of liberalhistory.org.uk Grand Old Man’s belief that ‘life Liberalism. It was a Liberalism is a great and noble calling, not a which asserted the value of every mean and grovelling thing’. Sir human being. It embraced, as we Gladstone bicentenary Alan Beith delivered the eulogy, heard in his own ringing terms, wreath-laying cer- which is reproduced below. ‘the meanest along with the emony in Westminster On Gladstone’s birthday at greatest’ over ‘the whole surface AAbbey on 12 January 2010 the end of December, wreaths of the earth’. At home it involved completed the bicentenary year of were also laid in ceremonies in tackling the very issues which the birth of Liberal Prime Min- Liverpool, his birthplace, and challenge today’s politicians, ister William Gladstone. History Edinburgh, where he was MP Group chair Tony Little was between 1880 and 1895 (see story there: below). The wreath was laid on Glad- stone’s grave, after evensong, by children from Gladstone’s family He made politics matter in the presence of Sir William Rt Hon Sir Alan Beith MP’s Gladstone, the Dean of Westmin- address at the wreath-laying ster Abbey and a congregation ceremony in honour of the 200th of around a hundred, including anniversary of Gladstone’s birth, eminent historians of the Victo- , January rian era and prominent Liberal 2010: Democrat politicians Charles Today we honour William Kennedy and Lord McNally. Ewart Gladstone, four times The ceremony took place in Prime Minister of this country the shadows of the Abbey’s statues and Leader of the Liberal Party. of Gladstone and Disraeli which, Born 200 years ago, he not failing to look each other in the only lived through almost all of eye and separated by a ‘neutral’ the nineteenth century, he domi- monument, give the impression nated the politics of that century. of continued rivalry on either side He achieved that dominance with of an invisible House of Com- a sense of moral purpose rooted mons, Gladstone posed next to in his Christian beliefs, and it is the statue of his mentor Sir Rob- all the more fitting that we hon- ert Peel. our him in this Abbey, which Appropriately, David Steel he knew so well, following the read Gladstone’s warning to Evensong service of the Church ‘remember the rights of the of England of which he was a

4 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 liberal history news most notably stabilising the pub- Gladstone concerned.’ Matev was speak- the Liberals’ triumph at the bal- lic finances and modernising the ing at the launch of Gladstone’s lot box. political system by opening it up was no bicentenary celebrations at the Gladstone’s actions gained to voices and groups which had four-time Liberal Prime Minis- him heroic status and his name previously been excluded, from stranger to ter’s former London residence in was championed across Bulgaria. Westminster right down to the Carlton House Terrace last year. ‘There is hardly a town in Bul- parish council. Prime Minis- But the anniversary of his birth garia that doesn’t have a street In his support for the National in December 1809 was celebrated named in his honour,’ said Dr Liberal Club, of which he was terial leader- in almost equal measure by the Matev. Even during the long the founding president, he sought ambassador’s countrymen. Not years of communist rule, his to create a centre in London ship battles only was there lecture and recep- importance in the creation of the for those newcomers to politics tion at the Bulgarian embassy in Bulgarian state continued to be from all over Britain who would or party London, there was also a special emphasised. not readily have gained admit- Gladstonian academic conference ‘For someone like Gladstone tance to the gentlemen’s clubs of divisions, in the country’s capital, Sofia, and to speak out so clearly and pas- Victorian London. Party leaders a trip by the British-Bulgarian sionately – such a command- today worry about how to make but he never Friendship Society to Bulgaria to ing figure in the most powerful politics relevant to ordinary let them investigate his legacy. nation on earth – had a huge people. Gladstone drew vast The reason for the Grand Old impact,’ said Professor Richard crowds to listen to his ideas at blunt his Man’s enduring popularity is sim- Aldous, author of an acclaimed open-air meetings in Scotland, ple. In 1876, news of the brutal co-biography of Gladstone and Wales and the industrial centres determina- suppression of the ‘April Upris- Disraeli, The Lion and the Unicorn. of Northern England. Wherever ing’, an insurrection organised ‘While the parallel is far from he went he was presented with tion to fight by the Bulgarians in what was exact, look at the importance that petitions backing the causes he then part of the Ottoman Empire, Barack Obama’s opposition to had espoused. He was a celebrity for what was involving regular units of the the war in Iraq on moral grounds whose picture hung in tens of Imperial Army and irregular had on a global audience and the thousands of homes and stared just. He was bashi-bazouk, reached the other importance that had in his subse- out with his steely gaze from end of Europe. The Tory govern- quent election campaign.’ cups, plates, medals and much a man of ment of Benjamin Disraeli, in What would Gladstone him- else of what we would now call keeping with normal British for- self have made of all the fuss sur- ‘merchandise’. He clearly made formidable eign policy, regarded the Otto- rounding the bicentenary? Peter politics matter. man Empire as a bulwark against Francis, warden of St Deiniol’s, Gladstone was no stranger intellect, possible Russian expansion into the prime ministerial library to Prime Ministerial leadership eastern Europe, and was reluctant founded by ‘the People’s Wil- battles or party divisions, but he incredible to become entangled in what it liam’ in Hawarden, North Wales, never let them blunt his deter- regarded as a largely domestic says: ‘I think he would have been mination to fight for what was industry, issue. But Gladstone was enraged deeply gratified, for the two just. He was a man of formidable massive self- by reports of the massacre of countries both had a special place intellect, incredible industry, thousands. He published a pow- in his heart.’ massive self-consciousness and conscious- erful polemic, Bulgarian Horrors turbulent spirit. He cannot have and the Question of the East, which been easy as a political colleague, ness and called for the Ottomans to with- Gladstone bicentenary event or easy to live with; indeed, he draw ‘bag and baggage’ from Bul- in Edinburgh found it difficult at times to live turbulent garia. ‘Let the Turks now carry he bicentenary of the birth with himself. But such is the way away their abuses in the only pos- of W.E. Gladstone was cel- with people who embody great- spirit. sible manner, namely, by carrying Tebrated in Edinburgh on 29 ness. He was a giant in the land. off themselves,’ he raged. December 2009; report by Nigel We should honour him not only The pamphlet sold 200,000 Lindsay. in the wreaths we lay but in what copies in a month, helped rally Amid thickly-falling snow, we do to advance the freedom other influential figures such as a wreath-laying ceremony took and well-being of humankind. the Italian nationalist Giuseppe place at the Grand Old Man’s Garibaldi to the Bulgarian cause, impressive statue in Coates Cres- and led to Europe-wide demands cent Gardens, part of his Midlo- Gladstone and Bulgaria for reform of the Ottoman thian constituency, in the city’s ork Membery traces Empire, which contributed to the west end. The wreath, which had the historic connections re-establishment of Bulgaria as been specially made in the Victo- Ybetween Gladstone and a de facto independent nation in rian fashion by Maxwell’s of Cas- Bulgaria. 1878. tle Street, was laid by Lord Steel. ‘Some of my countrymen In the ensuing Midlothian It is a tribute either to the rever- might be admirers of Margaret campaign of 1880, Gladstone ence in which Edinburgh citizens Thatcher or Tony Blair,’ said drew frequent attention to the hold W.E.G, or perhaps to the Dr Lachezar Matev, the Bulgar- Bulgarian Horrors in a series of continuing icy weather, that the ian ambassador to Britain, ‘but mass public election rallies in wreath was still undisturbed in its William Gladstone will always which foreign policy played a place on the plinth of the statue a be number one as far as we’re surprisingly large part, leading to fortnight later.

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 5 liberal history news

Gladstone 7/6, and 10/-. Lord Steel told how commemoration Gladstone had nevertheless cost in a snowy him a vote at the 1966 general Edinburgh, 29 election; that of a woman who December 2009 said she could never vote Lib- eral, much as she liked his year as MP, because ‘they would not send help for General Gordon’. He paid tribute to Gladstone as a nineteenth-century politician whose work remained relevant in the twenty-first century, men- tioning Gladstone’s advocacy of what would nowadays be called ‘an ethical foreign policy’ in Afghanistan and the Balkans and the G.O.M’s emphasis on extend- ing educational opportunity. He referred to the esteem in which Gladstone was held in Scotland, and pointed out that the comple- tion and inauguration of the huge statue in 1917, in the midst of the First World War, was evidence of this. After a brief pause for pho- tographs (see left) those present adjourned to the nearby Hilton Hotel in time to avoid frostbite setting in.

Among those attending in descendants Hannah Kemp- overcoats, scarves and hats were ton, Beth Marsden and Tom What would Gladstone think? Liberals who represented all strata Gladstone: he question of Gladstone’s of elected office in the area. In political views made its addition to Lord and Lady Steel, In his later years W.E. Glad- Tappearance in the 2010 elec- the company included Dr George stone enjoyed spending his tion campaign, after the Con- Grubb (the Lord Provost of Edin- birthdays on the Riviera, servative leader David Cameron burgh), John Barrett MP, Robert escaping the inclement Brit- quoted him in a speech on 27 Brown MSP, and councillors Paul ish winter weather. As the April. The following day, BBC Edie and Phil Wheeler of Edin- great, great, great, great, grand Radio 4’s Today programme took burgh City Council. Of these, nieces and nephew of W.E., up the issue, with an interview John Barrett then represented an we are more accustomed to the conducted by Justin Webb from area that was once part of Glad- Scottish habit of celebrating in the BBC’s Bristol studio. stone’s Midlothian constituency, all weathers and can think of while Phil Wheeler was Liberal no better place to do this than JW: David Cameron invoked candidate for Midlothian in 1974. Edinburgh. Two of us called the great Liberal Prime Minister Donald Gorrie, who previously the city home for the four years William Gladstone yesterday: represented part of the constitu- that we attended the Univer- ‘Government should make it dif- ency, was also present. sity, and others of Gladstone’s ficult for people to do wrong, and The ceremony was necessarily direct descendants have also easy for them to do right’. Well, brief because of the winter morn- studied here. So we join you perhaps we’re all Liberals now, ing temperature. The organiser all in wishing the Grand Old and if we are, has the West Coun- of the event, Nigel Lindsay, wel- Man a very happy birthday and try’s life support of the party in comed those who had braved the thank you for braving the ele- the barren post-war years been a weather, and reported apologies ments to remember him. service to the nation? from two councillors who were Professor Richard Aldous is unavoidably absent. He recalled Lord Steel then laid the wreath author of The Lion and the Unicorn: a centenarian elector who had and paid tribute to Gladstone’s Gladstone versus Disraeli, and Dun- supported him in an Aberdeen unique record as four times Prime can Brack is Editor of the Journal election in the early 1970s because Minister, concluding at the age of of Liberal History and chair of the of positive memories of Mr 84. He drew attention to the huge Liberal Democrat Conference Gladstone. audiences Gladstone attracted to Committee. Good morning to Willis Pickard then read the his public meetings and referred you both. following email message he to some tickets he had for one of RA: Good morning. had received from Gladstone’s those meetings – priced at 5/-, DB: Good morning.

6 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 liberal history news

JW: Professor Aldous, there’s about economic interventionism JW: Why do you think that nothing terribly revolutionary, – he nationalised the telegraphs, was? What is it about West Coun- is there, about David Cameron and he was ready to nationalise try folk? praising William Gladstone; didn’t the rail companies if it proved DB: Yes, it’s interesting. Again Mrs Thatcher like him as well? necessary. So there’s not such a it’s the same with Scotland and RA: Yes, Mrs Thatcher always big change that happened in the Wales; these are areas which I claimed that she was a Gladsto- early twentieth century; I think think have quite a strong dis- nian liberal and was very proud there is a consistent theme from tinctive sense of geographical of it, and in some ways, of course, Gladstone. identity, and they see themselves it’s entirely legitimate for David JW: Professor Aldous? as very different from the centre, Cameron to claim Gladstone, RA: It’s important to remem- from the metropolis. And also, because before Gladstone was a ber as well – Duncan’s quite right I think, in the earlier part of the Liberal, he was a Conservative. about the social side of things century the survival of Non- He began his political career as – but we have to remember the conformity was very important; a Tory; he was a , and he other things which would appeal the Liberal Party was always a only really split from the main- particularly to the Conservatives Nonconformist Party in its back- stream of the Conservative Party at the moment. Gladstone’s big bone. Somebody described the in 1846, over the Corn Laws. So themes were retrenchment and people who were prepared to vote in many ways, Cameron is exactly low taxation; these were in many Liberal still in the ’40s and ’50s as right to say that Gladstone is as ways two of the key things that ‘awkward Nonconformists’. much part of the Conservative underpinned his philosophy. His And I think it was really tradition as he is part of the Lib- idea of retrenchment was that you important in keeping the parlia- eral one. should always get rid of waste in mentary tradition of the Liberal JW: Duncan Brack, how much government, even to the extent Party alive, so that people who is he part still of the Liberal one? that he insisted that the diplo- thought they were Liberals, but DB: Oh, enormously, I think. matic bags should always have didn’t think there was much point And I think that the quote that the labels scratched off them, so in voting for them anywhere else David Cameron came up with that they could be used again. in the country, then began to see – I’m not sure I can think of any- So, ideas in the Conservative the point of voting Liberal when one who would disagree with it! manifesto now about getting rid disillusion grew with the other There are plenty of other quotes of waste, I would have thought two parties in the’ 70s. that he could have made; for would be things that would very JW: Duncan Brack and Rich- example, from Gladstone: ‘Liber- much appeal to Gladstone. ard Aldous, thank you both. alism is trust in the people, only DB: That’s true up to a point, qualified by prudence; Conserva- but remember that government You can hear this interview at: http:// tism is mistrust in the people, expenditure in the mid-nine- news..co.uk/today/hi/today/ only qualified by fear.’ teenth century was very heavily newsid_8648000/8648296.stm I think there’s a core of belief directed to things that benefited in liberty, and diversity, and tol- the upper classes. They were erance, and decentralisation, and things like the military and the internationalism, that exists still diplomatic service; John Bright New on the History Group in the Lib Dems of today, and we called it ‘a gigantic system of website inherit from the Gladstonian Lib- outdoor relief for the aristocracy’. he Liberal Democrat His- eralism of the nineteenth century. Gladstone was concerned about tory Group’s website, at JW: But I suppose something not giving subsidies to the privi- Twww.liberalhistory.org. then happened, didn’t it, in the leged elite. uk, is gradually being updated early part of the twentieth cen- ‘Liberalism is JW: Can I ask you both about and expanded. tury, when you think of other the West Country? We’ve spent New on the site recently Liberal leaders, more recent trust in the three days now in the West is a biography of Sir Clem- Liberal leaders, who took a sort Country, and when you talk to ent Freud (1924–2009), Liberal of different tack, who believed people, only people, Liberal Democrats are MP for Isle of Ely 1973–87, much more in the state, to put it now very much obviously part written by Sir Alan Beith MP. over-bluntly? qualified by of the political mix here, in some The biography can be found DB: Well the New Liberalism places they have had representa- at: http://www.liberalhistory. of the early twentieth century, of prudence; tives, and they’re very much hop- org.uk/item_single.php?item_ Lloyd George and Asquith and Conserva- ing to get a few more this time id=60&item=biography Churchill – social liberalism, as round. Duncan Brack, is it down we would say today – certainly tism is mis- to the West Country that the Lib- accepted a bigger role for the eral Party managed to stay alive Apologies … state in setting the conditions in trust in the in the barren times? … for the late despatch of this which people can realise their DB: Yes, pretty much – along issue, which should have been freedom: good education, a good people, only with Scotland and Wales, I think. available in early April. Normal health service, help in old age and Those three areas almost always service will be resumed with unemployment. But I think that qualified by retained Liberal MPs, even in the ­Journal 67, a special issue on Gladstone is mis-remembered darkest days in the 1940s and ’50s ‘Liberalism and the Left’, which often; he was pretty pragmatic fear.’ and ’60s. should be available in early July.

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 7 ‘A Very English Gentleman’ The Honourable Thomas Charles Reginald Agar-Robartes MP (1880–1915)

The death of Captain the Honourable Thomas Charles Reginald Agar- Robartes MP, at Loos during the First World War, robbed Great Britain of a talented, charismatic and hard-working politician. Paul Holden, House and Collections Manager at House in Cornwall (the Agar-Robartes family estate), assesses the life and career of this backbench Liberal MP who served in the great reforming Liberal governments between 1906 and 1915 – ‘a very English gentleman’.1

8 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 ‘A Very English Gentleman’ The Honourable Thomas Charles Reginald Agar-Robartes MP (1880–1915)

o his Cornish constituents of the evolving Liberal Party in understandably suffered, his exas- Agar-Robartes’ popular- Cornwall brought him a peer- perated tutor writing to Viscount ity was based as much on age. His only son Thomas Charles Clifden in 1902, saying: ‘I have his colourful character as (1844–1930) took the Liberal seat done my utmost for him’.5 on his impartial mind and of East Cornwall in 1880, a seat he After an unsuccessful attempt Tindependent stance. Amongst his held for two years before succeed- to join the army Tommy ventured peers he was a much admired and ing his father as Baron Robartes into politics. In 1903 the West- gregarious talent whose serious- in1882. ern Daily Mercury enthusiastically ness and moderation sometimes Tommy was one of ten chil- reported on his speech for the gave way before an erratic – and dren born into the high-Angli- Liberal Executive at Liskeard: ‘He often misplaced – wit that drew can family of Thomas Charles spoke with ease and confidence attention to his youth.2 Agar-Robartes (later 6th Viscount and his remarks were salted with Nine generations prior to Clifden), and Mary Dickinson wit … he gives promise of achiev- Tommy’s birth, Richard Robar- (1853–1921) of Kingweston in ing real distinction as a speaker.’6 tes (c.1580–1634), regarded as the Somerset (Fig.3). He was edu- Highlighting the Unionist gov- ‘wealthiest in the west’, purchased cated at Mortimer Vicarage ernment’s failures, as published in the Cornish estate of Lanhydrock School in Berkshire, Eton Col- the Boer War Commission Report, near Bodmin and, controver- lege and Christ Church, Oxford. Tommy declared: sially, paid £10,000 to the Duke As a young man he developed of Buckingham for a peerage an ardour for equestrian sports, It was the most disgraceful (Fig.2).3 His eldest son, the staunch becoming Master of the Drag thing he had ever read … a Parliamentarian John (1606–85), Hunt and earning a dubious more disgraceful piece of crim- was created 1st Earl Radnor in reputation as ‘the most reckless inal carelessness and neglect it 1679 after a successful career in horseman in Cornwall’.4 Uni- would be impossible to find. the Restoration parliaments of versity brought out his outgoing Might it sink into their minds Charles II. By 1757 the Radnor and flamboyant personality. Like as hot iron into wax, and might title had became extinct and the his father he became an active it ever remain there like a Cornish estates passed, first, to member of the prestigious din- brand on a Dartmoor pony.7 George Hunt (1720–98), long- ing club, the Bullingdon Society, standing MP for Bodmin, and and in 1901 alone his personal Perhaps mindful of his political second, to his niece Anna Maria bills for wines/spirits and ciga- inexperience, he wisely avoided Hunt (1771–1861), Tommy’s rettes /cigars totalled £91 5s 8d speaking on the principles of the great-grandmother. Her mar- (£5,200 in 2010 prices) and £44 Fig. 1: The Hon war, preferring instead to vent his riage to Charles Agar (1769–1811), 12s 6d respectively (£2,500). With T.C.R. Agar- disapproval at the pitiful organisa- youngest son of the Viscount close friends like James de Roth- Robartes. Oil tion and inadequate armaments of Clifden, produced one surviv- schild and Neil Primrose, second on canvas the troops. He continued: ing son, Thomas James Agar- son of Lord Rosebery, Tommy by Richard Robartes (1808–82) who served as was a regular at country house Jack, 1906/7. It was something akin to mur- a Liberal MP from 1847 until 1869 parties, and with his passion for Lanhydrock der to send out men to fight our when his tireless organisation the turf his academic studies collections. battles on horses unfit to ride

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 9 ‘a very english gentleman’

… As to the reserve of 200,000 rifles, it was discovered that the sighting was incorrect and that the rifle shot eight inches to the right at a distance of 500 yards.

Like his political mentor Lord Rosebery, Tommy’s passion and belief in empire was enduring. At Liskeard he said that he did not wish to see the British Empire lose ‘one grain of its greatness’; in his 1906 election pledges he wrote that: ‘the present condition of affairs in South Africa [is] deplor- able to the last degree’; and in 1910 he applauded self-government in South Africa, which he consid- ered had ‘brought a valiant peo- ple within the circle of the British Empire’.8 In 1905, as President of the Wimpole Liberal Association in Cambridgeshire (the local organi- sation to the family’s Wimpole Hall home), Tommy attacked the Tory government’s stance on tariff reform. He concluded his speech with the cry:

Out with the present Govern- ment … Mr Balfour … has clung to office like a drowning man clutching a straw … they have broken … the eleventh commandment, ‘Be thou not found out’.9

Tommy’s political future, however, was to be rooted nearer his Cor- nish home. Edwardian Cornwall had suffered severe social and eco- nomic instability as a consequence of continued agricultural and industrial decline. Consequently Nonconformist religion and Lib- eralism both grew between 1885 and 1910. With his good looks, sharp mind and fervent personal- ity, Tommy was ‘enthusiastically adopted’ as Liberal candidate for South-East Cornwall, a seat that had been held by the Liberal Unionists at the two previous elections with majorities of 543 (1895) and 1,302 (1900). Lanhydrock immediately became the centre of industrious political activity, with the guest book recording the names of, amongst others, and (Fig. 4). On Saturday 25 November 1905 Tommy’s mentor and fam- ily friend Lord Rosebery visited Bodmin as part of his speaking

10 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 ‘a very english gentleman’

tour of the south-west. His visit Campbell-Bannerman thought 2nd, to help forward those coincided with a period of Liberal him ‘off his head’. Tommy too great social reforms which are division over Home Rule policy realised the seriousness of the situ- urgent and necessary.13 and internal scheming over party ation, writing: leadership. Two days prior to the His wide-ranging pledges were Bodmin rally the Liberal leader I repudiate any suggestion that aimed at the popular Cornish vote. Henry Campbell-Bannerman that it was my desire to oust Free trade he considered ‘essential had given a speech in Stirling in C.B & to obtain suggestion to the welfare of the Empire … which he had outlined his step- that the business was a ‘put up and the happiness of the people’. by-step approach towards Irish job’ as I have heard it described. Opposing the 1902 Education Act, Home Rule. Rosebery’s reaction Lord R as he got into the he supported an amendment to to the press reports was one of motor with me after Bodmin take all schools into public control anger. said ‘I think that is probably and to abolish religious testing Preceding Rosebery on the last speech I shall make for teachers. He viewed the situ- the platform, Tommy set the on a public platform’. He said ation in South Africa as lamenta- evening’s controversial mood. His to me on Monday – ‘I should ble and, in view of the Cornish speech has not survived, although be absolutely miserable if C B mining interests in the Transvaal a draft letter dated 28 November retires (what I meant by ‘I can- gold mines, was opposed to the to the Fowey-based author, Cam- not serve under that banner’ impending humanitarian disaster bridge professor and local Liberal was that I could take no further Fig. 2: of the Chinese ‘slaves’. Moreo- President Arthur Quiller-Couch part in his campaign)’. Lanhydrock ver, he championed land reform remains in the collection. Tommy House, Bodmin, (particularly in amending the wrote: Tommy apologised for his mis- Cornwall. Agricultural Holdings Act), bet- judged comments and vowed Completed in ter working-class housing, pro- I am sorry that you should feel in future to adhere to his usual 1644, Lanhydrock tection of trade unions and fairer aggrieved at the position and well-prepared notes. It was later was fully local taxation. He was staunchly attitude I took in Bodmin this remarked that ‘Mr Robartes was refurbished after opposed to an independent parlia- week. I think perhaps that I only voicing, like a parrot, the a fire in 1881. The ment for Ireland – a position based was wrong in using an expres- views of his political mentor’.11 property was largely on Cornwall’s Noncon- sion of Sir H C B’s in the way I Rosebery, true to form, refused bequeathed formist sympathies, its geographi- did, but I thought at the time to express any regret later, saying: to the National cal proximity to Ireland and the that it was most appropriate to ‘to very word, to every syllable Trust in 1953. more practical concern of fish- Chinese labour … Lord R after of the Bodmin speech I abso- ing in Irish waters. On the issue the meeting said to me ‘a sort lutely adhere’.12 Even though he Fig. 3: The of the 1904 Licensing Act Tommy of cold shudder beat through consistently rejected any ideas of Agar-Robartes saw it as detrimental to temper- the meeting after you [Agar- reclaiming party leadership many, children, 1896. ance reform, asking: ‘Why should Robartes] said that the cam- Tommy included, hoped that he (L-R) Gerald the drink traffic be the only trade paign was a game against C.B would assume the mantle once (later 7th allowed to carry on business on his name was never mentioned Balfour was defeated. Tommy Viscount Clifden), the Sabbath?’14 Some years later until his words were read on concluded his letter Mary Vere, he was quoted as saying: Friday morning, then I admit Cecil, Everilda there was much bitterness, for … much as I personally should (Tommy’s twin) I like my beaker of ale in owing I hope to his words hav- like to see Lord R in the posi- with Alexander, the morning as much as any ing been misinterpreted, I felt tion of Leader of the Liberal Tommy, man – judging from the lively that those words had ruined party, I do not believe that Constance, manifestations of joy from the the prospects of the Liberal he would accept the position Victor (later 8th gentlemen opposite, a consid- Party’10 Great as Great as is my affec- Viscount Clifden) erable number of them must be tion for him, I put personal and Violet. financially dependant on the Worse followed when Lord Rose- friendship the Liberal party hop trade.15 bery rose to address the crowd. before my personal friendship. Fig. 4: L-R Sir Denouncing Campbell-Banner- Clifford J. Cory Under the free trade and cheap man’s position on Home Rule, The controversy came during a (Cornwall food slogan, ‘Vote for the Big Loaf Rosebery said: ‘I, then, will add period of tentative Liberal divi- West, St Ives), – Vote for Robartes’, eighty cam- no more on the subject, except sion. In the hope of precipitating the Hon T.C. paign meetings were held across to say emphatically and explic- a lasting Liberal split, Balfour’s Agar-Robartes his prospective rural constituency. itly and once and for all that I government resigned within days (Viscount For the first time in many of these cannot serve under that banner’. of the Bodmin speech. For the Clifden), Rt. Hon. scattered areas the motor car was Many took this to indicate that impending January 1906 election, H.H. Asquith, in evidence; indeed three of the he would never serve in a gov- Tommy – ‘the Farmers and Min- the Hon. T.C.R. Agar-Robartes’ private motor- ernment pledged to Home Rule; ers Friend’ – published his elec- Agar-Robartes cars were requisitioned in addi- certainly the public rift both with tion pledges (Fig. 5), appealing to: (Mid-Cornwall, St tion to over a dozen others. The his party leader and with his fel- Austell), George enterprising Liberal agents also low Asquith, … the Electors of S.E. Cornwall Hay Morgan organised: ‘a cyclist corps who Edward Grey and Richard Hal- ... 1st, To repair as far as possi- (Cornwall, Truro). darted hither and thither bear- dane, irreversibly widened. So ble the mischief accomplished Lanhydrock, ing electioneering literature, the serious were his comments that by the late Government; and, 1906. handle bars of their machines

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 11 ‘a very english gentleman’

Fig. 5: Vote Glory, however, soon turned and Work for to despair. In May 1906 the Lost- Robartes: The withiel Guardian reported ‘a sud- Liberal and Free den bolt from the blue’ – Tommy Trade Candidate, had been accused of 108 counts of election leaflet bribery and illegal treating.18 The 1906. election petition for his unseating included such further indigni- ties as excessive expenses, illegal payments and a ‘meat tea’ for the estate workers that was consid- ered ‘a very extraordinary pro- ceeding’ by the presiding judge. Although political inducements at this time were relatively common, the family strenuously denied any wrongdoing. The Cornish Guardian immediately launched and published its own investiga- tion which was later considered as having a potential influence on the trial and thereby implicated in contempt of court.19 The pub- lic trial, held at Bodmin Assizes Court, ended with Tommy being found guilty and disqualified from his seat. In the process his mother and father were humili- ated in the witness box by Judge Lawrence. Tommy later vented his anger:

When I saw my mother stand- ing as a butt to the cheap jibes of a judge (shame) I thought to myself Bodmin will never forgive this (loud and contin- ued cheering), and if it does then it is not the Bodmin that I used to know … You have supporting placards announcing Tory trickery was rife. One seen the [Robartes] name bes- their latest triumphs’. 16 campaign worker claimed meared, a name, which I am Alfred Browning-Lyne, the that Viscount Clifden’s tenants proud to say, has always stood founder of the Cornish Guardian, were forced to vote for his son. for freedom under three gen- proved a loyal supporter, describ- Another, on polling day itself, erations and has thrice fought ing Tommy’s ‘truly democratic’ saw ‘a Tory Sandwich man car- the battles of the people (tre- outlook as having a ‘genuine sym- rying posters made up of Liberal mendous cheering). 20 pathy for the masses of the people colours (blue and gold), but ask- … He was that seeming paradox, ing the electors to vote Tory’. Such emotional oratory was typi- a democratic aristocrat.’ On his The impromptu aphorism ‘Vote cal of Tommy’s style. Needless to opponent’s side, a critical press for Robartes and Resent Trick- say, the press enjoyed the scan- campaign was initiated by the ery’ was adopted and Tommy dal; the Daily Mail mischievously Cornish Times who blamed ‘again Agar-Robartes, aged 26, was reported ‘wry smiles from the and again the manner in which elected as the Liberal MP for Liberals’ and claimed ‘the whole the mine-owners of the Division, south-east Cornwall with a 1,172 Division is laughing today … The through the Shylock qualities of majority over his Liberal Union- appeal to feudalism is regarded their agents, have squeezed the ist opponent Horace Grylls. The as quaint coming from a once life out of the mining industry’. Cornish Guardian reported ‘A Tri- Liberal member.’ 21 Effectively Although this was in part a justi- umphant Victory: South-East considered as bribery, aspects of fied attack on the landed Cornish Cornwall Returns to Liberalism, Tommy’s case were later used as elite the Cornish Guardian leapt to Toryism Vanquished’.17 At the a case study in Schofield’s Election Tommy’s defence: ‘The remarks dissolution of the 1905 Parlia- Agent’s Guide to Electoral Law. set forth are made solely with the ment, of the seven Cornish seats, As one of 220 new Liberal MPs intention of injuring the candida- four were Liberal and three were elected to the House of Commons ture of the Hon. Agar-Robartes Unionist; after the 1906 election during the 1906 election his dis- and are wholly unfounded’. all seven were Liberal. qualification meant that he had

12 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 ‘a very english gentleman’

all too briefly experienced the of organisational skills, remark- isolated him within his own character of the new British par- ing ‘Before he makes another party and shaped his independ- liament. He did however make speech … give a little more time ent and often controversial char- a significant contribution when, to the study of the bill.’24 Further- acter. His criticisms of the 1909 on 9 March 1906, he introduced more, a hasty temper was often in ‘People’s Budget’ (which led him the Land Tenure Bill to the Com- evidence. After the Lords’ rejec- eventually to vote against it) led mons. The bill entitled farmers to tion of temperance legislation, he his constituents to question his full profits from their capital input dashed off a speech which, hope- suitability as their representa- and payments for any improve- fully, remained in draft: tive. As the Cornish Guardian ments they made to the soil; had it reported: passed in its original form the bill What happened then? A large would have benefited many Cor- number of Tory peers, the With all the good feeling pos- nish tenant farmers. The Daily owners of brewery shares, Lit- sible personally towards Mr. News reported ‘young Mr Agar- tle Englanders, pro-brewers, Robartes, I fear his action Robartes, sat on the steps of the the friends of every country has been such that will jus- throne, with the inevitable bunch but their own, narrow minded tify many of us asking, ‘Is he of violets in his coat and watched bigots assembled together a suitable representative for the proceedings … [His] agree- in a compound mansion in us?’ … Many a member of the ably youthful and slightly dandi- Berkeley Square, decided to Government would be glad of fied appearance, demure emphasis throw out this Bill after an being the Liberal candidate for and boyish wit secured him a very hour’s discussion, dashed off the St. Austell division at the friendly, even a charmed audi- in their motors and bought next election …26 ence.’22 As it was, his disqualifica- more brewery shares … from tion deprived the Cornishman of that moment this Bill, was Some weeks later at a public guiding it through its later stages. supported by all the forces of meeting Tommy turned the In recognition of his short period Christianity, was dead’.25 accusations around and made his in office, 15,000 Cornish Liberals audience feel that they were being subscribed to a portrait of Tommy Such impulsive qualities, cou- questioned about their attitude delivering the second reading of pled with his youthful naivety, towards him: the bill (Fig. 1); a commemorative book records the presentation ‘in affectionate recognition of a con- test gallantly won for the Cause of the People’. Tommy’s Liberal colleague, and the joint secretary of the imperialist Liberal League, Free- man Freeman-Thomas, took vic- tory at the by-election on 24 July, with a majority similar in size to Tommy’s. Welcoming the result, Tommy reminded his constitu- ents that he would return to say to Mr Freeman-Thomas: ‘Give me back my constituency!’23 His absence from politics was indeed short. In 1907 William McArthur resigned the safe Lib- eral seat of Mid-Cornwall (St. Austell) and on 5 February 1908 Tommy was elected unopposed. As part of Asquith’s first Liberal administration Tommy supported the government’s initiatives on free trade and temperance reform. As his confidence grew, however, shortfalls in his character became more apparent. One was impetu- osity – a throwback to his Oxford Fig. 6: To the days, when his lecturer regarded Electors of him: ‘very careless – [he] rushes the Mid or St wildly at a paper without think- Austell Division ing of what he is putting down’. of the County During a debate on the Finance of Cornwall, Bill in October 1909 Lloyd election leaflet George highlighted Tommy’s lack 1910.

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 13 ‘a very english gentleman’

I ask those who call themselves taxes was based on his passion to establishment of a New and Liberals in this constituency, defend agriculture, in particular Impartial Second Chamber, to extend to me the cour- Cornish farmers, who worked in constituted in the future by tesy, which I would certainly what he called ‘the greatest indus- Order of Merit instead of by extend to them, to write to try in this country’. Accident of Birth.31 me first, personally, to ask if I In December 1909 Parliament have any explanation to give was dissolved. On 8 January 1910 The Hon. Gerald Agar-Robartes, as regarding my vote – before Tommy published his election later 7th Viscount Clifden and a they indulge in a tirade against pledges (Fig.6): Liberal minister in the Lords, said me in the public press, which, in support of his brother: ‘The after all, can only have one I appeal to you for your sup- hereditary principle was abso- effect, to sow the seed for any port to retain the victories of lutely indefensible … the will of political opponent to reap. 1906 and 1908, in order that the people should prevail over the (Hear, Hear!) … If I had any of Free Trade may be secure, and privileges of the Peers’.32 my own fish to fry, if I had any that the House of Commons, During the campaign Winston personal motive in this ques- elected by your votes, shall Churchill supported Tommy at a tion, I should have opposed predominate for ever over the rally in St Austell. Rather over- not only the undeveloped land unrepresentative House of stating Tommy’s political suc- tax … but the whole of the Lords.29 cesses he said: land clauses … super taxes … death duties (Hear, hear). I Despite the inevitability of his Our chairman is himself should have joined and ranged own peerage he regarded ‘the largely, if not mainly, respon- myself from the first with the principle of Hereditary Legisla- sible for the great deal of leg- Tory party if I had any spe- tion as indefensible and injurious islation that passed through cial interest to serve. (Hear, to the best interests of a demo- Parliament … I predict for him hear). I should have sought cratic community’. On the crisis – if you will return him to the by means of Tariff Reform of the People’s Budget of 1909 he House of Commons, as I am to have thrown the burden of wrote: ‘Who are the rulers, the ‘Although confident you will – a success- taxation on to the shoulders People or the Peers?’ Of the Lords ful political career which will of the poor. (Hear, hear). I themselves he questioned: I desire to do honour to this constitu- resent those attacks and I think ency before all the country and that I am justified in doing so. Why then were they there? see a Second will strengthen the great hold (Applause).27 They were not there by choice which the cause of Free Trade or approval of their fellow Chamber and liberalism and national He rejected the offer of a govern- countrymen; they were not performing freedom has made upon the ment whip’s position in 1909, for there from any personal merit, hearts of Cornishmen.33 the reasons, as his party agent C.A. but were there simply by an its proper Millman later explained, that he accident of birth … They had Tommy rallied – ‘This day I am wanted to retain his ‘manly inde- no political death; they had functions of occupying the Chair; on Tuesday pendence as well as his position merely political immortality I shall occupy the seat’. He was near the exit if escape was needed … How could they give con- revising and returned as MP for mid-Corn- from some of the dreary proceed- sent to put an end to their own wall with a 3,087 majority, and in ings’.28 Millman continued: existence? It would be like checking the second election of 1910 was asking a fellow whom one did elected unopposed. His popular- This was an opportunity not to not care about to hang a stone Legislation, I ity was expressed in a letter pub- be despised or lightly treated. around his neck and chuck lished in the St Austell Star: Mr. Robartes was good himself into Dozmary pool.30 am unalter- enough to consult me on the To our Tommy. I sincerely matter and while I advised him To his constituents he wrote: ably opposed wish you a Merry Christmas to please himself I expressed Mr Robartes. All through the the hope that he would see his It is, therefore, with confidence to an inherit- year you have stuck to your way to accept the offer and thus that I appeal to the Electors of post and to your duties in the commence an official career this Constituency to maintain able right House of Commons splendidly. which I felt would sooner or the unbroken privileges of the It has been hard, grinding work later command distinction and House of Commons. Although of rejection too, and most exacting, with a influence. To my surprise and I desire to see a Second Cham- that only tremendous amount of over- chagrin he declined the offer ber performing its proper func- time thrown in. And worse made by the Prime Minister on tions of revising and checking asserts itself luck, and worse still, so much the grounds that if he became Legislation, I am unalterably of the work accomplished by a member of the Government opposed to an inheritable right when a Lib- the People’s House has been he would no longer be able to of rejection that only asserts mutilated, murdered, done to oppose the Undeveloped Land itself when a Liberal Govern- eral Govern- death by the Peers’ House.34 Tax! ment is in office. I am prepared to support the abolition of the ment is in As an industrious independent Tommy’s staunch objection to the Veto of the , backbencher Tommy travelled to introduction of undeveloped land and am also in favour of the office.’ the United States of America in

14 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 ‘a very english gentleman’

1910 and Canada in 1912, taking pains to attend important presi- dential meetings.35 The Somerset Gazette described Tommy as ‘The best dressed man in Parliament but so exquisite was his taste, that he never displayed ostentatious luxury’.36 His colourful appear- ance was matched by his sharp humour; George Croyden Marks (MP for North-East Cornwall) noted that his speeches were ‘extremely well researched … interesting and witty’.37 When he criticised his party’s Irish policy he was scolded, being ‘looked upon as a knave by some, as a fool by others and as both by the rest’.38 He replied:

I well remember that my hon. Friend, if I may call him so, the member for West Belfast (Mr Devlin) was so determined in his opposition to my amend- ment excluding the four coun- ties, that he threatened to sever his head from his body if the amendment was carried, and to sit opposite a truncated Fig. 7: ‘The intention of the Government some consistency in his views corpse, Mr Deputy-Speaker, at Knights of the to accept this Amendment when strongly questioned in his that time I considered that as New Becket’, Pall which has just been moved constituency. the only solution to the Irish Mall Gazette, 25 by my hon. Friend. Indeed, it Publicly Tommy held firm to problem. April 1911. would require a very great deal his personal belief that the Liberal of evidence from Ulster itself Party: During the 1910 campaign Sir Agar: ‘Our to lead to the belief that she Tommy had remained committed, Asquith shows desires to cut herself off from … is to me a vast number of men as had the by now diminished fig- no fury. We must the rest of Ireland. and women all marching for- ure of Lord Rosebery, to oppos- goad him!’ ward – not agreed to how fast ing an independent parliament Sir Wedgwood: Tommy replied: or how far they may go; but for Ireland. He worked long and ‘Aye, for this all inspired and driven by the hard researching the important haughty This Bill makes the mistake same motive power, the desire issues, amassing a cache of Lib- Chancellor must of treating Ireland not as two to march forward with a fixed eral pamphlets, political books, die!’ nations, but as one nation determination.40 brochures and leaflets on the Sir Primrose: ‘He different in sentiment, char- subject – many of which are still must! He shall! acter, history and religion. Yet privately his independence held at Lanhydrock. Articulately Myself will do the I maintain it is absolutely saw him drifting further from stating the cultural and statistical deed!’ impossible to fuse these two the Liberal mainstream.41 He case he moved an amendment to (With apologies incongruous elements together. was already out of line with the Government of Ireland Bill to the Muse of It is impossible to reconcile the Lloyd George’s land tax propos- in 1912 to exclude ‘the counties History.) irreconcilable. als contained in the 1909 budget, of Antrim, Armagh, Down and and the Liberal approach to Londonderry’. The amendment In the hope that the Liberals Home Rule, when, in April 1911, split opinion and sparked fierce would become divided, Tommy’s the Pall Mall Gazette published cross-party debate. Some saw great friend, the Tory James de a cartoon portraying Tommy, it as a declaration of war against Rothschild, moved an amend- Neil Primrose and Josiah Clem- Ulster; others considered the ment to exclude Ulster from the ent Wedgewood as plotters potential Unionist division as bill but then withdrew it in favour against the Liberal Lord Chan- wholly unacceptable. The gov- of Tommy’s four counties pro- cellor, Lord Loreburn (Fig.7). It ernment staunchly opposed the posal.39 With their lack of a major- was these ‘knights’ who drew amendment, the Chief Secretary ity the government needed the attention to the widespread for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, com- Irish vote, and the amendment discontent at the undemocratic menting that: was defeated by 320 votes to 251 methods of appointing mag- with Tommy a teller for the ‘Ayes’. istrates to the county Benches I have no hesitation what- In light of Asquith’s later Irish thereby contributing to his res- ever in saying that it is not the policy Tommy claimed at least ignation the following year.

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 15 ‘a very english gentleman’

Fig. 8: Tommy at Monday. I hope that every one his happiest – of them is assisting by every with his political possible means in the great mentor, Lord struggle that lies before us. I Rosebery, at the have noticed with satisfaction races. Cover from that Liberals and Unionists in The Tatler, 3 June my constituency have worked 1914. together on the same platform with the same object in view, the final triumph of Great Britain and her Allies over the fiendish atrocities of our ene- mies, whose hideous massacres of women and children have left them to claim no right to an inch of the sun. We cannot utter the word peace until they have been repaid the uttermost farthing. The more complete our vic- tory the more assured is peace and prosperity of the civilised world in days to come. Every man can help! Every effort is required, for, although our ultimate victory is certain, I would venture to remind the delegates that it is a long, long way to Berlin. So one and all must help. With kindest regards to yourself and to my many friends in all political parties in mid-Cornwall, believe me, yours sincerely, Thomas Agar-Robartes

By September his battalion had advanced on Loos. The regimen- tal war diary records: Tommy also voted against the as 2nd Lieutenant in the Royal government on Edward Carson’s Bucks Hussars.44 Being stationed At about 6am on September Ulster exclusion amendment of in England, he ‘could not bear the the 26th 1915 two Sgt’s, Hop- January 1913 and abstained on thought that others were taking kins and Printer, who were in the guillotine motion on Lloyd risks which he did not share’, so this officers company, went George’s Finance Bill in July in February 1915, after returning out in front of our trenches 1914.42 However, his rebellious to England to perform best man at the chalk-pit almost up nature was soon tempered when duties at Neil Primrose’s wedding, to the Bois Hugo to bring events in Europe shifted the he left for France as an officer in a wounded man. When patriotic young Cornishman’s in the 1st Battalion Coldstream they were about to return focus from confrontational Guards. Three months later he Sgt Hopkins was shot down frontline politics to out-and-out wrote to the St. Austell Liberal by a German sniper. Sgt war. Association a ‘Letter from the Printer continued on with the In the lead-up to war in Trenches’: wounded man and brought Europe, Tommy had passion- him into the lines. Captain ately supported the growth of 1st Coldstream Guards Robertes [sic] who had been the Territorial Army; he was In a dirty ditch somewhere in watching this whole episode, himself an officer in thest 1 Royal France at once went out with Sgt Devon Yeomanry (Territorial May 17, 1915 Printer and brought back Sgt Force) between 1902 and 1911.43 Dear Mr Hancock – I am Hopkins who was severely The enforcement of the military sending you this short note wounded. The whole ground deterrent was in his opinion ‘a to ask you to give my kind- in front of the chalk pit- guarantee for the maintenance of est regards to the Liberal del- was covered in the Enemy’s Peace’. Consequently, in February egates of Mid-Cornwall, who, machine Guns, Captain Rob- 1914, he drew up his will and in I understand, will be meet- ertes was himself severely August took up an appointment ing together as usual on Whit wounded shortly afterwards.45

16 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 ‘a very english gentleman’

On 28 September Tommy was Mr H.S. Hancock added that ‘on describe him as ‘one of the most unsuccessfully recommended for the last occasion that he had met whimsically incongruous figures a Victoria Cross for conspicu- Captain Robartes at Lanhydrock in the Government ranks … no ous gallantry in the field. He was, before he went to the front, he one took him very seriously’.52 however, to be put forward for conveyed the impression that he A memorial service was held at a high military decoration if he never expected to see England St Margaret’s, Westminster on 13 were to survive his injuries. Two again’. October 1915, where Sir Arthur days later, Tommy, aged 35, died Politically the loss was tragic Quiller-Couch said of Tommy: in the 18th Casualty Clearing Sta- enough but for the family it tion (Fig.9); he was mentioned in proved to be immeasurable. He had in him and he car- despatches on 30 November.46 Being heir to the peerage and ried it eminently, that which I On his death the Cornish 120,000 acres of estate Tommy think, if men could be judged Guardian reported: ‘His Death was set to lead the family for- like thorough-breds in a show, was Grand, The Cause was Just’; ward. He died unmarried despite would make a man an Eng- his mother simply wrote ‘we being ‘known in and Monte lish gentleman, recognisable do not know how to bear our Carlo as in London, and being a from every gentleman in the grief ’.47 At the St Austell Liberal most eligible parti was greatly world. And the mark of it is Club meeting on 8 October 1915 but unsuccessfully courted by that he, the English gentle- a great gratitude was tendered matchmaking mammas’.49 After man, treats life, under God, as from the constituency members. the war the spirit of the family the finest, the gallantest, and The club had: faded and although nine of the the most glorious of all sports Viscount’s ten children survived … That was Mr. Robartes. No … watched his Parliamentary infancy only one produced a man in this adventure of life, at career with great admira- child of their own. any moment, weighed danger tion, and felt confident that After the Second World War it more cheaply against what I his straightforward and firm Fig. 9: Grave was apparent that the heir was not may call the ‘fun of it’ … He adherence to his convictions, of Captain committed to the estate so in 1953 went out in just that way – gal- as well as his statesmanlike The Hon T.C.R. it was bequeathed to the National lantly out to France to the abilities, would secure for him Agar-Robartes Trust. Tommy’s brothers, Gerald trenches just as if he were tak- in the future a high place in at Lapugnoy (1883–1966) and Victor (1887– ing a fence or a hedge … His the administration of national Cemetery, Pas 1974) became successive Viscount fiery spirit like a star went out affairs, and it unfeignedley de Calais, France Clifdens, while two of his sisters, into the night and leapt the regrets that those hopes have (picture by Mr A his twin Everilda (1880–1969) and threshold of another world.53 been so soon cut off.48 Smith). Violet (1888–1965) lived at Lan- hydrock until their deaths. Today Paul Holden is House and Collec- the Lanhydrock estate attracts in tions Manager for the National Trust excess of 200,000 visitors a year. at Lanhydrock House in Cornwall. Personal artefacts of Tommy’s He has published and lectured widely are on display in the house, his on aspects of architectural history and grave markers are in the church- curatorship. yard and a memorial window is in the adjoining church. He also had stained glass windows installed to his memory in Wimpole Parish Acknowledgements. Church and St Wilfred’s Chapel at I am much indebted to Mike Church Norton in Sussex. England for additions, comments Politically Tommy showed and corrections. His book A Vic- great potential yet quite how torian Family at Lanhydrock: Gone his allegiances would have the Happy Dream (Bodmin, 2000) developed in a changing politi- puts into more context Tommy’s cal climate we can only specu- life and times. The National Lib- late. Political epitaphs flowed eral Club, London, set this work thick and fast. The Manchester in motion through commission- Guardian wrote: ‘He revealed ing an exhibition on Tommy’s an unexpected talent for get- political life in 2005. Duncan ting all parties by the ears and Brack and Chris Collins have yet arousing and holding the been helpful with their comments by no means unfriendly atten- as have the anonymous reviewers. tion of the general public’.50 The As always Kathryn and Eleanor London Opinion believed that ‘he have been a pillar of strength. All showed little respect for [House pictures by kind permission of the of Commons] conventions, and National Trust. declined to treat the assembly as seriously as it treated itself’.51 His 1 This article draws on some uncata- flippancy prompted the Irish MP logued resources held at Lanhy- John Redmond to ungraciously drock House (hereafter LHA).

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 17 ‘a very english gentleman’

References will include a brief ‘No man in 24 Hansard, 20 October 1909, p. 419. June, 1996, p. 632. description rather than any cata- 25 LHA undated draft speech. 42 The Liberal Magazine, February 1913, logue number. this adven- 26 Cornish Guardian, 13 August 1909. p.49. Manchester Guardian, 8 July 2 Western Morning News, 4 October 27 Cornish Guardian, 12 November 1914. British Weekly, 7 October 1915. 1915. ture of 1909. 43 National Archives, WO 337/42464. 3 For a more detailed history of the 28 Cornish Guardian, 8 October 1909. 44 Whilst in London he resided at 1 house and family see Paul Holden, life, at any 29 ‘To the Electors of the Mid or St Great Stanhope Street, Mayfair, Lanhydrock House-Book of the House Austell Division of the County of Middlesex. He left £3,688 6s 6d. (National Trust, 2007). moment, Cornwall’, election leaflet, 1910. (£158,820 equivalent in 2010) at the 4 ‘Memorial to Captain the Hon. 30 LHA undated draft speech. In time of his death. T.C.R. Agar-Robartes’, Liskeard weighed Arthurian legend Dozmary Pool 45 Thanks to the Regimental Head- Liberal Club, 30 September danger more on Bodmin Moor was where King quarters Coldstream Guards for 1916 – speech made by Sir Arthur Arthur requested Sir Bedivere to this information. The ‘Intelligence Quiller-Couch. cheaply return Excalibur to the Lady of the Summary’ (National Archives, 5 The Sketch, ‘The Primrose Path to Lake. WO95/1219) recorded on 28 Sep- Matrimony’, 14 April 1915. Prim- against what 31 ‘To the Electors of the Mid or St tember 1915 also lists ‘Cpt Hon T. rose died in 1917 during the cam- Austell Division of the County of C. Agar-Robartes MP (wounded)’ paign in Palestine. Both men’s I may call the Cornwall’, election leaflet, 1910. amongst 229 casualties. heraldic crests were originally 32 LHA. 46 National Archives WO 337/42464. mounted in the old Commons “fun of it” … 33 Cornish Guardian, 28 January 1910. London Gazette, 1 January 1916. He Chamber and were reinstalled 34 St Austell Star, 17 December 1910. was posthumously awarded the below the new South Gallery after He went out 35 New York Times, 7 November 1910. 1914–15 Star, the British War Medal enemy bombing in 1941. Tommy was reported as a guest at and the Victory Medal in 1922. 6 Western Daily Mercury, 16 March in just that Tammany Hall with Neil Primrose, 47 Cornish Guardian, 8 October 1915. 1903. Murray Graham, James de Roth- 48 Western Morning News, 11 October 7 Ibid. way – gal- schild and Cecil Grenfell. 1915. 8 Election leaflet: ‘Vote and Work 36 Somerset Gazette, undated cutting in 49 London Opinion, 10 October 1915. for Robartes: The Liberal and lantly out Lanhydrock collection. 50 Manchester Guardian, 18 January Free Trade Candidate’, 1906. Elec- 37 Ibid. 1915. tion leaflet, ‘To the Electors of the to France to 38 Hansard, 2 April 1914, p. 1467. 51 London Opinion, 10 October 1915. Mid or St Austell Division of the 39 Thanks to Chris Collins for draw- 52 Manchester Guardian, 18 January County of Cornwall’, 8 January the trenches ing my attention to this. 1915. 1910. just as if he 40 LHA undated draft speech. 53 ‘Memorial to Captain the Hon. 9 Cambridge Independent Press, 11 41 ‘The Liberal cave and the 1914 T.C.R. Agar-Robartes’, Liskeard August 1905. were taking Budget’, English Historical Review, Liberal Club, 30 September 1916. 10 LHA. Rosebery’s actions have been discussed further in David a fence or a W. Gutzke, ‘Rosebery and Camp- bell-Bannerman: the Conflict over hedge …’ Leadership Reconsidered’, Histori- cal Research 54, 1981, pp. 241–50 and Leo McKinstry, Rosebery, London, 2005, pp. 469–75. 11 Cornish Guardian, 8 October 1915. 12 ‘Lord Rosebery and the Liberal report League: Justification of the Bodmin Speech’, , 12 December 1905. 13 ‘Vote and Work for Robartes: The What’s left of Gladstonian Liberalism in the Liberal and Free Trade Candidate’, Liberal Democrats? election leaflet 1906. 14 LHA undated draft speech. See also Evening meeting, 25 January 2010, with Dr Eugenio Biagini Cornish Guardian, 26 January 1906 and Cornish Times, 26 January 1906. and Chris Huhne MP. Chair: William Wallace (Hon. President, 15 LHA undated newspaper clipping. Liberal Democrat History Group) 16 Cornish Guardian, 26 January 1906. 17 Ibid. Report by Mark Pack 18 Lostwithiel Guardian, 24 May 1906. 19 Peter Stephens, ‘Alfred Browning Lyne, a Man of Conviction!’, Cor- nish Guardian, 11 August 2005. illiam Gladstone’s meeting was addressed by both 20 Daily Chronicle, 21 July 1906. legacy for modern Eugenio Biagini, of Cambridge 21 Daily Mail, 21 July 1906. Wpolitical parties was University, and Chris Huhne MP, 22 The Daily News, February Editions the subject for discussion at the the Liberal Democrat Shadow 1906. January meeting of the Liberal Home Secretary and keen collec- 23 Cornish Guardian, 21 July 1906. Democrat History Group. The tor of Gladstone memorabilia.

18 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 report

Dr Biagini highlighted the This was not a one-off aberra- Huhne spoke of how Gladstone’s contradiction at the heart of tion. Gladstone did nationalise emphasis on humanitarian con- Gladstone’s reputation. He is seen the telegraph system and was cerns in foreign policy are echoed both as a quintessential Victorian fully in tune with the increasing by the more modern concerns – more Victorian than Queen municipalisation (nationalisation such as those of Paddy Ashdown Victoria – but also as someone at a local level) of gas and water over the Balkans. Huhne also who has continued to be suf- supplies. noted that William Gladstone ficiently revered by the National As Biagini put it, Gladstone was the first western statesman Liberal Club (where the meeting gave the needs of people prior- willingly to take part in decolo- was taking pace) for its premises ity over ideology and economic nisation, in his case of the Ionian to be decorated with paintings dogma. He was willing to tackle Islands. and statues of the man. He was natural monopolies with govern- The application of moral both a man of his times and a hero ment intervention and to provide Both Huhne principles and the international for our times. public goods via the state. and Biagini rule of law to matters of foreign Gladstone’s political legacy has In addition to echoing these policy, as pioneered by Glad- variously been claimed by people views, Chris Huhne emphasised concluded stone, has been repeatedly fol- across the political spectrum. the two phases in Gladstone’s lowed by his successors as party Although neither speaker directly career as Chancellor and Prime that the leader – and so too, as Biagini made this point, this is perhaps Minister when it came to national pointed out, has Gladstone’s unsurprising for a politician who debt. Gladstone initially halved overall emphasis in foreign affairs on predated the modern party system the public debt to GDP ratio, in working with other countries and was a member at different dealing with the huge debt left shape of and appreciating the European times of the Conservatives, a over from the Napoleonic wars. context. Huhne agreed, and centrist group (the ) and But then in the second half of his Gladstone’s extended the point by remind- then also the Liberals. Biagini career Gladstone instead empha- ing the audience that all three highlighted two of these claims in sised spending on social causes, policies – parts of Gladstone’s famous trio – particular – that of the Conserva- and the debt ratio stayed largely peace, retrenchment and reform tive Keith Joseph, appropriating static. This reversal of Gordon economic – were still very much applicable his economic liberalism, and that Brown’s record – who spent first to the party’s approach. Having of the Economist, labelling him and is now worrying about cut- responsibil- already talked about peace and a ‘prophet for the left’ – a pro- ting debt – reflected the increas- retrenchment, Huhne pointed gressive free of class – in a 1992 ing demands on the state to ity married out that Gladstone was a keen editorial. respond to the social strains and reformer of the political system. His own explanation of the challenges of the industrial revo- with willing- His strident belief in devolution eclectic appeal of Gladstone’s lution as the nineteenth century ness to mend was married to major efforts to legacy is that a man prominent in progressed. introduce a politically impartial politics for over sixty years, and The Gladstone who initially market fail- civil service, changes to the elec- who reshaped the Liberal Party sought to abolish income tax was toral system and more. during that time, was bound by the end sufficiently keen on ures, concern During questions from the to leave behind a wide range of spending in areas such as educa- audience, it was pointed out actions and beliefs for different tion that Huhne even argued for social (by William Wallace) that even people to pick and choose from. that the New Liberals were not a the new Supreme Court being In particular, Gladstone mixed radical departure from his poli- reform, a brought into existence at the time a belief in free trade and laissez- cies. As he aged, Gladstone left was originally proposed in the faire economic policies with, behind his initial near-obsession humanitar- Supreme Court Act of 1873, a over the years, increasing support with thrift – well illustrated by measure which was then stymied for the new forms of regulation Huhne’s account of how Glad- ian foreign by the fall of Gladstone’s first required by the country’s swift stone had bemoaned the Foreign government. social change – a mix which cuts Office’s use of thick sheets of policy and Both Huhne and Biagini con- across conventional left/right notepaper instead of thinner cluded that the overall shape of dividing lines but sits comfortably paper – but through his career he political Gladstone’s policies – economic with many modern Liberals and retained an interest in transpar- responsibility married with will- then Liberal Democrats. ency and control over spending. reform – ingness to mend market failures, Both Biagini and Huhne Gladstone may have become concern for social reform, a picked out Gladstone’s readi- keen on spending, but he was not have all been humanitarian foreign policy and ness to nationalise the railways slapdash with it and the financial followed by political reform – have all been – putting a provision for this controls he introduced, such as followed by subsequent party into railways legislation – as the Public Accounts Committee subsequent leaders, right through to the an example of his willingness and the Auditor-General, still present. Gladstonian Liberalism is to be pragmatic when it came heavily shape our contemporary party lead- alive and well in the modern Lib- to laissez-faire beliefs. He did systems. eral Democrats. not in the end nationalise the Gladstone’s emphasis, by the ers, right railways, but wanted the pow- end, on wise public spending is Mark Pack is co-editor of Liberal ers to do so, as he could envis- not the only respect in which his through to Democrat Voice (www.LibDemVoice. age circumstances in which that policies sit comfortably with Lib- org) and a member of the Journal’s would be the right thing to do. eral Democrats. Both Biagini and the present. Editorial Board.

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 19 20 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 Violet & Clem ‘The only purpose iolet Bonham Carter car accident in December 1909. wa s bor n Violet During the terrible carnage of the of politics is the Asquith on 15 April Great War, she lost many of her expression of one’s 1887 in Hampstead, closest friends as well as one of her London, the only brothers. Political problems mul- deepest convictions – Vdaughter and the fourth of the tiplied, too. Her father, who had five children of Herbert Henry succeeded Sir Henry Campbell- and their translation Asquith and his first wife Helen Bannerman as Liberal premier in into facts.’ Lady Violet Kensall, who died prematurely April 1908, was ousted from office of typhoid fever in 1891 when her at the height of the war in Decem- Bonham Carter.1 daughter was only four years of ber 1916 – in Violet’s eyes through age. The following year her father the ‘treachery’ of the conspira- Dr J. Graham became Home Secretary in Glad- torial Lloyd George. Asquith’s Jones examines stone’s last administration, and in subsequent defeat in East Fife, in 1895 he married his second wife, the ‘coupon’ general election of the contentious Margot Tennant, who thereafter December 1918, made his humili- became an important influence in ation complete and convinced his relationship between her step-daughter’s life. Violet’s ever-loyal daughter that she must education (rather like that of her strive to defend his reputation for , leader eventual arch-rival, Lady Megan the rest of her days. She was by of the Liberal Party Lloyd George) was highly infor- this time a married woman: she mal: she was educated at home by had wed Maurice Bonham Carter, 1945–56, and Lady a succession of competent govern- her father’s private secretary, in esses and then ‘finished’ in Dres- 1915, and was to bear him two Violet Bonham Carter, den and Paris. Yet she emerged as daughters and two sons. dutiful daughter of an independent woman of consid- Although Violet served as erable intellect who remained a president of the Women’s Lib- Liberal Prime Minister passionate, committed Liberal for eral Federation in 1923–25, her the rest of her days. In Winston father’s retirement as party leader H. H. Asquith and Violet Bonham Churchill’s memorable phrase, in favour of Lloyd George in 1926 formidable mother-in- Carter she became her father’s ‘champion saw her rather lose interest in (1887–1969) redoubtable’. political life, a tendency which law of Liberal leader Jo and Edward Violet endured much distress became even more marked fol- Clement Davies in her early life. Her first real love, lowing Asquith’s death in 1928. Grimond. (1884–1962) Archie Gordon, died following a She did, however, speak out in

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 21 violet and clem support of the so-called National ‘The die is Davies, the MP for Montgomer- Liberal MPs still pretentiously Government formed in August yshire since May 1929 who had referred to itself as ‘the Liberal 1931, and was especially virulent cast – I do joined the ranks of the Simonite Shadow Cabinet’. It met for the in her condemnation of the rise Liberal group in 1931, returning first time with Clement Dav- of in from not feel to the mainstream party fold only ies as party leader in Lord (Her- 1933, criticising most particularly in 1941. As she wrote in her diary bert) Samuel’s room at the House the Nazi persecution of the Jews. exhilarated in February 1944: of Lords on 28 November 1945. Spurred on, and indeed incensed, Davies took the chair at a meet- by the dramatic course of events by the pros- The die is cast – I do not feel ing devoted mainly to a discus- in Germany, she now readily exhilarated by the prospect sion of foreign affairs, notably spoke at Liberal Party meetings pect which which faces me. There are too Palestine, and the atomic bomb. and on election hustings, sav- many lunatics & pathological In Lady Violet’s view, ‘Nothing agely denouncing ‘Hitlerism, faces me. cases in the Party – Clem Dav- very new said or decided. Clem that monstrous portent’ in 1933 ies & [Tom] Horabin [Liberal very “agreeable” & full of blarney and condemning the govern- There are MP for North Cornwall] – to Megan [Lloyd George] – whom ment’s policies in also rather small people bulk- he had so hotly abused to me! I 1938 as ‘peace at any price that too many ing larger than they deserve can’t understand these Welsh! others can be forced to pay’.2 In lunatics & because of the size of the Party. But perhaps they understand each her view, the ‘collective security’ We badly need an infusion of other!’4 policy embraced by the League pathological new blood.3 As the first female president of Nations was the only route of the party’s organisation, Lady to ‘peace with honour’, a stand cases in the In the general election of July Violet was inevitably in a pivotal which won her the admiration of 1945, she stood unsuccessfully as position. It was the fate of poor her lifelong (if intermittent) friend Party …’ the Liberal candidate at Wells, Clem Davies to be caught in the Winston Churchill. predictably coming third. Only crossfire between her and the During the Second World twelve Liberal MPs were returned equally formidable Lady Megan War, Violet’s patriotism resur- to parliament in a general elec- Lloyd George, by now well estab- faced in her work as an air-raid tion which saw the shock defeat lished (since May 1929) as the warden, while she also accepted of party leader Sir Archibald Sin- radical, left-wing Liberal MP for a second stint as president of the clair in Caithness & Sutherland, Anglesey. Both women remained Women’s Liberal Federation. She the constituency which he had ferociously loyal to the good name listened to all the key parliamen- represented continuously since and reputation of their respec- tary debates from the public gal- 1922. Other prominent Liberals, tive fathers. The primary theme lery of the House of Commons, too, failed to secure re-election, of Lady Violet’s published diaries and made strenuous efforts to among them the party’s chief and correspondence is one of crit- reunite the two distinct factions whip Sir Percy Harris, the victim icism and suspicion of Clem Dav- within the Liberal Party born of a powerful Labour challenge in ies and disagreement with the way of the 1931 split (the Samuelite Bethnal Green South-West. he led the Liberal Party. But her Liberals and the Simonite Liber- The shell-shocked Parliamen- unpublished letters in the Clem- als), readily participating in 1943 tary Liberal Party turned to the ent Davies Papers at the National in the ultimately ill-fated ‘unity depressing task of selecting a new Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, negotiations’ as one of the repre- party leader. Very few politicians do provide surprising evidence of sentatives of the mainstream Lib- of national stature remained in mutual support, even occasional eral group. Their eventual failure their ranks. Their choice even- commendation and encourage- distressed her deeply. The follow- tually fell on the little-known ment. Lady Violet was unfailingly ing year she expressed a genuine and somewhat maverick Clement jubilant whenever Davies stood up interest in the Liberal candidature Davies, who was initially elected to the left within the Liberal Party for the Berwick-upon-Tweed as the temporary ‘chairman’ of and when he made sympathetic division caused by the death on the Liberal Party, pending, it was gestures to the Conservative active service in Normandy of the thought, the imminent re-elec- Party. Equally, she disapproved sitting Liberal MP, George Grey, tion of Sinclair in a by-election. strongly of any concession he but she soon sensed that she had Hopes that Sinclair would soon might make to the Labour Party, little in the way of local support return to the Commons were and she often wrote to him to and she then gave her backing to encouraged by the declaration express her contempt in no uncer- the nomination of William Bev- of Gandar Dower (the successful tain terms. Generally, between eridge who was duly elected to Conservative candidate in Caith- 1945 and 1956, her respect for his parliament in October 1944. ness & Sutherland) during the judgement and qualities of leader- Earlier the same year, Violet 1945 election campaign that, if he ship grew considerably, especially Bonham Carter had announced won, he would resign his seat and as he appeared to drift steadily her willingness to run for presi- stand again there following the ever more to the right during his dent of the Liberal Party Organi- defeat of Japan. eleven-year stint as party leader.5 sation. She was not, however, Violet certainly had her doubts The same theme in reverse is evi- encouraged by the state of the about the new leadership; her fun- dent in the relationship between party in 1944. One of the many damental mistrust of Clem Davies Clem Davies and Lady Megan. Liberal MPs who did not gener- had not diminished in the least. For the post-war Liberal Party, ally impress her was E. Clement Interestingly, the tiny group of although it was severely depleted

22 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 violet and clem in numbers at Westminster, all possible route to electoral salva- which should not be overlooked, was not total doom and gloom. tion was ‘a deal over seats with the though Megan would never have New Liberals, able and relatively Tories with P.R. as a condition agreed to such a suggestion. young, had come to the fore in the & an agreed programme.’ Byers Indeed, Lady Violet had general election campaign of 1945. then raised with Lady Violet ‘the already had a meeting with Old stalwarts remained too – Sin- question of making Clem the offi- Churchill on 22 April to discuss clair, Sir Percy Harris, Beveridge, cial leader of the Party – on the the possibility of a measure of Samuel, and Sir Rhys ground that he (Frank) cld control electoral reform. The Tory leader Hopkin Morris, as well as Clem him better in this capacity. I said had proved conciliatory, suggest- Davies, Lady Violet and Lady I cldn’t possibly accept him as my ing that ‘we might help each other Megan. All of these were poten- political Pope to give the “Party – make some [electoral] arrange- tially of Cabinet rank. line” as I had no respect for his ments which would be mutually Generally, during the first two political judgement.’9 convenient’. The meeting had years of the first Attlee adminis- She even shared her concern left Violet much heartened: ‘He tration, there was a tendency for with her arch-rival Lady Megan touches me very much & I feel a the Liberals to support Labour, Lloyd George, who was always certain pathos about him. He harks but the Parliamentary Liberal perched on the far left of the Lib- back to his [Liberal] beginnings & Party failed to act in unison. One eral Party. Officially it was Lib- I think he definitely –emotionally – glaring example was its attitude eral policy to ‘stand firm against desires a rapprochement with Lib- to the government’s National Conservative overtures’,10 and, in erals.’13 The events of subsequent Service Bill, whose third reading a high-profile speech at the Royal months encouraged her to believe took place in the Commons at the Albert Hall, London, Megan that she was on the right path, an end of May 1947. Clem Davies, a detected a likely Liberal break- attitude strengthened by an article conviction Nonconformist, had through born of the political situ- in The Economist during the fol- been convinced by his colleague ation at the end of 1947: ‘Must this lowing January which presented Sir Rhys Hopkin Morris (the Lib- country … be condemned to the the viewpoint that a third politi- eral MP for Carmarthenshire) to choice of two evils?’11 Her impas- cal party like the Liberals could oppose peacetime conscription. sioned peroration spurred Lady survive ‘only through a definite However he changed his mind Violet to make contact to express alliance’.14 Within days she had at the eleventh hour as the result her personal view that talk of a communicated with Lord Samuel, of the intervention of Lady Vio- likely Liberal revival was mis- party leader in the House of Lords let Bonham Carter, who insisted placed: ‘Well now quite frankly since 1944 and a highly respected that conscription was necessary, I no longer believe that that can Liberal elder statesman, express- and made a volte-face at a meeting happen – (certainly not by 1950) ing the view that it was now ‘quite of the Liberal Party Committee – … One must face the possibility possible to make an arrangement – much to Hopkin Morris’s cha- of parliamentary extinction. Or about seats, coupled with a pledge grin.6 By the time the vote took do you think this an exaggerated fear?’ on Electoral Reform, which place in the House of Commons, Her survey of the party’s electoral would be consistent with our sov- Davies had backtracked yet again, prospects suggested that only two ereign independence and which speaking in the debate against the seats were realistic Liberal tar- would ensure our survival’. The measure and voting, together with gets at the next general election nub of her argument was that their four other Liberal MPs, against it, – Caithness & Sutherland, where adored party was now ‘advancing while five others chose to abstain.7 Sir Archibald Sinclair had been open-eyed towards extinction’.15 Such glaring vacillation caused Jo defeated in 1945, and Orkney & Weeks later Lady Violet Grimond, Lady Violet’s son-in- Shetland, where her son-in-law revealed to Lord Samuel, an old law, who entered the Commons had come within 200 friend, the gist of her delibera- as the Liberal MP for Orkney & votes of victory: tions with Churchill. A ‘stormy’ Shetland in February 1950 (hav- exchange ensued, Samuel pro- ing stood unsuccessfully there in What can a Party of 10 do? ‘What can a testing at once that any such 1945), to reflect in his memoirs Containing at most 4 “effec- long-term arrangement with the years later: ‘Loyalty, gratitude and tives”?? (& even these not Party of 10 Tories was an ‘amoral’ political admiration bound me to Clem, always agreed on major issues?) proceeding. Both agreed, how- but I was never quite sure on what … But I am convinced that do? Contain- ever, that on the eve of a general branch he would finally settle.’8 the only condition which will election discussions concerning Lady Violet often despaired for ensure the ultimate survival of ing at most 4 an electoral deal might well be the future of her beloved Liberal any 3rd Party in this country is “effectives”?? justified.16 The subject was left to Party. In mid-October 1947 she Electoral Reform. … I shld be await a dissolution of parliament. took lunch with Frank Byers, the strongly opposed to any sort of (& even these Other issues, meanwhile, were to party’s chief whip, at the House “alliance” on policy – or Coa- occupy Lady Violet’s attention, of Commons, speaking to him lition or agreement to put or not always notably her energetic membership ‘very frankly’ about the party’s keep anyone in.’12 of the United Europe Movement very gloomy future prospects: agreed which had been launched in May ‘We must face the possibility of Reluctantly, however, Lady Vio- 1947. being completely wiped out at let came to the conclusion that an on major Lady Violet’s despair grew as the next Election as a Parliamen- electoral agreement with another 1948 ran its course and increased tary force.’ In her view, the only political party was now an option issues?) ‘ still further in September of that

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 23 violet and clem year as a result of the voting record As the Parliamentary Lib- On 10 January 1950, Attlee of the Parliamentary Liberal Party eral Party had, since 1945, been announced a general election for on the third reading of the Par- reduced to a small rump of MPs, the following month. Clem Dav- liament Bill. Again she gave vent most representing the rural Celtic ies, determined to make a valiant to her feelings to Lord Samuel: ‘I fringes, Lady Violet felt acutely effort to turn around the severe feel the most profound depression that there had never previously reversals of 1945, remained true about this latest public exhibition been a parliamentary party which to his impassioned words to the of Party disunity. … How can we was ‘less representative of the 1948 – ‘Let Lib- hope to raise large sums of money party as a whole. Its ten members’, erals of little or no faith leave the when no one knows where we she went on ‘are constantly at var- party’ – expressing his revulsion stand on a major issue of this kind? iance with one another, with the for ‘the Quislings who had been Are we solidly united against Iron Liberal Party Organisation and among them’.24 An approach and Steel Nationalisation? I have with their colleagues in the House from Churchill for some kind no idea.’17 In fact, the question of of Lords’.21 As a consequence of of electoral bargain was at once iron and steel nationalisation was the small number of Liberal MPs dismissed by the Liberal leader to prove one of the most thorny and their conspicuous failure to as ‘unworthy subterfuge’, and no issues to face the Parliamentary act in unison as a group, poor fewer than 475 Liberal candidates Liberal Party. In 1948, Emlyn Clem Davies, far more than any were nominated. Hooson, who had recently been of his predecessors as party leader, On the second day of the new chosen as the Liberal candidate was compelled regularly to take year, Sir Archibald Sinclair, stand- for Lloyd George’s old seat of account of Liberal Party opin- ing for re-election in Caithness the Caernarfon Boroughs, was ion outside parliament. Hence & Sutherland, wrote to Clem invited to join the Liberal Party the unprecedented influence (at Davies: Committee (a body quite distinct least as great as that of the Liberal from the Liberal executive com- MPs) enjoyed by people like Lady Lady Violet Bonham Carter’s mittee), which to a large extent Violet who never themselves suc- speech was mis-quoted in determined party policy. Here ceeded in getting elected to the my hearing during my recent he found proceedings to be ‘to House of Commons. speaking tour of England by put it mildly, vitriolic’ and largely As the general election drew two Tory hecklers. The mis- dominated by the incessant bick- closer, the question of electoral quotation was in the same ering between Lady Violet and arrangements became more terms on successive nights at Lady Megan. At one meeting, pressing. Lady Violet had always Lady Violet places as far apart as Newquay when the colour to be adopted by hoped for some kind of ‘deal’ and Bath. It seemed pretty the party at the next general elec- with the Conservatives, an atti- had always clear, therefore, that the ques- tion was under discussion, Megan tude which seemed more realistic hoped for tion had been drafted for the commented tartly, ‘I don’t mind by 1949 as a result of the Liberal hecklers by Tory Headquar- what colour they have provided, Party’s perceived opposition to some kind ters. They asked whether the of course, it’s not violet.’18 the Attlee government. Speak- speakers agreed with Lady Early in 1949, a dispute broke ing at Aberystwyth in October, of ‘deal’ Violet Bonham Carter that out between Lady Violet and Clement Davies expressed his Liberals should support Tory Frank Byers over the former’s party’s hostility to the govern- with the Candidates in the absence of alleged anti-Israeli stand; In Vio- ment’s focusing on nationalisa- Liberal Candidates. Dingle let’s opinion, a party meeting on 8 tion schemes while neglecting Conserva- Foot at Newquay and I at Bath March left ‘Byers looking hot red the severe economic and fiscal replied that Lady Violet had & speechless & Clem inexpress- problems facing the nation.22 tives, an atti- never asked Liberals to vote ibly foolish’.19 In May, Lady Violet The former left-wing Liberal MP for Tory Candidates but that directly took issue with Clement Dingle Foot, still influential as a tude which she had stated, and we agreed Davies in relation to his claims party vice-president, wrote to his with her, that although, if she at the party’s annual assembly at political soulmate, Lady Megan seemed had lived in a constituency in Hastings the previous month that Lloyd George: ‘The position 1945 in which there had been party membership had doubled therefore is that Clem intends to more real- no Liberal Candidate, she during the previous year, quizzing sound a clarion call during next would have voted Labour, if him relentlessly concerning the month to blood, toil, tears and istic by 1949 she were in the same circum- source of his seemingly spurious sweat. But the quantity of the stances now and had a thousand information – ‘Many of us would blood, the nature of the toil, the as a result votes she would not give one to be placed in a difficult position if number of the tears and the pre- of the Lib- the Socialist Candidate. This we were asked to justify such a cise purpose of the sweat are still answer met with a tumult of statement’ – and casting doubt on undecided.’23 Towards the end of eral Party’s cordial applause from practi- the veracity of the Gallup polls, the year an unexpectedly acri- cally the whole audience and it ‘a fallible and fluctuating index’. monious dispute surfaced among perceived seems to me that this is the line She also raised the question of the the Liberal peers in the House of we should take.25 secrecy surrounding the proceed- Lords over their party’s electoral opposition ings of the Liberal Shadow Cabi- strategy, notably the number of Lady Violet felt little enthusiasm net, and was assured that these candidates it should adopt and to the Attlee for the impending trial of Liberal should always be ‘strictly private its relationship with the other strength: ‘I feel little zest about and confidential’.20 parties. government. plunging into the fray – but it is as

24 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 violet and clem well to know the worst.’26 Three In the after- that, as he had been a Simonite chief whip in the House of Com- official radio broadcasts were Liberal for fully eleven years, ‘I mons in succession to the defeated allocated to the Liberals: twenty math of the should not presume to correct Frank Byers. minutes for Clement Davies, your knowledge of the moral, In the aftermath of the elec- and ten minutes apiece for Lady election, intellectual and legal aspects of tion, Churchill met Lady Violet Megan and Lord Samuel. Then, adding a prefix or suffix to the and Grimond to discuss possible in a bizarre twist, Churchill tel- Churchill met honoured name of Liberal.’31 anti-Socialist collaboration and ephoned Lady Violet to offer her In her heart of hearts, Lady future electoral reform. There one of the five Conservative Party Lady Violet Violet would probably have liked were also exchanges between the broadcast slots – ‘quite uncondi- to have accepted Churchill’s offer. Conservative leader and Clem- tionally, one of the allocation of 5 and Grimond Licking her wounds, she trav- ent Davies, who now found him- which had been made to them. I elled north of the border to speak self pressurised into considering cld say what I liked. He trusted me to discuss on behalf of Archie Sinclair at electoral reform by many leading to be anti-Socialist. He was very Caithness and her son-in-law Jo Liberals. Throughout the rest of sweet and asked me to come down possible Grimond in the neighbouring the year the beleaguered Liberal on Monday to discuss it.’ The constituency of Orkney & Shet- leader was bombarded by repeated meeting took place in ‘a luxurious anti-Socialist land. Both seats were among the epistles from Lady Violet, Archie downstairs bedroom’ followed by collaboration very few realistic Liberal targets Sinclair and the prominent Liberal ‘luncheon tête-á-tête & a bottle of in the 1950 general election. Lady academic Gilbert Murray urging champagne’ in the dining room at and future Violet spent fully ten days in the him to agree to an electoral pact . the Churchills’ home islands, addressing a succession of with the Tories. Meetings took in Kent. electoral political meetings in support of place at Westminster to discuss Violet was sorely tempted and Grimond. Throughout the realm, matters.34 then telephoned Clem Davies reform. however, the Liberal Party’s claim The idea of a Liberal–Tory whom she found to be ‘wholly that it was putting up enough can- electoral pact was undoubtedly in negative & ended by offering me didates to form a majority govern- the air during the early summer of his own broadcast if I desisted – an ment at Westminster appeared an 1950, and Lady Violet was promi- empty gesture – for of course I cld empty sham. Party heavyweights nent in the discussions which took not take it.’ Lord Samuel proved were largely confined to their place.35 To her intense annoyance, ‘even more negative – said it wld own constituencies, fearful of los- the press got wind of the nego- be quite disastrous etc etc.’ Her ing their own seats. Alarmed at tiations and gave publicity to an decision to refuse his suggestion the likely outcome, party leaders alleged pact whereby the Liber- left the Tory leader ‘obviously had even taken the step of tak- als were to be given ‘a free run in terribly dashed & disappointed ing out insurance cover against a forty constituencies at the next – begged me to reconsider it.’27 maximum of 250 lost deposits. election’.36 Churchill was forced to But his efforts came to nothing. In the event, there were to be concede publicly that a Conserva- Claiming to be unaffected by the no fewer than 319, with only nine tive ‘study group’ had indeed been impassioned ‘screams’ of her col- Liberals returned to Westminster, instituted to discuss these matters. leagues in the Liberal Party, Lady out of a total of 475 candidates – ‘a The unfortunate publicity gained Violet turned him down – ‘It defeat on a scale which it would by the clandestine negotiations was the fear that all the humble, be hard to parallel’.32 Frank Byers alarmed Lady Violet. As she put loyal rank-and-file Liberals in the went down in North Dorset by it to Samuel, ‘I think the prob- country who trust me & believe just ninety-seven votes and, ago- ability is that we shall fail in our in me, would feel that on the eve nisingly for the party, Sinclair present object and peter to extinc- of battle I had stabbed them in very narrowly failed in his brave tion.’37 There was good reason for the back.’ She then signed her let- bid to recapture Caithness. The her heartfelt pessimism: talk of a ter, ‘Your drooping, moulting & only real crumb of comfort was Liberal–Tory pact was particularly bedraggled Bloody Duck – Vio- Grimond’s success in Orkney badly received by Conservative let’.28 Unfortunately for the Liberal & Shetland, an outcome which backbenchers, and even more so Party, the episode became pub- delighted Lady Violet. But she by the vocal left wing of the Lib- lic knowledge after Frank Byers shared fully, too, her colleagues’ eral Party, which included Lady accused Churchill of attempting devastation at the results nation- , Emrys to deny the party its fair share of ally: ‘Two of our dear supporters Roberts, Edgar Granville and election broadcasts and the Con- slunk in with a N[ews] C[hronicle] Dingle Foot. These four in par- servative leader then felt obliged, looking shattered. One hardly ticular were growing increasingly in his own defence, to reveal his dared look at them. It was like hostile to the tenor of Clement approach to Lady Violet ,who was meeting after a death.’33 The mas- Davies’s leadership. then accused of conspiring with sive loss of Liberal deposits vexed Lady Violet drew encourage- her old ally at Chartwell.29 her particularly. But the very nar- ment from her relationship with There were also petty row Labour victory at the polls at Churchill, but sensed, justifiably exchanges between Churchill and least gave the small band of Liberal as it turned out, that Clem Dav- Clement Davies over the use of MPs at Westminster a potential ies was extremely reluctant to play the titles ‘Liberal-Conservatives’ significance which they would ball. Although the Liberal leader or ‘Liberal-Unionists’ by some otherwise have lacked. To Lady could see that a small number of National-Liberal candidates.30 Violet’s delight, the novice Gri- local arrangements might well The Tory leader taunted Davies mond was chosen to be his party’s work to the party’s electoral

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 25 violet and clem

advantage, especially if the Con- Lord Samuel, prepared to give the Liberals a crisis. Lady Violet was delighted servatives might be inclined to Liberal leader in free run in as many as sixty con- to read the account of the ‘bril- support the Liberal call for elec- the Lords, and stituencies – clearly an alluring liant fighting speech. … One of toral reform, there could be never Clem Davies initiative to right-wing Liber- the best speeches you ever made’, be any ‘overall or central agree- als like Lady Violet.39 Reflecting proceeding: ment’ between the two parties on the stand taken by the party nationally. As he put it in a memo- leaders during the February 1950 You wiped the floor with Her- randum to Churchill and Lord general election campaign, she bert Morrison! How I wish I Woolton: wrote privately to her daughter cld have heard you & seen his Laura, ‘I think the people at the face! I am so glad you exploded The Liberal Party is and shall top have been “irresponsible” – & his fictional accounts of the fall remain an independent party. that their attempts to convince the of the 2 Labour Govts – they … [There was to be] no agree- public that we could form a govt. both died by their own hand – ment with any other party have been either fraudulent or so & thro’ their own ineptitude. which would jeopardise or blankly out of touch with reality We put them both in – as you weaken the Liberal Party. as to disqualify those who made pointed out – & we suffered … There can be no overall them from any claim to political for their sins. I thought the or central agreement … for sense …’.40 quotation from my Father’s the allocation of constituen- During the high summer of speech in 1914 most relevant to cies whereby one party would 1950, Lady Violet shared Clem the present situation & I think undertake to withdraw its own Davies’s harsh criticism of the it must have been impressive. candidate in favour of the can- government’s attitude towards Thank you for recalling what I didate of the other party. Such Korea. She even feared that a had forgotten.’41 an agreement would never be third world war lay in prospect. permitted by the rank and file There is evidence at this point of Davies had castigated Morrison of the Liberal Party even if a greater rapport and understand- most effectively for accusing the the Party Leaders or HQ were ing between the two of them than Liberals of making common cause willing to enter into such an ever previously. In an impassioned with the Tories. agreement. speech in the House of Com- The very next day, building on mons in late September, Davies the newfound rapport and appar- Candidate selection, insisted taunted the government for press- ent understanding with Dav- Davies, must always remain the ing ahead with its plans to nation- ies, Lady Violet wrote to him at preserve of the local Liberal asso- alise the British steel industry, length to press her advocacy of ciations.38 Churchill for his part at best a controversial initiative, ‘regional arrangements’ with was later to claim that he was at the time of a severe national the Tories over seat allocation

26 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 violet and clem

‘on “Huddersfield” lines’ (a local shrouded in plot and counterplot. became very clear that there was arrangement through which the On the one hand, it is clear that precious little sympathy for the Conservatives and Liberals each there were negotiations between idea of a Liberal agreement with fought only one of the two Hud- Clement Davies, Churchill and the Conservatives. When Elliott dersfield seats): the Conservative Party chair- Dodds, the generally left-wing man Lord Woolton on a whole president of the Liberal Party Everything of course depends range of issues. At the same time, (who thus acted ex officio as on local goodwill & desire to there were much more clandes- assembly chairman), elaborated implement such plans. Where tine meetings between Church- to delegates on the finer points of this exists the kind of arrange- ill, Lady Violet and Grimond, of the ‘Huddersfield formula’, he was ment I have adumbrated is: which Davies apparently knew roundly rejected. In their respec- Where Liberals have polled nothing. In fact, Grimond in his tive speeches, both Clem Davies a negligible vote – say 3,000 or heart of hearts feared which way and Frank Byers both powerfully under – & where half that vote Davies might jump when the underlined their full commitment cld put the Conservative in, crunch time came, writing to his to their party’s independence.47 the Liberal shld stand down. mother-in-law, ‘There are the Lady Violet was predictably Where the Liberal has polled usual unknowns which centre ‘aghast’ at the course of events, a substantial vote – say 8,000 – round Clem. Attlee has shown a writing to Davies, ‘The Lunatic even though he may be bottom slight tendency to pat him on the Fringe seems to have taken com- of the Poll – the Conservative head. This of course is nectar to plete command & ’ shld. We have got to bear in him.’44 Grimond then told Lady voice was the only one raised in mind that we are making a vir- Violet that it was Clem Dav- the cause of sanity.’ Churchill, tue of necessity. We cannot fight ies’s intention in his forthcoming she claimed, had been ‘very much every seat – arrangement or no annual assembly speech to appeal disturbed’ by these events.48 She arrangement. As you know, we to the Labour Party to dilute its had been heartened to hear from have no money & few candi- socialism so that a broad-front encouraging dates. Our bargaining-power radical Lib–Lab set-up might be reports of a meeting of the Liberal is really nil. At best we have a established: ‘He expects to draw a parliamentary candidates the fol- little nuisance value left … derisive reply from the Socialists. lowing day where there was ‘some It is because this pact has Winston can then weigh in with a plain-speaking & some sound stared me in the face ever since conciliatory anti-Socialist speech sense – generally accepted by eve- the last Election that I have & local arrangements can fol- ryone. But what is the good of been working steadily along low. … Winston says apparently talking sense in private if we only these lines. It seems to me to be that he is getting his way with the talk nonsense in public?’49 the only way to save the Par- Tories, and hopes for 30 Liberal True to form, she did not give liamentary Party from virtual members & some sort of electoral up, encouraged by the proceed- extinction. Without some such reform in the Tory programme.’45 ings at the next meeting of the arrangement who cld get back Grimond had become convinced Liberal Party Committee which next time? Yourself, Megan that, as the Liberal Party was so At the 1950 had come out ‘in favour of mak- perhaps, possibly Jo (who desperately short of money, work- ing “regional arrangements” for has a 3000 majority in hand.) ers and support, ‘Therefore if we Liberal Party straight fights’ – with only two D[onald] Wade – if his present want a Parliamentary party we dissenters (Dingle Foot and Mac- position holds. (I don’t know have got to swallow some unpal- assembly Callum Scott). ‘Where do we how Bowen & Emrys Roberts atable medicine.’46 go from here?’ she asked Davies stand?). In times of crisis people The situation was muddied in Scarbor- pointedly: go for decisive solutions. ‘End still further by the fact that Lady the stalemate – give one of the Megan Lloyd George, appointed ough, it soon We know that it is nonsense to 2 Parties a proper majority. deputy leader of the Liberal Party talk of ‘running for office’ now Stop this nonsense of carrying by Clem Davies back in January became very – and such talk only lays us invalids on stretchers into the 1949 (primarily as a tactical ploy open to ridicule and deceives division lobbies etc.’ That will to prevent her from defecting to clear that no one except some of our own be the public mood – & it will the Labour Party, to which she deluded rank and file. For us be fatal to what is left of our had obviously been making tracks there was survival is the problem. If we Party – whose survival I pas- for years), was now participating come back four or five strong sionately desire.42 in secret discussions with Herbert precious lit- next time (which is quite on Morrison about how the Liberals tle sympathy the cards), we can no longer In an addendum to this lengthy could help to prevent the Con- pretend to be a National Party letter, however, she came down servatives from regaining power. for the idea with rooms in the House of firmly against the idea of ‘simul- Small wonder that the belea- Commons, a Chief Whip, a taneous “deals” with Labour – in guered Clement Davies seriously of a Liberal Party Broadcast etc. There- the West etc. … It wld appear considered resigning the party fore we must sooner or later wholly cynical – & look as leadership at this point. But he agreement make up our minds which way though our Party had no political stayed on, as did Lady Megan as we are going – facing the fact purpose.’43 deputy leader. with the Con- that a decision may split us – (a The situation in the autumn At the 1950 Liberal Party serious contingency – but bet- of 1950 was complex, apparently assembly in Scarborough, it soon servatives. ter even a split with survival

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 27 violet and clem

than a united death). … I feel he looks like a bit of damp blot- ‘Don’t speak The next month, local Con- that at present we are drifting ting paper which might take servatives agreed not to oppose without much sense of direc- any imprint!) is at least honour- or even think Lady Violet in Colne Valley.57 tion and that an Election, able – I hope – sane? MacDon- Although there was a substantial even if delayed, may find us ald is a political illiterate who of laying Labour majority in the division in unprepared.50 might go anyway & shld be the 1950 general election, Violet looked after. I told Fothergill down the was enthusiastic about the con- Was the Liberal Party once again to have a straight word with test. One reason for her exuber- on the brink of disintegration? him. No quitting!52 leadership. ance was her conviction that, in Such an outcome appeared ever the event of a Tory victory at the more likely. For those on the The revolt of ‘the three’ (as they This is the polls, Churchill, as the incoming left of the party (Megan Lloyd were by now generally known) moment to Prime Minister, would offer min- George, Emrys Roberts, Edgar somehow blew over, but it is isterial positions to leading Liber- Granville and Dingle Foot), by clear that, had they joined the stand fast als. As she told Lord Samuel, ‘I am this time a distinctive, discrete Labour Party in November 1950, confident that if the Conserva- radical grouping, the recent their departure might well have & fight,’ she tives got in, Winston would make course of events constituted a marked the death of the Liberal every effort to broaden the basis of pill too bitter for them to swal- Party as a credible parliamentary wrote to his Government and include some low. Publicly, they began to con- grouping. It was indeed the most men of real ability drawn from demn what they perceived to be harrowing manifestation to date Davies. outside his party fold.’58 Clem Davies’s marked inclina- of the terrible dilemmas which Attlee eventually called the tion ‘to veer towards the Tories’. faced Clem Davies almost daily. election for 15 October 1951. The Rumours intensified that Lady Small wonder that he told Lady so-called ‘Huddersfield arrange- Megan in particular was likely Violet, ‘I will willingly lay down ment’, made the previous year, to jump ship at any time and for- this uncomfortable and so-called continued and was also extended mally join the Labour Party. “leadership”.’53 But had he stood to a much more formal election In November, this group of down at this point, there was no pact in Bolton where the Liberal radical politicians staged some- obvious successor to replace him. aspirant, Arthur Holt, was given thing of a revolt within the Lib- As the new year – 1951 – a free run by local Tories in Bol- eral Party, threatening to join dawned, it was clear that a gen- ton West in return for a reciprocal Labour at once and again bring- eral election could not be long concession by the Liberals in Bol- ing Clement Davies to the brink delayed. It was also evident that ton East. (There was, however, of resignation. To Lady Violet he ‘Liberal–Tory’ election pacts, within the Liberal Party much was highly critical of the dissident as at Huddersfield in 1950, were greater concern and doubt about MPs: ‘The truth of the matter as it likely elsewhere. One such con- the arrangement in Bolton, where seems to me is this. They are not stituency was Colne Valley in Holt actually attended and spoke concerned really about the Party Yorkshire where Lady Violet at Conservative events in the con- or the country. They are con- Bonham Carter was invited to stituencies, than there had been in cerned about themselves only and become the Liberal Party candi- relation to Huddersfield the previ- think that their best chance lies date in the hope that she might ous year.) In Colne Valley, Lady through help from the Socialists.’51 also prove acceptable to local Violet was not only unopposed by Not for the first time, he really Tories.54 She was flattered, and local Tories, but was blessed by a was at the end of his tether and felt wished to accept the invitation in visit from Winston Churchill who that he could not continue. Lady the reasonable hope that, in the spoke in the constituency on her Violet was by now genuinely fear- event of a straight fight with a behalf, much to the chagrin of ful that Lady Megan might well Labour candidate, she might well local Liberals. The hope was that succeed Davies as party leader. be elected. But, as she wrote to a substantial anti-Socialist swing ‘Don’t speak or even think of lay- Clement Davies, ‘I am not going might enhance her prospects. ing down the leadership. This is into this adventure without In all, just 109 Liberal candi- the moment to stand fast & fight,’ the unequivocal support of the dates stood (compared with 475 she wrote to Davies. ‘Neither Party Organisation – & (I hope) in February 1950), and the party’s Megan nor Emrys Roberts [the your own.’55 (She also wrote in a election manifesto was largely Liberal MP for Merioneth] have similar vein to Philip Fothergill, devoted to a rather pathetic the slightest desire to leave the Frank Byers and Lord Rea.) Dav- defence of the party’s very exist- Party. They know how small a part ies responded cautiously, stating ence. Yet again, the Liberal cam- they wld play in the Labour Party that he ‘would sincerely rejoice’ paign never really took off; after & what discipline would await to see Lady Violet elected as a the election there were to be just them there!’ She proceeded to Liberal MP, but he refused to give six Liberal MPs and sixty-six lost give Davies her views on the small an undertaking to support either deposits. Lady Violet was to be band of Liberal MPs: of the other parties in the Com- sorely disappointed too. There mons after the election. Both was no anti-Socialist swing in You & Jo [Grimond] are the seemed to believe that mounting Colne Valley, where the local trustees of many outside who international tensions might well Labour vote actually increased by look to you. Bowen & Hopkin soon lead to the formation of a some 1,500. Some Liberals there [Morris] can I’m sure be relied national or coalition government had defected to Labour; some on – & I imagine – Wade (tho’ at Westminster.56 Tories had simply stayed at home.

28 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 violet and clem

In the words of one of Violet’s inevitably incurred the wrath of Clem’s silver anniversary trib- campaign managers, ‘I’m afraid the more radical elements within ute meeting in the constituency, that the oil of the diehard Tory & the Liberal Party. which provided her with ‘a won- the vinegar of the extreme Radi- For the tiny band of Liberal derful evidence of the vitality of cal would not mix.’ Churchill MPs who remained, life soon set- Liberalism in Montgomeryshire communicated with her – ‘It was a tled down following the trauma of & of the personal devotion Clem gallant fight’.59 the November 1951 general elec- has inspired.’67 She was sorely Then the new Prime Minister tion. In many ways Clem Davies’s vexed, however, by the conspicu- fired what has been described as, position was easier as a result of ous failure of the national press to potentially, ‘the deadliest shaft the bruising defeats of three left- report the occasion adequately. of all’ when he offered Clement Writing to wing Liberal MPs at the election – In the May 1955 general elec- Davies the position of Minister of Lady Megan, Emrys Roberts and tion, probably the least memo- Education within the new Con- express Edgar Granville. No longer were rable of the post-war contests, servative Cabinet.60 Churchill they such a painful thorn in their Dame Violet spoke just once exerted considerable pressure on her genu- leader’s flesh as previously. Early at Westmoreland and twice in Davies to accept and even dan- ine sense in 1953, Lady Violet led a Liberal north Wales. She certainly missed gled the prospect of junior min- delegation to the Prime Minister Churchill, who had retired as isterial office to one or two other of ‘sorrow to discuss reform of the voting Prime Minister and Conservative Liberal MPs as well. Davies was system, but Churchill, although leader only the previous month, to undoubtedly sorely tempted. at the end still sympathetic to the old Lib- be succeeded by Anthony Eden, He still retained some ministe- eral hobby horse, simply could but was heartened to learn that, rial ambition and, at sixty-seven of a great not carry his party with him on although now in his eighty-first years of age, realised that this was this issue. Violet understood, but year, her old friend fully intended to be his last opportunity to par- chapter in emerged disappointed at the out- to remain in harness as the Tory ticipate in government and make come: ‘What alarms me is that the MP for Woodford. There was a full use of his undoubted aptitude the history Tory Party should still run so true tiny increase in the Liberal vote – for administration. He was con- to form.’64 from 2.5 to 2.7 per cent – but 60 scious, however, that his response of the party’, She was somewhat heartened, out of 110 Liberal deposits were must be a team decision and he felt however, that Clem Davies was lost, and only the six Liberal MPs obliged to consult several leading she paid ful- invited to participate in a gov- elected in November 1951 were Liberals such as Grimond, Byers, ernmental conference on reform returned. Even so, some Liber- Lady Violet, Lady Megan and some tribute of the House of Lords. The pre- als detected the beginning of a Lord Samuel. Lady Violet alone vious December, Davies had told modest recovery in their party’s urged him to accept Churchill’s to Davies’s her that he had put her name for- fortunes. Among them was Lord offer. All the others were adamant ward to Churchill for becoming Samuel, who wrote to Dame Vio- that Davies must refuse Church- ‘courage & a Dame – ‘I was annoyed to hear let, ‘I think I see some indications ill’s alluring olive branch, and he patience that he had mentioned my name. that we may now be in the dead- soon acquiesced.62 The very last thing I want is to water just at the turn of the tide.’68 Churchill told Lady Vio- & single- be a Dame.’ When she visited 10 Clem Davies’s days as party let that, had she been successful Downing Street on 15 April 1953, leader were now clearly num- in Colne Valley, he would have minded Churchill told her, ‘“Alas! Well bered, following the retirements offered her ministerial office too. you have been recommended of both Churchill and Attlee and Her response would have been devotion by Clement Davies to be made a the emergence of much younger in the affirmative. As she wrote Dame.” I said it was the last thing successors in Eden and Gaitskell. privately to Liberal academic Gil- with which I desired to be. He replied, “Well For many Liberals, after the May bert Murray, ‘I think the Liberals – you’ll get a letter from me. You 1955 general election Davies’s made a mistake in not accepting you have can do what you like about it.”’65 leadership grew ever more mori- Winston’s generous offer to join In June the offer of the DBE was bund and dated. Yet he lingered the Government. The crisis is far held it graciously accepted, follow- on, although increasingly unwell, graver than it was in 1931. Had I ing some gentle persuasion from until his party’s annual assembly at been returned, I should have gone together Churchill: ‘I never dreamed of Folkestone in September 1956. in without any hesitation.’ These receiving any honour – & “Dame- One of the first to respond were the sentiments which she during these dom” is certainly not one for to the long-awaited announce- also expressed in her private diary which I have ever qualified – (or ment of his retirement as party for late November 1951, when infinitely dif- ever shall!), but from the hundreds leader was Lady Violet. Writing to she recorded that Churchill had of letters I have received I realize express her genuine sense of ‘sor- offered Davies a seat in the Cabi- ficult years that it has been taken as a recogni- row at the end of a great chapter in net and two under-secretaryships – while the tion of the Party’s services to the the history of the party’, she paid for Liberal MPs: ‘I think poor nation.’66 fulsome tribute to Davies’s ‘cour- Clem longed to accept. I shld have “weaker ves- In July 1954 Lady Violet vis- age & patience & single-minded gone in unhesitatingly. (I’m told ited the Davies’ expansive con- devotion with which you have I shld have been offered Educa- sels” were stituency home at Meifod in held it together during these infi- tion).’63 Her attitude reflected a Montgomeryshire ‘in that green nitely difficult years – while the much more pragmatic approach breaking & happy valley – with the river “weaker vessels” were breaking to a possible alliance with the swarming through it’, and was right & left.’ Reflecting again Conservatives. But her standpoint right & left.’ delighted to be able to attend at some length on his decision

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 29 violet and clem to refuse Churchill’s offer in discords between colleagues Liberal Party leader, his elector- November 1951, she contemplated – which it always fell to him ate might well feel that he was her attitude at that time: to resolve. There is no more rather taking them for granted. wearing or ungrateful task.69 Lady Violet was not at all amused: You may remember that when ‘I know he is as safe as a church, Winston wanted you & two Davies’s successor as Liberal Party whereas Mark is fighting for his Liberal Under-Secretaries to leader was to be Dame Violet’s life at Torrington & [Edwin] join him in 1951 I wanted you son-in-law Jo Grimond, the Malindine [North Cornwall] & to go in. My reasons were that only real possibility in the cir- Jeremy [Thorpe, North Devon] the economic crisis was far cumstances of 1956. There were might win seats. I don’t know greater than in 1931 – when persistent rumours, never fully what to do.’72 Her estimate was Samuel, Archie [Sinclair] & confirmed, that Grimond (pos- sound. Grimond stood no pros- joined the sibly encouraged and supported pect of defeat; he was indeed ‘Jo national coalition (without by Lady Violet) had actively sup- to them all’ in his constituency.73 any consultation or ‘by-your- ported the campaign within the Her son’s defeat at Torrington leave’ from the party!) & I Liberal Party to get rid of the ail- in October 1959, after just eight- thought that the Liberals shld. ing Clem Davies during 1955–56. een months in the House, came as – through you – make their Lady Violet was predictably a severe shock to Lady Violet and contribution, & in spite of their delighted at the unexpected suc- to the Liberal Party: ‘I cannot bear small numbers could wield real ‘Poor old Clem cess of her son Mark Bonham his exile from the House. I have power. ... I did not feel that a Carter in the Torrington by-elec- had a very depressed letter from Jo Coalition is holy if it is made – one cld not tion of March 1958 – the first Lib- who misses him terribly. Clem is up of 3 parties, & unholy if it eral by-election gain since March no good, Roderic Bowen never only consists of two! Moreover help feeling 1929. She had participated fully in turns up, Jeremy speaks often & is I thought that responsibility the frenzied campaign and, fol- as active as a flea – but does too & administrative experience great affec- lowing her son’s narrow victory many outside things & doesn’t sit wld. benefit our party which by just 200 votes, she sent out a there. Nor does he carry Mark’s had had none since 1918. One tion for him personal message to all Liberals guns.’74 Yet she remained on gen- must construct as well as criti- throughout the realm: ‘Hold on, erally friendly terms personally cize. Whatever you may have & in one way hold out, we are coming.’ She was with Clem and Jano Davies whom thought or felt you refused later to recall (in a pointed refer- she still met socially from time to office then – a great personal he inspired ence to the fact that Torrington time. Still, she rather resented that sacrifice – because you felt that had previously been held by a Davies remained the Liberal MP in so doing you were interpret- respect. He National Liberal MP) ‘the strange for Montgomeryshire in spite of ing the people’s will. Looking gave up a sense of being an army of libera- advancing years and severe health back I feel that you may well tion entering occupied territory problems which meant that he have been right. Your action – big income which for years had been ruled now rarely appeared at Westmin- however disinterested & patri- by quislings and collaborators and ster. Following a lunch with Jo otic – might well have split the at Levers that their day was over once and Grimond in July 1961, Lady Violet remnant we had left. (I must for all.’70 wrote in her diary, ‘We had a nice add that only Winston’s leader- to serve When Mark first took his seat talk – but what a heavy burden he ship made me think it possible. following his introduction in the has to carry. Wade is ill, Jeremy is I cld never have contemplated the Party House of Commons, however, ill, Clem is a chronic absentee & it under Eden! Winston was just three of his fellow Liberal useless when present. He wrote never a Tory – as the Tories & refused MPs were there to cheer him. imploring [Roderic] Bowen to be know.) But whether right or A dejected mother wrote in her with him for the Berlin debate on wrong it was a great & selfless office in diary, ‘I remembered my father’s Monday & to speak – & Bowen sacrifice – which few would introduction when he took his replied that he had ‘a function’. He have made – & one that will W[inston]’s seat after Paisley & how faint the does damn all in the House. As Jo always be remembered – with cheers of the survivors of the Lib- says – why go into it? Jo is literally reverence & admiration.61 1951 Govt. eral Party then sounded to me. But maid of all work to the party.’75 at least they were 27.’71 It was pre- The Liberal Party’s very modest She went on to shower lavish when I dicted that Mark Bonham Carter national revival was apparent to praise on the departing leader’s: might well soon establish himself all, but so too was its parlous posi- thought as Jo Grimond’s natural succes- tion in the House of Commons. ‘gift of patience’, I have often (perhaps sor as Liberal Party leader (but to When Clem Davies fell very marvelled at it during the dis- achieve this, he did first need to seriously ill in late March 1962, cussions at our Liberal Party mistakenly?) have a safe seat in parliament). Lady Violet was ‘so shocked & Committee. I have never seen In the general election the fol- distressed’ to read the alarming you fail in patience or courtesy that it wld lowing year, Grimond appealed reports of his declining health in – however exasperating your to his mother-in-law to campaign the evening papers: ‘No one cld colleagues! Leadership is not have been with him in Orkney & Shet- understand more intimately & ‘all jam’ & cheers – alas! I have land, something which she had more poignantly all that you are watched my father over that right for us to not done since his initial return going through.’76 Just two days thorny & difficult course. How there in February 1950. His very later he died. Although she had he suffered from the endless go in.’ real fear was that, now that he was not always approved of his actions,

30 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 violet and clem

Lady Violet was now moved diary entry for 15 February 29 Wyburn-Powell, op. cit., p. 55 Ibid. J3/50, VB-C to Davies, 10 to write in her diary: 1944. 183. January 1951. 4 Ibid., diary entry for 28 30 Reported in The Times, 14, 24 56 Ibid. J3/53, Davies to VB-C, 11 Poor old Clem – one cld November 1945. and 26 January 1950. January 1951 (copy). not help feeling great affec- 5 See Alun Wyburn-Powell, 31 Ibid., 26 January 1950. 57 Liberal News, 6 April 1951. tion for him & in one way Clement Davies: Liberal Leader 32 H. G. Nicholas, The British 58 Parliamentary Archive, House he inspired respect. He gave (London: Politicos, 2003), p. General Election of 1950 (Lon- of Lords, London, Samuel up a big income at Levers to 147. don: Macmillan, 1951), p. 299. Papers A/155 (xiii), 142, VB-C serve the Party & refused 6 Jo Grimond, Memoirs (London: 33 Bodleian Library, Oxford, to Samuel, 28 February 1951. office in W[inston]’s 1951 Heinemann, 1979), p. 148. Violet Bonham Carter Papers, 59 Daring to Hope, p. 104. Govt. when I thought (per- 7 Manchester Guardian, 24 May diary entry for 24 February 60 Roy Douglas, The History of haps mistakenly?) that it 1947. 1950. the Liberal Party, 1895–1970 wld have been right for us 8 Grimond, op. cit., p. 148. 34 NLW, Clement Davies Papers (London, 1971), p. 265. See to go in. … He showed no 9 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Vio- J3/29, VB-C to Davies, 20 May J. Graham Jones, ‘Churchill, rancour at his displacement let Bonham Carter Papers, diary 1950 (‘Private’). Clement Davies and the Min- from the leadership by Jo – entry for 13 October 1947. 35 Parliamentary Archive, House istry of Education’, Journal tho’ he must have minded 10 The Times, 27 November 1947. of Lords, London, Samuel of Liberal Democrat History 27 it.77 11 National Library of Wales Papers A/130, 9b and A/155 (Summer 2000), 8–14. (hereafter NLW) MS 20,491E, (xiii), 10, VB-C to Samuel, 5 61 NLW, Clement Davies Papers It was perhaps fitting that no. 3429, unlabelled press cut- and 8 May 1950. J3/83, VB-C to Davies, 2 after formed a ting dated 18 November 1947. 36 Daily Express, 8 May 1950. October 1956. Labour government in Octo- 12 NLW MS 20,475C, no. 3168, 37 Ibid., 10 May 1950; Parliamen- 62 Manchester Guardian, 29 Octo- ber 1964 and agreed that three VB-C to Megan Lloyd George, tary Archive, House of Lords, ber 1951. Liberals should be elevated to 17 November 1947. London, Samuel Papers A/155 63 Daring to Hope, p. 105, citing the upper house, Jo Grimond, 13 Bodleian Library, Oxford, (xiii), 110, VB-C to Samuel, 11 VB-C to Gilbert Murray, 20 still party leader, was able Violet Bonham Carter Papers, May 1950. November 1951. to ensure that Lady Violet, diary entry for 22 April 1947. 38 NLW, Clement Davies Papers 64 Bodleian Library, Oxford, although now in poor health, 14 The Economist, 31 January 1948. C1/54. Violet Bonham Carter Papers, should become an ‘honorary’ 15 Parliamentary Archive, House 39 Wyburn-Powell, op. cit., p. diary entry for 3 February 1953. peer together with the two of Lords, London, Samuel 193. 65 Ibid., diary entries for 18 ‘working’ peerages for Don- Papers A/155 (xiii) 11, VB-C to 40 VB-C to , 24 December 1952 and 15 April ald Wade and Frank Byers. It Samuel, 4 February 1948. February 1950, cited in Daring 1953. was the appropriate reward 16 Ibid. A/155 (xiii), 30, VB-C to to Hope, p. 83. 66 NLW, Clement Davies Papers for a long life of devoted Samuel, 25 March 1948. 41 NLW, Clement Davies Papers J3/75, VB-C to Davies, 5 June service to the party. Clement 17 Ibid. A/155 (xiii), 45, VB-C to J3/39, VB-C to Davies, 22 Sep- 1953 (‘Personal’). Davies would certainly have Samuel, 25 September 1948. tember 1950. The speech is also 67 Ibid. T1/108, VB-C to Jano approved. When she deliv- 18 Emlyn Hooson, ‘Clement Dav- reported in the Liberal News, 29 Clement Davies, 20 July 1954. ered her maiden speech in the ies: an underestimated Welsh- September 1950. 68 Parliamentary Archive, House House of Lords on 25 January man and politician’, Transactions 42 Ibid. J3/40, VB-C to Davies, 23 of Lords, London, Samuel 1965, it was especially fitting of the Honourable Society of Cym- September 1950 (‘Private’). Papers A/155 (xiii), 292, Samuel that Lady Violet, now rather mrodorion, 1997 (New series, 43 Ibid. to VB-C, 10 June 1955 (copy). frail, was able to pay tribute Vol. 4, 1998), 180. 44 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Vio- 69 NLW, Clement Davies Papers to her old friend Winston 19 Bodleian Library, Oxford, let Bonham Carter Papers, Jo J3/83, VB-C to Davies, 2 Churchill who had died only Violet Bonham Carter Papers, Grimond to VB-C, 16 Septem- October 1956. the previous day. diary entry for 8 March 1949. ber 1950. 70 Michael McManus, Jo Grimond: 20 NLW, Clement Davies Papers 45 Ibid., Grimond to VB-C, 18 Towards the Sound of Gunfire Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior J3/4–8. September 1950. (London: Birlinn, 2001), p. 129; Archivist and Head of the Welsh 21 John Rylands University 46 Ibid., Grimond to VB-C, 20 Arthur Cyr, Liberal Party Politics Political Archive at the National Library, Manchester, Leonard September 1950. in Britain (London: John Cal- Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. Behrens Papers 4, VB-C to 47 Liberal News, 6 October 1950; der, 1977), p. 101. Behrens, 4 April 1949. Daily Telegraph, 30 September 71 Bodleian Library, Oxford, 1 Violet Bonham Carter to Nigel 22 Western Mail, 3 October 1949. 1950. Violet Bonham Carter Papers, Nicolson, 10 November 1956, 23 NLW MS 20,475C, no. 3174, 48 NLW, Clement Davies Papers diary entry for 1 April 1958. cited in Mark Pottle, Daring Dingle Foot to Megan Lloyd J3/42, VB-C to Davies, 6 72 Ibid., diary entry for 16 Sep- to Hope: the Diaries and Letters George, 15 August 1949. October 1950 (‘Private’). tember 1959. of Violet Bonham Carter, 1946– 24 Cited in Daring to Hope, p. 75. 49 Ibid. 73 The Orcadian, 15 October 1959. 1969 (London: Weidenfeld and 25 NLW, Clement Davies Papers 50 Ibid. J3/43, VB-C to Davies, 27 74 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Nicolson, 2000), p. 178. J3/9, Sir Archibald Sinclair to October 1950. Violet Bonham Carter Papers, 2 Cited in Mark Pottle, ‘Lady Davies, 2 January 1950. 51 Ibid. J3/45, Davies to VB-C, 15 diary entry for 11 March 1960. Violet Bonham Carter 26 Bodleian Library, Oxford, November 1950 (copy). 75 Ibid., diary entry 29 July 1961. (1887–1969)’, Oxford Diction- Violet Bonham Carter Papers, 52 Ibid. J3/46, VB-C to Davies, 18 76 NLW, Clement Davies Papers ary of National Biography, Vol. diary entry for 11 January 1950. November 1950 (‘Private’). J25/11, VB-C to Jano Clement 10 (, 27 Ibid., diary entries for 16 and 18 53 Ibid. J3/45, Davies to VB-C, 15 Davies, 21 March 1962. 2004), p. 375. January 1950. November 1950 (copy). 77 Bodleian Library, Oxford, 3 Bodleian Library, Oxford, 28 Ibid., VB-C to Churchill, 23 54 Ibid. J3/49, W. Haig to VB-C, 9 Violet Bonham Carter Papers, Violet Bonham Carter Papers, January 1950 (copy). January 1950 [recte 1951] (copy). diary entry for 24 March 1962.

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 31 Helen Suzman An Appreciation Helen Suzman, the liberal member of the old South African parliament, renowned for her courageous and unrelenting fight for human rights and justice, died peacefully in her home in Johannesburg in the small hours of New Year’s Day 2009. Her Liberalism was more than a political creed; it was a state of mind, a way of life, a responsibility towards others. Colin Eglin, a co-founder of the anti- apartheid Progressive Party, recalls her.

32 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 Helen Suzman An Appreciation

he expressions of grief judiciary, transparent governance, invested in land, property and at her death, of respect and an open society in which other businesses for her person, and of individuals would be free to make Samuel Gavronsky, wanting gratitude for her life choices. She campaigned for the the best available schooling for his and her service that abolition of the death penalty. She two daughters, arranged for Helen Tcame from all sections of the fought for human rights. and her sister Gertrude to go to South African people and from During the dark days of apart- Parktown Convent, a Catholic representatives all political par- heid she did more than any other school for girls. Upon complet- ties were testimony to the impact person to keep liberal values ing her schooling Helen enrolled she had made on the politics of alive. Indeed, South Africa’s new at Witwatersrand University to South Africa and on the lives of its democratic constitution, with the study for the degree of Bachelor of citizens. liberal values that it embraces, Commerce. Helen served in parliament is testimony to the inspirational She interrupted her studies from 1953 to 1989, the years dur- impact that Helen’s work and in 1937 when she married Mosie ing which successive National example made on the politics of Suzman, an eminent physician Party governments were impos- South Africa from a large and well-known ing the policy of apartheid on the Jewish family in Johannesburg. people of South Africa. Apartheid ~ Helen and Mosie moved into a deeply offended Helen’s sense of spacious new home and took part justice and violated the liberal Helen Suzman was born in Ger- in the social and cultural life of values that she embraced. She was miston, a small mining town a the relatively prosperous com- angry at the hurt it was doing to few kilometres from Johannes- munity. They had two daughters, millions of her fellow citizens, and burg, on the day of the Russian Frances, born in September 1939, at the damage it was doing to the Revolution, 7 November 1917. and Patricia, born in January 1943. fabric of South African society. Her father, Samuel Gavronsky, In the Second World War She spoke out against racial and his brother Oscar had emi- Mosie joined up to the South discrimination, against race classi- grated from a small Jewish village African Medical Corps and fication, group areas, job reserva- in Lithuania and in due course was posted to serve in Egypt. tion, and detention without trial. married two sisters who had also Helen completed her Batchelor She campaigned for the repeal of emigrated from Eastern Europe. of Commerce course at Wit- the Pass Laws. She condemned The Gavronsky brothers, who on watersrand University in a year the abuse of power. She worked their arrival in South Africa could and, on applying to join up she for a South Africa in which there speak neither English nor Dutch, was assigned to a position with would be freedom of expression, went into business together. In Helen Suzman the War Supplies Board. In 1945, the rule of law, an independent due course they prospered and MP (1917–2009) after the war, Helen returned to

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 33 helen suzman: an appreciation

heading? Governed by a political party that had opposed the war effort, that harboured many peo- ple who had been pro-Nazi, and that was committed to enforce the policy of apartheid in the political, economic, educational, and social life in South Africa? She reacted by becoming actively involved in politics. She joined the United Party, served on a constituency committee and became heavily involved as the Information Officer of the Wit- watersrand Women’s Council of the party. She stood as a United Party candidate in the 1953 elec- tion and was elected unopposed as the Member of Parliament for Houghton, a position that she held continuously until she retired in September 1989. When Helen came to Cape Town for her first parliamentary session she became a member of a caucus of a United Party that was confused in trying to define an identity relevant to the poli- tics of post-war South Africa; the party was divided on the issue of an alternative to the Nationalist policy of apartheid. Helen was soon identified as an outspoken member of the ‘liberal group’ in the caucus. She and a caucus colleague defied the party’s decision to vote for the Separate Amenities Bill by walking out of the House when the Bill was put to the vote. She was one of the group of liberal backbenchers who declared their commitment to restore Coloured voters to the common voters roll (from which Witwatersrand University, first Helen Suzman Whites no longer required their the Nationalist government was to take up a tutorship and then to Top: In her office, services. removing them), at a time when become a lecturer on economic while an MP. Helen was appalled by what she the leadership of the party was history. During this period she Bottom: At a learned of the disastrous impact trying to avoid taking a stand on joined the South African Insti- mass funeral. these inhuman laws had on Black this issue. tute of Race Relations. individuals, their families, and Helen’s maiden speech in par- In 1946 the Institute asked her their communities. The Fagan liament was on women’s rights, to assist in preparing evidence Commission recommended a and she went on to take part in that it could present to the Fagan new approach, namely that the every debate that affected wom- Commission, which had been pervaded urbanisation of Blacks en’s rights during her thirty-six established by General Smuts, should be recognised and should years in parliament. However she then Prime Minister, under Judge be accommodated within the law. emphasised that while the issue of Henry Fagan to review the laws However before Smuts could act women’s rights still had to be dealt that applied to the Blacks in the on this recommendation he and with, the issue of race discrimi- urban areas. These laws, com- his party were ousted from power nation and the denial of rights monly known as the ‘Pass Laws’, in May 1948 by the pro-apartheid to Black South Africans was the were based on a policy that went National Party. matter of overriding concern. back to 1922; the laws allowed Helen was shocked. The Pass Blacks to come to the urban areas Laws were not only going to stay, ~ when their services were required they were going to be enforced by the Whites, but had return to even more harshly. But more Helen and I first met in June the Native Reserves when the than this: where was South Africa 1954 at a lunch arranged by Tony

34 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 helen suzman: an appreciation

Delius, the poet, author and par- of the United Party in August ‘hands on’ politician and a tena- liamentary correspondent of the 1959, Helen was one of the cious fighter for the causes she Cape Times. She was complet- focal points of the conserva- believed in. She made sure of her ing her second year as MP for tives’ onslaught on the liberals. facts. She went to see for herself. Houghton, while I was about to This came to a head when, at the She visited prisons, spoke to become a member of the Cape behest of the conservatives, the political prisoners and detainees Provincial Council. I found her congress adopted a resolution and saw the conditions in which to be very attractive, physically, through which the party reneged they were held. She went to find politically and intellectually. I on an undertaking it had given out what was happening in the realised that behind her sparkling to provide land for ‘native set- squatter camps. She spoke to peo- blue eyes there was a sharp mind tlement.’ Helen was one of nine ple being harassed under the Pass and a tough will. We seemed to be of us public representatives who Laws or being evicted from their on the same political wavelength, met that evening and issued a homes under the Group Areas and to share the same judgment of statement condemning the con- Act. the political players of that time. gress resolution, knowing that Armed with first-hand infor- That lunch marked the start of a our action would lead to our mation she returned to the fray, personal friendship and a mutu- expulsion or resignation from the questioning harassing, badger- ally supportive relationship that party. ing the apartheid ministers and lasted for more than fifty years A week later, a number of lib- bureaucrats. Using parliament during which we worked together erals who had resigned from the as a platform she demanded the in liberal opposition politics both party met in Helen’s Johannes- attention of the apartheid rul- inside and outside parliament. burg home to form a ‘progres- ers, she got the ear of the media, Over the years I came to sive group’ with the intention of she endured the vilification of appreciate her keen intellect, developing it into a liberal anti- the racial bigots, she earned the to understand her commitment apartheid political party. The respect of the oppressed. to principle, her intolerance of Progressive Party was launched Helen was a liberal, but she hypocrisy, her scorn for position- in November 1959 at a Con- was no political ideologue. For seekers, and her concern for peo- gress held in Johannesburg. Dr her people, not dogma, came first. ple. I also came to realise that she Jan Steytler MP was elected She had a straightforward political did not suffer fools gladly, but she Leader and Helen was amongst creed: ‘I hate bullies. I stand for had a great sense of fun. its founder members. As one of simple justice, equal opportunity She was a warm and gener- the twelve members of the new and human rights. These are the ous hostess, and loved her home, Progressive Party parliamentary indispensable elements in a demo- with its garden and her dogs. Her caucus, Helen played an impor- cratic society and are well worth home was the focal point of her tant role in helping to shape party fighting for.’ domestic, social and a large part of policy and to establish the party’s She confronted bullies like her political life. It was there that identity as an outspoken oppo- Prime Ministers Verwoerd and she entertained friends and house nent of apartheid and as a custo- Vorster and President Botha head guests, had interviews with the dian of liberal values. on. Through her actions and the media or discussions with people At the 1961 election, which arguments that she advanced she who had come from afar to meet Prime Minister Dr Verwoerd demonstrated that liberal values her. It was here that she issued called two years earlier than were not abstract concepts, but statements or worked the tele- scheduled. Helen was the only For Helen that they formed the basis of good phone lines. It was here that she progressive to win a seat. Dur- government and of a wholesome attended to the many people who ing the next thirteen years, liberalism society. knocked on her door to seek her when civil liberties and the rule assistance or her intervention in of law were under assault from was more ~ their suffering under the discrimi- the apartheid government and natory laws and regulations of the the official opposition was either than a politi- Helen’s lone years in parliament apartheid government. compromising or capitulating, ended on 24 April 1974 when Helen single-handedly stood up cal creed. It five more members of the Pro- ~ against detention without trial, gressive Party, including myself, spoke out against racial discrimi- was a state were elected to parliament. This When, after the general elec- nation and fought for civil liber- breakthrough, after three succes- tion of 1958, I joined Helen in the ties and the rule of law. of mind, a sive drubbings at the polls, was a United Party’s parliamentary cau- way of life, a watershed event for the develop- cus, I learned at first hand that she ~ ment of liberal values in South was one of the most outspoken of responsibil- Africa – for Helen had informed a group of liberal members who She was courageous, she was prin- me, as the party leader at that were trying to move the party cipled. When she spoke she was ity towards time, that if the party did not win away from policies based on racial clear, lucid and to the point. No any seats other than her seat of discrimination and to face up to obfuscation, no ambiguity, no others, a Houghton at the coming election the future of a multiracial South spin; there was never any doubt she would resign from parliament. Africa. where Helen stood on issues. commitment For the next fifteen years Helen It came as no surprise that at She was a liberal, but she was continued with her political the very tense National Congress no armchair crusader. She was a to justice. work with the same energy and

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 35 helen suzman: an appreciation

members of the National Party surprise, announced that organi- left their benches on the govern- sations such as the African ment’s side and, to everyone’s sur- National Congress and the Pan- prise, walked across the floor to Africanist Congress were to be shake Helen’s hand and to thank unbanned, and that prisoners her for what she had done. Helen such as Nelson Mandela were to had won at last. be freed; and also that the process of negotiating a new non-racial ~ democratic constitution would commence. As I sat in parliament When, during the 1980s and 1990s listening to De Klerk making in particular, the international that announcement my thoughts community became increasingly turned to Helen. I could imagine concerned about and involved her thoughts and feelings. What a in the issue of apartheid in South pity she was not there to share in Africa, international organisa- the excitement of the moment! tions, governments, political Helen settled down to a life movements, religious organisa- without parliament, but not with- tions, and civic bodies recognised out politics. Although she did not Helen Suzman for her courageous have the same access to the govern- struggle against apartheid and her ment service as she did when she unrelenting fight for human rights was a member of parliament she and justice in South Africa. interceded in respect of the cases Among the many awards she that were bought to her attention. received were the She issued statements to the press. Award for Human Rights (1978), She responded to requests from the Moses Mendelssohn Prize of the media for her opinion on topi- the Berlin Senate (1988), Dame cal issues. While apartheid was no commitment, and with the same Helen Suzman of the British Empire (1989), the longer the issue, Helen spoke out outspoken manner as before. She with Nelson Order of Meritorious Service in no uncertain terms when some- proved to be a great team player Mandela. (Gold) President Mandela (1997), one in authority acted in a way and played a pivotal role in ensur- and the Prize for Freedom of Lib- that violated her sense of justice or ing that the party did not lose its eral International (2002). She was abused their power. liberal thrust as it grew, through twice nominated for the Nobel Although Helen was not amalgamations and electoral Peace Prize. directly involved in the negotia- victories, from six to twenty- Among the twenty-nine hon- tion of the new constitution, she seven members in parliament and orary doctorates conferred on her followed developments around became the official opposition in were five from South African uni- the negotiations closely, and was 1977. versities. The balance was from frequently in touch with me, Freed from the workload that universities around the world, as the Democratic Party’s chief she had when she was the sole including prominent universities negotiator, asking me questions, representative of the Progres- such as Harvard, Yale and Colum- expressing opinions or giving me sive Federal Party in parliament bia (United States of America), advice. Helen was able to devote more Oxford, Cambridge, Glasgow In 1991 the party invited Helen of her energy to her work outside and Warwick () to join its delegation to the first parliament. She continued to visit and the plenary session of the Congress political prisoners and detainees. (Canada). for a Democratic South Africa She visited anti-apartheid activists After thirty-six years in par- (Codesa), the multi-party body who had been banished to remote liament, Helen decided that the negotiating the new constitution. parts of the country. She took up election due to be held in Sep- In a two-minute intervention, the cases of people like Steve Biko tember 1989 would be an appro- Helen pointed out that, although and Neil Aggett who had died in priate time for her to retire. She the text of the statement before controversial circumstances while left parliament as she had done the delegates referred a commit- being held by members of the for thirty-six years, still fighting ment to non-racialism and non- Security Forces. for justice as she persuaded the sexism, less than 10 percent of Her greatest triumph in par- Speaker to allow her to bring a delegates were women. Helen’s liament undoubtedly came on motion of censure against a judge political acumen and the respect 19 June 1986, when the National who in her words, ‘had given a that people had for her became Assembly passed a Bill repeal- derisory sentence to two white apparent when Codesa promptly ing the Pass Laws that Helen farmers who had beaten a Black resolved that all future delegations had fought against throughout employee to death’. had to have an equal number of her political career. After the women and men! Speaker had announced the result ~ In 1991 Helen was elected as and members of the party cau- the President of the South Afri- cus had crowded around Helen On 2 February 1990, President can Institute of Race Relations, to congratulate her, two young F. W. de Klerk, to everyone’s and in 1994 she was appointed as

36 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 helen suzman: an appreciation one of the five members of the ceremony, having said that special kind. She did not allow Colin Wells Eglin was born in Independent Electoral Com- he was honoured to confer parliament to determine her Cape Town on 14 April 1925. He mission which supervised the award on these four great agenda. Nor did she allow the served with the Sixth South Afri- South Africa’s first democratic South Africans, he added, ‘But ritual nature or ambiance of can Armoured Division in Italy election. In 1996 the Helen I must tell you that in respect parliament to dilute her mes- during the Second World War. Suzman Foundation, com- of three of them I decided sage. In fact, Helen was more Elected to the South African Par- mitted to promoting liberal with my head. In respect of than a parliamentarian. She liament as a member of the United democracy, was founded. the fourth I decided with my was a political activist who, Party in 1958, in 1959, together Over the years since Helen heart. I won’t tell you that with consummate courage with ten colleagues, including first met Nelson Mandela, fourth is, but she gives me a lot and skill, used parliament to Helen Suzman, he resigned from when visiting the prison on of trouble!’ get her message across. the United Party to form the lib- Robben Island where he was In awarding Helen the Helen Suzman was a eral anti-apartheid Progressive held, the two of them devel- Decoration President Mandela great South African liberal. Party. He served in parliament oped a friendship founded on referred to her courage: ‘It is Her greatness was founded, until 1961, and then again from mutual respect and under- a courage born of the yearn- not on any grand design, or 1974–2004; for ten years dur- standing. This did not prevent ing for freedom, of hatred great speech, or momentous ing the 1970s and ’80s he was the her telling him quite frankly of oppression, injustice and event, but on a commitment leader of the Progressive Party when at times she disagreed in­equity whether the victim to a set of basic liberal values and its successors. Following the with him or with something be oneself or another; a for- combined with a multitude release of Nelson Mandela, Eglin his government was doing. titude that draws its strength of single acts of courage and played a key role in the constitu- In 1997 President Mandela, from the conviction that no caring. tional negotiations that led to the at a ceremony in Pretoria, person can be free while oth- For Helen liberalism was adoption of South Africa’s new awarded Helen and three dis- ers are unfree.’ more than a political creed. It democratic constitution; Mandela tinguished men the Decora- was a state of mind, a way of described Eglin as ‘one of the tion for Meritorious Service ~ life, a responsibility towards architects of our democracy’. He is (Gold), then South Africa’s others, a commitment to the author of Crossing the Bor- highest civilian award. At Helen Suzman was a great justice. ders of Power – The Memoirs the commencement of the parliamentarian, but one of a Her legacy lives on. of Colin Eglin (2007).

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) Liberal Unionists Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in A study of the as a discrete political entity. Help private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ ac.uk. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall The Lib-Lab Pact and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected]. Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected].

‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Francis; [email protected]. Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected].

The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected] [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 37 Emily Hobhouse and the Controversy over the Destruction of Leuven in World War I

Emily Hobhouse is not a household name, but neither has she been entirely forgotten. Sister of the New Liberal writer L. T. Hobhouse, she is perhaps best known for her investigations into conditions in the British concentration camps during the Boer War (1899–1902). She is less well remembered for her activities fifteen years later in the Great War, but she succeeded again in stirring up controversy. David S. Patterson recalls her role in attempting to reveal the facts behind the German destruction of the Belgian city of Leuven in 1914.

38 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 Emily Hobhouse and the Controversy over the Destruction of Leuven in World War I

o b h o u s e c a m e Lord Leonard Courtney; both but a crude mistake … My small from a prominent Courtneys sympathised with means are devoted entirely to help and wealthy family, Emily’s peace endeavours and non-combatants who suffer in which was associated remained her special friends. consequence of war, and in sup- with advanced, even Born in East Cornwall in 1860, porting every movement making Hradical views on political issues.1 Emily Hobhouse was the daugh- for Peace.’3 The Hobhouses were British Lib- ter of an Anglican vicar; and erals, and her younger brother, although she apparently never ~ Leonard T. Hobhouse, was a pro- converted to the Quaker faith, as lific journalist and author of many did her pacifist cousin, she came Hobhouse’s many pacifistic books ranging from moral phi- to follow its persuasion in accept- activities during the Great War losophy to metaphysics to political ing everyone as part of common comprise a series of fascinating sociology. He became a pervasive humanity, even in wartime when adventures. Their outlines will be intellectual force in the Liberal people were driven apart. She did recounted here, but only as they Party, and his progressive views not publicly articulate her per- provide broader context for her contributed to the party’s new sonal religious views, but they journey to Germany and espe- social reform programmes in the clearly influenced her activism. cially German-occupied Belgium early twentieth century. Emily’s In Hobhouse’s early years, she in June 1916, which is the focus of humanitarian efforts during the worked with the poor and infirm this story. It began as essentially Boer War contributed in turn to in Cornwall and as a missionary a year-long cat-and-mouse game his anti-imperialist outlook and to Cornish miners working in the with the British Government, his maturing interest in inter- United States. Back in England at with Hobhouse always manag- national reform, including the the end of the century, she found ing to stay one step ahead of the creation of a permanent league the Boer War very disturbing. British foreign affairs departments of nations, and the two siblings She travelled to South Africa dur- which, because of different per- would remain close even after ing the conflict and was shocked spectives and inefficiency in the Leonard firmly supported British by the British authorities’ harsh government bureaucracy, could military participation in the Great treatment of native civilians in never quite catch up with her. War and came to disagree with his concentration camps. Greatly The British authorities already sister’s more radical actions during concerned about the diseased, suspected her because of her long- the conflict.2 destitute, and ragged inhabit- standing activism, her support Another relative, a cousin, ants of the camps, especially the of early private initiatives look- converted to the Society of women and children incarcer- ing for a mediated peace in the Friends and became a conscien- ated in them, Hobhouse organised war, and her involvement, in the tious objector in 1916, taking an humanitarian aid for the victims. summer of 1915, as a temporary absolutist position against serv- She wrote scathing exposés of secretary in the Amsterdam head- ing even with a Quaker medical the deplorable conditions in the quarters of a newly founded trans- unit, because he considered it an camps, which made her a well- atlantic group, the International appendage of the . known and controversial figure. Committee of Women for Perma- A more distant relative was the The Boer War experience nent Peace (ICWPP), which had pacifistic Lady Catherine (Kate) pushed her toward peace advo- already promoted neutral media- Courtney, who was married to cacy. As she later commented, Emily Hobhouse tion of the war, including the the well-known anti-war Liberal, ‘war is not only wrong in itself, (1860–1926) sending of women envoys to all

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 39 emily hobhouse

European capitals. They were also may have had some effect, as the In some Bennett, an American corre- acutely aware of her earlier efforts Foreign Office granted her the spondent for the Chicago Tribune, with peace advocates in Italy to visa, but only after she promised ways, her had reported, for instance, that resist that nation’s entrance into the British government that she during his tour through Belgium the war on the side of the Allies. would refrain from peace activi- desire to in late August 1914, he found, Hobhouse’s familiarity with Italy ties in Italy. She adhered to that contrary to almost daily reports derived from her extended pre- restriction, but en route back to visit enemy in British newspapers, no Ger- war visits to sunny Rome each England in the spring of 1916, man atrocities, and he claimed winter as treatment for a serious she stopped in Switzerland and territory was that four other American journal- heart condition and various other told the startled German minis- ists then in Belgium also found no ailments, including arthritis and ter there that she wanted to visit a continua- outrages. Bennett did acknowl- arteriosclerosis. She was in fact a Germany and German-occupied edge that Leuven, ‘the ancient semi-invalid. Belgium; she asked him to for- tion of her and renowned university city When she applied for a visa to ward her request to Berlin for a of northern Europe lies in ashes travel via neutral Switzerland to decision. earlier activ- … The halls in which so many Italy again for the winter of 1915– In some ways, her desire to American priests of the Roman 16, the military departments, visit enemy territory was a contin- ism and had church are proud to tell you they supported by the Foreign Office, uation of her earlier activism and elements of have studied are level with the wanted to deny her request. But had elements of déjà vu, as her pur- ground.’ But accepting the Ger- the Home Office oversaw Brit- poses were somewhat similar to déjà vu, as man view, he blamed the local ish citizens’ travel to neutral those she had pursued in the Boer citizens for the disaster. Leuven, countries, and Sir John Simon, War. Just as she had then reported her purposes he wrote, ‘lost its head. It went its Liberal secretary of state in on the terrible conditions in the mad. Its citizens fired from [an] the Asquith coalition govern- camps in South Africa, a primary were some- ambuscade upon German sol- ment, argued that she should not objective in the Great War was to diers;’ and the German destruc- be denied travel to Switzerland investigate Germany’s military what similar tion in response ‘was awful but en route. The Italian authori- treatment of the welfare of enemy it was war’.6 An inquiry by the ties, he added, could then decide civilians in a detention camp at to those she Belgian government-in-exile, whether to admit her to their Ruhleben outside Berlin. But however, soon published a report country. Simon was aware of his visiting and inspecting Ruhleben had pursued detailing many German excesses government’s earlier efforts to formed only a part of her plans for which, it claimed, were perpe- restrict Hobhouse’s travel to the a broader peace mission. ‘I wanted in the Boer trated on unresisting and unarmed continent in 1915 but was more as far as any one individual may Belgian citizens.7 inclined than the leadership of the to begin laying the foundation of War. In early May 1915, the Ger- foreign affairs agencies to approve international life,’ she confided man government responded to her request. He may have sympa- to her journal, ‘… to say “Here I these charges with the release thised with her in part because he come, alone, of my free will into of its ‘White Book’ on the Bel- knew members of the Hobhouse your country to bear you, even gian occupation, which strongly family, and may have known her while our Governments are at denied the Belgian findings. It personally. But more important war, a message of peace and good minimised its army’s offences in was his own scepticism over Brit- will”.’4 Thus during her stay in Belgium and justified those that ish involvement in the Great War Berlin at the end of her trip, she occurred as legitimate responses (he would soon resign his position would arrange for a long inter- to a ‘revolt’ – a veritable ‘Peo- in protest over the introduction of view with German Foreign Sec- ple’s War’ – waged by the Belgian military conscription in Britain in retary Gottlieb von Jagow, whom civilian population in ongoing early 1916), which made him will- she had befriended before the war ‘cowardly and treacherous attacks’ ing to tolerate, if not openly sup- when he was Germany’s ambas- against the German army. More port, her peace endeavours. sador in Rome. Their discussion specifically, the German White Emily Hobhouse also used her was a continuation of her inter- Book focused on Belgian francs- good connections with Arthur est in peace talks, and she would tireurs (un-uniformed civilian Ponsonby, a pacifist Liberal in Par- bring back to England Jagow’s militia) who, it asserted, carried liament, to her advantage. After unofficial feeler for peace talks on ongoing guerrilla warfare arriving in Berne and finding between the warring sides.5 against the German military. The that the British consulate was still German report included over 220 waiting for the Foreign Office’s ~ affidavits and reports of alleged decision on a visa for her entry civilians’ ‘bestial behaviour’ and into Italy, she sent a message to Hobhouse’s desire to visit Bel- hostile actions toward the Ger- Ponsonby saying she was in ‘weak gium was another part of her man occupiers.8 health’, could not afford to stay in proposed peace mission. The con- Hobhouse may have been Berne much longer and had to get troversy over German behaviour familiar with the initial contradic- to Rome to stay in her apartment in Belgium had begun as early as tory claims only in a general way. and wind up her affairs there. the enemy occupation of much But the publication of the Brit- Ponsonby immediately appealed of that country in August 1914. ish government-sponsored Bryce to the Foreign Office, vouch- In the English-language press, it report on the German occupation ing for her uncertain health and had early generated contentious of Belgium, which was released modest means. His intervention discussion. James O’Donnell only two days after the German

40 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 emily hobhouse one, caught her attention. The section of the ICWPP to dis- was of course a part of the larger British commission, headed by cuss women’s peace propaganda. question of Germany’s behav- James Bryce, Britain’s venerable When news of these pacifist con- iour in Belgium. The Belgian and respected scholar-diplomat, tacts appeared in the Swiss press, inquiry had featured allegations expanded on the evidence pre- the alarmed British officials in of the German military’s excessive sented in the Belgian report. The Berne decided to impound her behaviour in Leuven as a prime Bryce commissioners collected passport and to give her a new example in their general indict- more than 1,200 depositions, one only for direct passage back to ment of Germany’s actions. The mostly from Belgian refugees Britain. They had difficulty find- German response in turn had who had personally witnessed the ing her, however; and when they devoted one-third of its report to German army’s behaviour in Bel- finally caught up with her and flatly denying the Belgian charges gium. Because the research meth- summoned her to the legation, regarding Leuven and offered odology of the commission was they were too late, for just then a defence of its army’s activi- careful and restrained, its findings Berlin had given clearance for her ties there. It denied any ‘mistake’ could be viewed as reliable, even visits to Germany and Belgium. of friendly fire incidents among authentic, by objective readers.9 She replied to the legation that she retreating German troops as the Nonetheless, the Bryce report was leaving Berne but would call catalyst for their atrocities in the came down hard on the German upon her return. town, as suggested in the Bel- army’s behaviour in Belgium, gian report, and instead asserted and it documented, sometimes ~ that ‘a deluded population, una- in chilling detail, German war ble to grasp the course of events, crimes and destruction. Overall, When the German authorities thought they could destroy the its conclusions contributed to the consented to her requested visits, returning German soldiers with- British mindset of the evil ‘Huns’ they told her only upon her depar- out danger.’ It added: ruthlessly trying to subjugate ture from Switzerland into Ger- Europe.10 The Belgian govern- many that she would always be in Moreover, in [Leuven], as ment’s commission also responded the company of a German mili- in other towns, the burn- in April 1916 with the publication tary escort and would not be per- ing torch was only applied by of its own 500-page ‘Grey Book’, mitted to talk to Belgian citizens. German troops when bitter which included a detailed critique The curbs on her movements in necessity demanded it … [t]he and refutation of the German Belgium also included returning troops confined themselves in White Book.11 to Brussels each night. Hobhouse destroying only those parts of As a pacifist, Hobhouse tried protested against these restrictions the city in which the inhabit- to reconcile differences among in vain and later said that if she ants opposed them in a treach- enemies, and the Bryce report, had known of them in advance, erous and murderous manner. which only served to drive Brit- she probably would have decided It was indeed German troops ain and Germany farther apart, not to visit Belgium. who took care, whenever pos- troubled her. She apparently was Once on German soil, her sible, to save the artistic treas- unfamiliar with the Belgian Grey escort took her straight to Brus- ures, not only of [Leuven], but Book, but the German minister in sels. Over the next ten days (or of other towns …15 Berne had given her a copy of his As a pacifist, more than one half of her seven- government’s account on her way teen-day visit, from 6 to 23 June, In the Bryce report discussion to Rome in late 1915. The British Hobhouse to Germany and occupied Bel- of the German offences in Leu- censor had banned publication of gium), she toured the capital as ven had comprised six pages, and the German White Book in Brit- tried to rec- well as many other Belgian cities thirty-two pages of depositions ain, so unlike her fellow Britons and towns. Despite the restric- in an accompanying appendix, Hobhouse had a fuller perspec- oncile differ- tions, she managed to see a lot. more coverage in both parts than tive of the two sides’ evidence and Among the many places she vis- of any other Belgian town or city. official assertions.12 Because she ences among ited, Hobhouse took a particular Its full account of the German had found British rule in South interest in the German destruc- army’s violent actions in Leuven Africa cruel and oppressive, she enemies, and tion of Leuven. She spent only was presented in vivid contrast to was prepared to believe that the one full day in Leuven but gained the town inhabitants, who were German occupation of Belgium the Bryce a first-hand look at most of the portrayed throughout as respect- might also have involved excesses. large university town. ‘I walked ful and peace-loving.16 In any case, having seen written report, which and drove about the town for sev- The Bryce commissioners may accounts by both sides, she was only served eral hours,’ she wrote upon her not have deliberately focused on motivated to see the conditions return to England, ‘and believe Leuven, but the university town herself, hoping, as she later wrote to drive I saw it pretty thoroughly’.14 It is was revered as a historic reposi- to a senior British diplomat, that well to remember that her later tory of ancient manuscripts and her own investigations ‘would Britain and comments on the conditions in centre of learning in the Low have a softening influence and be Leuven formed only one aspect of Countries; the German destruc- a link to draw our two countries Germany far- the controversy she sparked when tion of university buildings was [Britain and Germany] together.’13 she returned to England and pub- already widely known in Europe. While awaiting clearance ther apart, licly reported her observations. Universities in Britain and Hol- from Berlin for her proposed vis- The contention over the events land kept alive the memory of its, Hobhouse met with the Swiss troubled her. of late August 1914 in Leuven Leuven’s cruel fate in their public

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 41 emily hobhouse appeals for books and funds for the From her meanwhile Mass is celebrated than a year earlier, which he had re-building of the library.17 The in the choir and transepts, already rebutted in print. Moreo- attention on events in Leuven also experience in where, indeed, I saw many at ver, he insinuated that Hobhouse, benefited from the literate Belgian worship, both invaders and in writing that ‘the roof of the refugees from Leuven, includ- the Boer War, invaded. The other churches cathedral caught fire,’ implied, ing professors, who articulated are uninjured. The library is, of as did Bennett, that the Germans their unpleasant recollections in Hobhouse course, a sad sight, for, in spite had not deliberately set fire to the writing or orally to British law- of great efforts, only the walls structure.25 Davignon also cited yers taking down their testimony. understood remain. It is whispered in [Leu- ‘echoes’ of this German influence The Leuven academics were also ven] that some of the more val- in Hobhouse’s description and reit- particularly quick in rebutting that her first- uable volumes were removed erated ‘facts’ that the Belgian and accounts that excused or mini- hand impres- to a place of safety, and should Bryce commissions had well estab- mised the German army’s out- this rumour prove to be well- lished. He particularly stressed the rages there.18 sions casting founded they will form the systematic torching of several parts Following her return to Brit- precious nucleus for the new of the town, including the library ain, Emily Hobhouse helped to doubt on collection of books now pro- and the cathedral, which ‘was set revive a still smouldering contro- posed in your columns.22 on fire by the roof … and in the versy. She did not comment on the Allied per- interior by means of piles of chairs.’ Germans’ brutal actions against Hobhouse’s account set off a The town hall, he noted, was Belgian civilians, which she could ceptions short-lived media frenzy in Brit- spared only because the German not verify directly – and indeed the ain. Commenting on Hobhouse’s military authorities were staying Belgian and Bryce commissions, would not letter, The Times wrote that when there. The fires, lasting three days, while providing truly graphic eye- the German military occupation destroyed 1,120 houses because witness accounts of numerous hor- suffice by ended, outsiders could see the the German authorities prohibited rific incidents, and cumulatively damage themselves. In the mean- any efforts to save them.26 When a clear indictment of the German themselves time, the paper quoted some reve- Hobhouse replied that Davignon’s army’s extensive atrocities there, lations in the Bryce report, which figure of 1,120 houses destroyed did not give estimates of the total to convince had reported that the Germans’ amounted to about one-eighth of Belgian casualties in Leuven.19 ‘burning of a large part’ of the the town and thus substantiated Instead, Hobhouse focused on the readers and town was ‘a calculated policy car- her own figures,27 he responded physical destruction and general ried out scientifically and delib- in turn that a Catholic cleric had condition of the citizenry, which might even erately’. It also cited the Belgian asserted that ‘a third of the built she had witnessed on her visit. It result in inquiry’s findings that ‘the greater area was destroyed’. In any case, he began when she felt compelled part of the town of [Leuven] was a continued, ‘the burnt, destroyed, to counter a Times report in early more vigor- prey to the flames. The fire burnt and pillaged [section] was the most October 1916 that mentioned for several days.’23 The Times’ prosperous of the town’.28 the ‘destruction’ of Leuven; it ous deni- report also referred to a letter From her experience in the went on to assert that this ‘nurs- from a Leuven professor who said Boer War, Hobhouse understood ery of Belgian piety and learning als, so she that the librarian at the university that her first-hand impressions … was wantonly destroyed, and had told him that the library had casting doubt on Allied percep- the library, which was its especial intertwined been locked since the onset of the tions would not suffice by them- pride, reduced to ashes.’20 In a letter war, and the German army had selves to convince readers and published in the newspaper, Hob- her remarks deliberately set fire to the build- might even result in more vigor- house rejoined that of these claims ing with explosive chemicals and ous denials, so she intertwined her ‘only the destruction of the library with expres- prevented anyone from trying to remarks with expressions of her was accurate.’21 She then summa- save the library or to enter it to humanitarian motives and sym- rised her observations of the town: sions of her retrieve manuscripts or books. pathy for the suffering Belgians. (The ‘rumour,’ which Hobhouse Indeed, her first published com- I spent a day in [Leuven] and humanitar- repeated in her letter, apparently ment about her Belgian adven- was somewhat astounded to arose from Jesuit fathers remov- ture was a long letter to the Daily find that, contrary to Press ian motives ing books from a nearby library News, which explained the criti- assertions, it is not destroyed. and taking them in carts to the cal food shortage in Belgium and Indeed out of a normal popula- and sympa- railway station. Seeing the books implored Britons to contribute tion of 44,000, 38,000 are living thy for the going through the streets, some funds to Herbert Hoover’s relief there today. It is computed that Leuven citizens mistakenly imag- commission, which was distribut- only an eighth of the town has suffering ined they were from the univer- ing food to the unfortunate Bel- suffered. The exquisite town sity library.)24 gian citizenry.29 She subsequently hall is unscathed. The roof Belgians. On the following two days, The lamented how bad the German of the cathedral caught fire, Times published separate responses occupation of Belgium was and the bells melting and crashing from Henri Davignon, secretary how British citizens should sup- into the nave, but the flames of the Belgian inquiry, and a Leu- port financially humanitarian aid were extinguished before too ven professor. The latter criticised to that country. These sentiments great damage was done to the Hobhouse’s acceptance of the Ger- may have made her sound more main structure. It has been re- man version of events in Leuven, reasonable but did not seem to roofed, perhaps temporarily, which bore ‘a striking resemblance’ soften the strong objections to her and the nave boarded off, but to Bennett’s article published more reporting.

42 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 emily hobhouse

However, Hobhouse had sup- influential political friends might War, much more has been writ- porters who rallied to her side. make her a cause célèbre in Britain. ten about the events of late August The Herald, a prominent anti-war The early autumn of 1916 was a 1914 in that town, but until World Labour Party-supporting news- very tense time, with the stag- War II, Germany mostly contin- paper, reprinted her account of gering and still escalating French ued to deny atrocities by its army her visit to Belgium and declared and British military losses at Ver- in Belgium in 1914. Finally, how- it a direct refutation of the Bryce dun and the Somme, and a sensa- ever, in 1958, a Belgian-German report.30 The escalating contro- tional trial might undermine the committee of historians exposed versy reached the halls of Parlia- nation’s commitment to the war the selection and suppression of ment in the early autumn of 1916, effort. Instead, in November 1916 evidence on Leuven presented with her detractors claiming the British government hoped to in the German White Book.33 that she had obtained her pass- prevent further private peace mis- Then, thirty years later, a German port under false pretences, since sions by issuing an amendment to historian contributed a mono- her purpose from the outset was the Defence of the Realm Act, graph focused specifically on always to try to visit German- which henceforth prohibited citi- the destruction of the university occupied lands. More seriously, zens from entering enemy terri- library in both world wars as well they charged her with actions tory without official permission. as the rebuilding efforts after each bordering on treason. They pub- Hobhouse, for her part, denied one.34 licly expressed concerns only that she had had any intention of The fascination with the Ger- about her excursion into Ger- visiting Germany and Belgium man actions in Belgium contin- many, but they were surely aware until she reached Switzerland on ued in 2001, when two historians and disapproved of her visit to her way back to Britain in mid- published a compelling study of Belgium too, and her subsequent 1916, and she went on to assert German atrocities and destruc- reports on conditions there. Her that she had gone there ‘quite sim- tion throughout Belgium. They supporters claimed, however, ply and openly, contravening no argued that the White Book was that her trip was not premedi- law; I went under my own name an attempted cover-up of German tated but had been undertaken on with a “humanitarian pass”, in war crimes, and they provided the spur of the moment and that the interests of truth, peace and evidence that Leuven’s citizens she had broken no laws.31 Surmis- humanity; and I am proud and offered no resistance to the Ger- ing that the evidence against her thankful to have done so.’32 man occupiers, who nonetheless was not watertight, the Attorney proceeded to go on a rampage, General, Sir Frederick Smith, ~ terrorising, even summarily did not indict her. He may have executing, many innocent citi- believed that the prosecution of Was Hobhouse’s reporting on The ruins of zens. These historians advanced a well-known woman who had Leuven accurate? Since the Great Leuven in 1914 various reasons for the German

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 43 emily hobhouse behaviour: stories of French francs- reason was that a stone structure David S. Patterson is a historian tireurs who had severely harassed with very high ceilings was dif- who has served in both academia and the occupying German troops ficult to burn to the ground. She government. Besides teaching at sev- in the earlier Franco-Prussian may have actually witnessed the eral major universities, he was for War and the German soldiers’ ‘invaders’ and ‘invaded’ worship- many years chief editor of the Foreign easy (though erroneous) assump- ping together in the re-roofed Relations of the United States series tion in August 1914 that the Bel- and boarded-off part of the cathe- at the U.S. Department of State. gians must have similar guerrilla dral, but after nearly two years He is author of Toward a Warless units in place; very jittery (and the occupied residents would World: The Travail of the Ameri- sometimes drunken) German sol- probably have come to an uneasy can Peace Movement, 1887–1914 diers retreating to Leuven from accommodation with their occu- (Indiana University Press), and arti- a counter-attack by the Belgian piers. In any event, it is hard to cles in diplomatic, peace, and women’s army; the hostility of the German accept the implication of Germans history. His recent book is The Search Protestant-dominated units to the and Belgians living together in a for Negotiated Peace: Women’s university, a Catholic institution reconciled community. Activism and Citizen Diplomacy run by prominent clergy and pro- She was also not forthright in in World War I (Routledge, 2008). fessors; and friendly fire incidents, revealing the restrictions Ger- which the Germans interpreted many placed on her visit. In Hobhouse’s 1 Biographical details of Hobhouse as coming from Belgian guerril- particular, since the German and her family and her wanderings las. ‘Everything points to a major military officer accompanying reporting in 1915–16 for this paper are drawn panic,’ they wrote, ‘in which the her seemed to enforce the prohi- from A. Ruth Fry, Emily Hobhouse: German soldiers ran riot.’ They bition against her speaking with was a useful A Memoir (London: Jonathan Cape, also concluded that the German the local residents, one wonders 1929); John Fisher, That Miss Hob- army deliberately set fire to parts about the sources and veracity of admoni- house (London: Secker & Warburg, of Leuven, including the univer- the ‘rumour,’ ‘hearsay,’ and ‘sto- 1971); Jennifer Hobhouse Balme, sity library, and that about one- ries’ she recounted that seemed tion against To Love One’s Enemies: The Work sixth of the city was destroyed.35 to mollify the worst effects of the and Life of Emily Hobhouse Compiled (For her one-eighth estimate, German presence in Belgium.40 quick accept- from Letters and Writings, Newspa- Hobhouse had written, ‘I use, of Only years later, for example, did per Cuttings, and Official Documents course, approximate figures.’36) she relate to her friendly biogra- ance of the (Cobble Hill, Canada: Hobhouse More recently, at least two other pher that a young German officer Trust, 1994); and John Hall, That books have focused on German had been a principal source for the most vitriolic Bloody Woman: The Turbulent Life atrocities in Belgium, one specifi- destructive events in Leuven.41 of Emily Hobhouse (Truro: Truran, cally devoted to the destruction Hobhouse’s participation condemna- 2008). Also see John V. Crangle and rebuilding of Leuven.37 in the controversy over the tions of and Joseph O. Baylen, ‘Emily Hob- Hobhouse’s account of the destruction of Leuven, though house’s Peace Mission, 1916,’ Journal physical destruction of Leuven relatively brief, offers a small Germany’s of Contemporary History, 14 (October was mostly accurate; what was window into the larger question 1979), pp. 731–44. Except for quo- controversial was her interpre- of ‘war guilt,’ which the victori- actions. At tations from these sources, they are tation of its causes and conse- ous Allies imposed on Germany not cited below. Some of my con- quences. Predisposed to believe in the Treaty of Versailles at the her best, clusions are in David S. Patterson, in reconciliation, she downplayed end of the war. Just as post-war The Search for Negotiated Peace: Wom- explanations that would depict German governments never she wanted en’s Activism and Citizen Diplomacy in German behaviour at its worst. really accepted that verdict in the World War I (New York: Routledge, In writing that the fire had spread treaty, so did they continue to to know the 2008), pp. 241–55, passim. to the cathedral, for instance, she deny excesses by German troops 2 See in particular John E. Owen, L. implied that the Germans had not in Belgium. Some of the Allied truth, but T. Hobhouse: Sociologist (Columbus: deliberately set it ablaze. Indeed, claims against German behaviour Ohio State University Press, 1974). after the war she would relate in Belgium were indeed exagger- some of her 3 Quoted in Fry, Emily Hobhouse, with approval the explanation a ated, however, and Hobhouse’s p. 267. young German army captain had reporting was a useful admoni- assertions 4 Quoted in Balme, To Love One’s given her during her visit to Leu- tion against quick acceptance of Enemies, p. 546. ven that it was a Belgian citizens’ the most vitriolic condemnations made her 5 Hobhouse did not publicly iden- uprising that had set in motion the of Germany’s actions. At her best, tify Jagow by name; but he was the events leading to the destruction she wanted to know the truth, seem an ‘high official’ in the German gov- of the library and cathedral.38 The but some of her assertions made apologist, if ernment in her article, which sum- evidence is very strong, however, her seem an apologist, if not an marised her interview with him. that the destruction of both the outright propagandist, for the not an out- See Hobhouse, ‘A German Offi- library and cathedral were delib- German position. cial’s View of Peace,’ The Nation erate, calculated actions under- Emily Hobhouse died in 1926, right propa- (London), 26 (October 21, 1916), taken by the German army, which and it is interesting to specu- pp. 113–14. also resisted residents’ attempts late about what she would have gandist, for 6 Chicago Daily Tribune, September to extinguish the raging fires.39 thought if she had lived to see the 17, 1914, p. 1. An Associated Press And if the flames did not irrepa- post-World War II confirmation the German account, presumably by Roger rably damage the main part of of Germany’s culpable behaviour Lewis and mostly corroborat- the cathedral, as she wrote, the in Belgium in August 1914. position. ing Bennett’s report, is ibid., p. 5.

44 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 emily hobhouse

Leuven was the Flemish name Alleged German Outrages (Lon- experiences, he suspended of the future, and I felt it would for the town, while the French don: Harrison [1915]). Hereaf- judgment of how the violence live longer in my memory than name was Louvain. Ben- ter Bryce Report, Evidence and started, but cited several exam- anything else I had seen in Lou- nett’s quotation above and all Documents. ples of the Germans’ system- vain. I gathered a few jewels subsequent ones herein used 11 Réponse au Livre Blanc Allemand atic destruction of parts of the from the dust here also, and stole the French name, but I have du May 1915: ‘Die Volkerrech- town and their violent actions, away feeling that the possibility changed the spelling to the tswidrige Führung des Belgischen which they freely admitted to of universal brotherhood still Flemish Leuven, putting it in Volkskriegs’ (Paris: Berger-Lev- him and continued long after lives.’ She also reiterated, ‘One brackets to show the substitu- rault, 1916). the row started. These facts, in hopes there may be foundation tion, since Leuven is the com- 12 Hobhouse probably received his view, ‘would seem to place for the rumour that some of the monly accepted name today the German text of the White the burden of proof on them more precious manuscripts were among its residents. Book, as the abridged Eng- rather than on the Belgians’. put in safety.’ ‘Belgium Today,’ 7 La Violation du Droit des Gens lish version published in the His account was subsequently p. 133. en Belgique (Paris: Berger-Lev- United States (see footnote 8 published in A Journal from our 23 The Times, October 18, 1916, rault, 1915). An English trans- above) was probably not yet Legation in Belgium (Garden p. 7. lation is Official Commission available. She could not read City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page, 24 The Leuven professor’s let- of the Belgian Government, German but could have had 1917), pp. 154–72 (quotations ter had been earlier published, Reports on the Violation of the parts of it translated for her, on p. 167). ibid., November 18, 1915, p. Rights of Nations and of the Laws and she may have read reports 17 New York Times, January 17, 11. In her U.D.C. report, Hob- and Customs of War in Belgium (2 of it in the Swiss press. 1915, p. 4, and May 18, 1915, p. house wrote, ‘Stories abound vols., London: Harrison [1915]). 13 Quotation in Fisher, That Miss 3; London Times, October 3, as to the origin of this fire [that 8 The German Army in Belgium: Hobhouse, p. 248. 1916, p. 9. destroyed the library], a dis- The White Book of May 1915, 14 The fullest report of her Bel- 18 Ibid., March 29, 1915, p. 5; aster not at all surprising with translated by E. N. Bennett gian visit is Emily Hobhouse, Chicago Daily Tribune, April 11, burning houses near at hand, (London: Swarthmore Press ‘Belgium Today,’ The U.D.C., 1915, p. 2; New York Times, June and a pile of tents and canvasses [1921]), passim (quotations 1 (October 1916), pp. 132–34 4, 1915, p. 10. belonging to the booths of the on p. xvi). The foreword to (quotation on p. 133). U.D.C. 19 For that matter, none of the market folk.’ Her implication this postwar edition gives the was the newsletter of the later secondary sources (see that a single fire spread to the impression that it was a rebuttal Union of Democratic Control, footnotes 33–35 and 37 below) library because of flammable to the Bryce report. That was a British group promoting neu- ventured to provide even materials and structures nearby easily believed – and Hobhouse tral mediation of the war and approximate figures on the spared Germany of direct may have assumed that was the post-war international reform. number of casualties. Part of responsibility. She also with- case too -- because the Bryce Hobhouse was probably a the problem was that many of held judgment on the cause of document supported many member and in any case knew the Leuven citizens became the fire until the end of the war of the findings of the Belgian many of its Liberal and Labour refugees who died elsewhere in when ‘evidence can be brought commission. But neither the leaders. Her U.D.C. article did the course of their exodus from by eye-witnesses from each German nor British report not seem to stir up public con- the town or were picked up by side.’ ‘Belgium Today,’ p. 133. contained any references to troversy, perhaps because it was the Germans and shipped to 25 The Times, October 20, 1916, the other. An abridged Eng- read almost entirely by Brit- German prison camps. And the p. 9. lish version was published in ons who sympathised with her German army was not moti- 26 Ibid., October 19, 1916, p. 9. the United States under the anti-war views, and it is cited vated to keep an accurate tally 27 Ibid., October 20, 1916, p. 9. title, The Belgian People’s War: here and in other footnotes of their Belgian victims. 28 Ibid., October 21, 1916, p. 11. A Violation of International Law. below on occasion to amplify 20 The Times, October 3, 1916, p. 9. 29 Daily News and Leader, Septem- Translations from the Official Ger- her views that were published 21 In the U.D.C. publication, she ber 15, 1916, p. 4. Fry, Emily man White Book, Published by in British newspapers. responded: ‘That the Library Hobhouse, p. 274, quotes from the Imperial Foreign Office (New 15 German Army in Belgium, pp. was destroyed is true; that it an article by Hobhouse on York: John C. Rankin [1915]). xviii, 192–282 (quotations on p. was wantonly destroyed is Hoover’s commission, which 9 The Bryce commission’s care- xviii); and Belgian People’s War, almost certainly untrue; that she says was published in the ful methodology included pp. 91–135. [Leuven] itself was destroyed is Daily News on September 4, discounting emotional wit- 16 Bryce Report, pp. 29–36; Bryce false.’ ‘Belgium Today,’ p. 133 1916, but this earlier article was nesses who might be prone to Report, Evidence and Documents, (emphasis Hobhouse). not found there. exaggeration and distortion, pp. 130–61. The report also 22 The Times, October 18, 1916, 30 The Herald, October 21, 1916, p. interviews of presumably more featured German excessive p. 7. In the U.D.C. article, she 3. Moreover, in a preface to her objective witnesses from neu- actions in other Belgian towns added that ‘The 6,000 absent report in the U.D.C., the edi- tral countries, and descriptions – for example, Dinant and included men serving in the tor complained that the British from the diaries recovered from Tamines. Another interesting Belgian Army.’ And regarding people were not allowed to see German soldiers. eye-witness account was that of worshippers in the cathedral, Germany’s publication of the 10 Committee on Alleged German Hugh Gibson, secretary of the she effused, ‘Here I drew aside Belgian events and touted her Atrocities: Report of the Com- American Legation in Brus- and watched while Belgian citi- ‘clear and impartial narrative,’ mittee on Alleged German Out- sels, who visited Leuven on the zens and German soldiers knelt which showed that there could rages Appointed by His Britannic afternoon of August 28, 1914, side by side in prayer. I came be ‘another side’ to the horror Majesty’s Government (London: or three days after the fight- across many similar instances of stories presented in the Bryce Harrison [1915]). Hereafter ing and destruction began in good feeling elsewhere between report. Bryce Report. The appendix is the town. Besides recounting the German common soldiers 31 For the discussion in the House titled Evidence and Documents the continuing ‘reign of terror’ and the Belgian peasantry. That of Commons, see Parliamen- Laid Before the Committee on there and his own harrowing sight bore within it the germs tary Debates, Fifth Series, 86,

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 45 emily hobhouse

cols. 1270–71, 1493–94, 1697, Untersuchung der Deutschen photographs); and Jeff Lipkes, Hobhouse, pp. 272–73. 1745–47; and ibid., 87, col. 942. Dokumentation über die Vorgänge Rehearsals: The German Army 39 In her U.D.C. article, Hob- Generous quotations from in Löwen vom 25. bis 28. August in Belgium, August 1914 (Leu- house had written in a paren- the debate are reproduced in 1914 (Cologne: Böhlau, 1958), ven: Leuven University Press, thetical aside, as if only hearsay: Fisher, That Miss Hobhouse, pp. by Peter Schöller, an assistant to 2007), which offers some revi- ‘(Strenuous efforts were made 254–59. the German committee chair- sions of the Horne-Kramer to subdue the flames, in which 32 The Times, November 13, 1916, man. This history exposed interpretations. Interestingly, Belgians and Germans worked p. 9. A biographer who was a the German White Book as a none of these post-World War together.)’ ‘Belgium Today,’ friend of Hobhouse later wrote, cover-up, and the introduc- II books mentioned Hob- p. 133. however, that she had ‘long tory essay by another Ger- house’s descriptions of Belgium 40 Only in her U.D.C. article determined’ to visit Germany. man member concluded with in 1916 or the controversy sur- (ibid., p. 132) did she mention Fry, Emily Hobhouse, p. 276. an apology to Leuven and its rounding them. her ‘escort’ and then without Lord Leonard Courtney tried citizens. The Belgian members 38 In the officer’s account, a rocket further identification. In her to make the best of a delicate found the book complete and was fired as a Belgian signal to writings about her trip, she issue when he remarked in the requiring no further study. begin firing on the German reported two conversations House of Lords that ‘the inten- 34 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Die troops. During the ensuing she was able to have with Bel- tion of going to Germany did Bibliothek von Löwen: Eine Epi- fighting, the library caught gian residents. One was with a not exist in her mind at all when sode aus der Zeit der Weltkriege fire and the Germans, upon verger in a church in Malines she started for Italy. If it did exist (Munich: Carl Hanser, 1988). entering the building, could (Mecherin) about the fate of a it lay there very dormant all the I am grateful to Peter van den find no fire extinguishers or Rubens painting displayed there winter and through the early Dungen for this reference. the custodian. In consequence, before the war. Ibid., p. 133. spring months.’ It is probable 35 John Horne and Alan Kramer, ‘[t]he books caught quickly Another was with a manager that she long envisioned such German Atrocities, 1914: A His- and nothing could be done,’ of a soup kitchen in Brussels a visit, but did not see how it tory of Denial (New Haven, she concluded. And from his when she was accompanied by could be done until she reached CT: Yale University Press, recounting, she continued, another German guide who was Switzerland on her way back 2001), pp. 38–42, passim (quo- ‘Unfortunately as the flames not fluent in English and did not from Italy. Fisher, That Miss tation on p. 40). streamed into the sky the wind enforce the prohibition. London Hobhouse, pp. 257–58 (quotation 36 The Times, October 20, 1916, blew the sparks across to the Daily News, September 15, 1916, on p. 257). p. 9. roof of the Cathedral, which p. 4 (recounted with additional 33 The German committee mem- 37 Marika Ceunen and Piet Vel- also caught.’ She also accepted details in Fry, Emily Hobhouse, bers agreed that the events in deman, eds., Aan Onze Helden his explanation that he ordered pp. 274–75). She apparently Leuven would suffice as rep- en Martelaren: Belden van de a few adjacent houses blown up never made public the restric- resentative of German actions Brand van Leuven (Augustus 1914) to prevent the fire spreading tions on her speech, which were in Belgium in 1914. The (Leuven: Peeters, 2004), which to the town hall and person- first revealed after her death in result was Der Fall Löwen und contains much illustrative ally rescued a valuable painting Ruth Fry’s biography of her. das Weissbuch: Eine Kritische material (posters, documents, from the cathedral. Fry, Emily 41 See footnote 38 above. Liberal Leaders The latest publication from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1900.

The sixty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat leader since 1900. The total of sixteen biographies stretches from Henry Campbell-Bannerman to Nick Clegg, including such figures as H. H. Asquith, , Jo Grimond, David Steel, David Owen and Paddy Ashdown.

Liberal Leaders is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £5 (normal price £6) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £5.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ.

46 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 the editor of a new paper, the Whitehall Gazette and St James’ Reviews Review, he set up an office in Parliament Street, from which he operated the trade in hon- ours. As usual, hard evidence of The man who sold the honours Gregory’s precise role in indi- Andrew Cook, Cash for Honours: The Story of Maundy vidual sales is largely lacking, so the author supplies a fictional Gregory (The History Press, 2008) account of how he operated, and Reviewed by Duncan Brack repeats what is known about the activity, and the general political background. What is known is certainly ho was Maundy Gre- cash-for-honours system was by dramatic. The Lloyd George gory? Most Journal read- then well established, but Cook Fund was ultimately to top £4 Wers probably know little argues that Asquith’s government million, equivalent to about more than the fact that he was the exploited it so blatantly that ‘it £130 million today. Going rates man who sold the honours that threatened to bring the ruling were £10,000 for a knighthood raised the money for the Lloyd class into disrepute’ (p. 27). He £30,000 for a baronetcy, and George Fund. Now Andrew implies on the same page that £50,000–100,000 for a peerage Cook, a historian and author of, this was connected with the list (multiply by 33 for today’s prices). among other books, Ace of Spies: of names Asquith drew up in Gregory used his commission to The True Story of Sidney Reilly, 1910 in the expectation that he subsidise a lavish lifestyle, buy has written his biography, draw- would have to create enough properties including the Ambas- ing on newly available sources new Liberal peers to overcome sador Club in Soho and Deep- including family papers. the Tory opposition first to the dene Hotel in (which Cook has done a thorough job. ‘People’s Budget’ and then to the he allegedly used for gathering Arthur John Maundy Gregory Parliament Bill – again with- gossip about the sex lives of con- was born in 1877, the second son out providing any evidence. In temporary celebrities) and throw of an Anglican vicar in South- fact Asquith’s government did parties for prominent members of ampton. After school he began raise substantial sums in sales of society. to study theology at Oxford, but honours, largely because of the The end began to come his real love lay in the theatre, expenses of the two 1910 elec- in sight when Lloyd George and after his father’s death in 1899 tions, but this was not regarded at he gave up university for a pre- the time as especially unusual. carious career as drawing-room After the outbreak of war entertainer, actor and stage and in 1914, Gregory offered his theatre manager. By 1909, how- information to Special Branch, ever, he had abandoned it, leaving probably in the hope of payment, his backers to meet substantial and in 1917 he applied for a job losses. After disappearing for a with MI5, in the hope of avoid- year, he resurfaced as editor of a ing being called up. Cook repeats weekly society magazine called one MI5 officer’s rather splendid Mayfair and Town Topics, which assessment: ‘I was very unfavour- generated revenue largely from ably impressed by him … He is fees from nouveau-riche industri- not a “Sahib”, and he is evidently alists seeking to make their way talkative, boastful etc. …’ (p. 47). into society and keen to see ‘man In the end he joined the Irish of the day’ pieces appear about Guards, but does not seem to themselves. have seen active service. This proved not only a more After the war Gregory was successful financial venture than approached by Alick Murray the theatre, it also gave Gregory (otherwise known as the Mas- the opportunity to make con- ter of Elibank, Liberal Chief nections. Building up a network Whip 1910–12 and something of of contacts among hotel manag- a kindred spirit, with a love of ers and staff, well aware of social intrigue and a taste for wealthy indiscretions, he started a sideline and slightly raffish company) career as a private investigator and to act as an intermediary in – possibly – blackmailer. the sale of honours for Lloyd Cook also claims – though George’s Coalition Liberal party; without providing any sources in exchange he was to be paid – that Gregory started to sell a retainer plus a percentage of honours on behalf of the Liberal the purchase price for the hon- Whip Percy Illingworth. The ours. Operating ostensibly as

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 47 reviews annoyed his coalition partners Maundy Gre- the end he was fined £50 plus 50 therefore forced repeatedly to by retaining control of the Fund guineas costs, and gaoled for two revert to speculation about what personally and by using the award gory remains months. He remains the only per- might have happened. Worse, he (or the sale) of honours to poach son ever to have been convicted speculates at considerable length Unionist supporters, and annoyed the only under the 1925 Act. about things that Gregory might the King because of the charac- Gregory faced the possibility of have been involved in, but almost ter of many of those ennobled. person ever a further enquiry over the death certainly was not, including the Despite mounting parliamentary of Edith Rosse, an actress and forging of Roger Casement’s dia- and press criticism, Lloyd George to have been friend who had altered her will in ries in order to discredit him as a and the Unionist leader Austen his favour a few days before her closet homosexual, the still unex- Chamberlain doggedly refused convicted death. The enquiry was delayed, plained disappearance of the one- to establish a public enquiry. however, until after his release time Independent Labour Party This contributed to the political under the from gaol and flight to France, MP and suspected Soviet spy Vic- crisis of October 1922, when the and in the end, although Rosse’s tor Grayson in 1920 (to which an Unionists decided to withdraw 1925 Honours body was exhumed on suspicion entire chapter is devoted), and the from the Coalition, overthrowing of poisoning, nothing could be forged Zinoviev Letter of 1924, both Lloyd George and Cham- (Prevention proved. Cook hints that Gregory used to discredit the first Labour berlain in the process. of Abuses) was being protected, but, as usual, government. The following year, under fails to supply any evidence. Similarly, extensive but often a new government, the Royal Act. Gregory lived the rest of his essentially irrelevant details Commission on Honours life in France, receiving a pen- are provided about Gregory’s reported, recommending that all sion, probably from the Conserv- acquaintances and contemporar- names included on an honours ative Party, on condition that he ies and general political develop- list should be accompanied by a revealed nothing about his past. ments; an awful lot of the text statement from the Prime Min- He kept his side of the bargain, is basically padding. Combined ister ‘that no payment to a politi- and eventually died in September with the author’s prolix style this cal fund was associated with the 1941 after being interned after the makes the book an uphill struggle recommendation’ (p. 111). Such German invasion. to read. But for anyone wanting a complete end to the old system The main problem with Cash to find out what is known about was not particularly welcome to for Honours is that there is simply Maundy Gregory, his life and the new Prime Minister, Stanley not enough known about Gre- career and involvement with the Baldwin, and legislation was gory – or not enough of interest, honours scandal behind the Lloyd delayed for two years. And in the at any rate – to fill a decent-sized George Fund, it is a highly useful end the 1925 Honours (Preven- book, and too many details – source. tion of Abuses) Act left a number such as the names of those who of loopholes and made the per- paid for honours – have never Duncan Brack is the Editor of the son who had paid money in the been revealed. The author is Journal of Liberal History. expectation of an honour liable to prosecution along with the offi- cial or middleman who had sold the honour. As Cook observes, this provision effectively deterred recipients from ever admitting Northern Liberal what had happened. Although Gregory’s role Alan Beith, A View from the North (Northumbria University diminished substantially after Press, 2008) Lloyd George’s departure from office, he continued to take Reviewed by Michael Meadowcroft payments, often in advance of honours that were never in the end awarded. In 1932, however, have an immense personal component. Consequently, in the he tried to sell Lieutenant Com- regard for Alan Beith and for summer of 1988 I campaigned mander Billyard-Leake a knight- Ihis long years of service to the for him to become leader of the hood, or baronetcy, for £12,000. cause of Liberalism. Following new party. Had he succeeded it Leake was not interested but the miseries of the merger nego- would have been impossible to strung him along and informed tiations and vote, I believed that have remained outside the party. the authorities. In February 1933 the only chance for the Liberal That didn’t happen, alas, and it Gregory was charged under the cause to be safeguarded was for has taken a somewhat long and Honours Act. After some initial Alan to become the leader of the winding road to be back in the blustering, he eventually pleaded new party. It needed someone same party. guilty, possibly being persuaded who not only was an instinctive His chapter on Liberal phi- to do so by the Conservative Liberal but who also knew Liberal losophy and beliefs, included Party to avoid revealing embar- history and had the intellectual deliberately to give positive rassing details in court, or pos- depth, plus the tactical skills, to reasons why Liberals and Liberal sibly as a plea bargain in order to keep the party relatively sound, Democrats continue to put such avoid a long prison sentence. In despite its social democratic time and energy into a cause

48 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 reviews which provides so little political process came to a halt so that a been achieved with the right tac- return but which is so fundamen- single Member could go home tics. He does, however, hint that tally important to the kind of to a sick child. It wouldn’t hap- he was in favour of Steel formally society that is in harmony with pen often but even one example taking over from Jenkins as leader human talents and aspirations, is deserves recognition. of the Alliance campaign at the an excellent exposition. Russell Alan also writes very directly Ettrick Bridge meeting in the Johnston’s perorations made the of his Christian beliefs and the middle of the 1983 general elec- same points in magical language simple linking of that faith with tion campaign. that sent one out to continue the his personal tragedies contributes Beith’s account of the facts unequal struggle with renewed to the whole picture of him as an relating to David Steel’s pur- vigour; Alan Beith chooses to set individual. No one, on any side ported ‘sabbatical’ at the start of out the case in measured terms of politics, could be other than the 1983 parliament are, I think, that are equally needed and no delighted with his recent rela- put on the record for the first less persuasive. tionship and marriage to Diana time. Only a few of us, mainly Not least from his decade as Maddock. He also mentions his those of us in the Whips’ Office, Chief Whip Alan knows more musical background – trumpet- knew that Steel had formally than most where the bodies are playing – and his linguistic skills resigned as leader. Beith states buried and has been privy to – Norwegian and Welsh! that he still has the resignation many of the internal party tor- There are some tantalising letter ‘which I retrieved from ments. I therefore grabbed his political tidbits. I do not recall the Party President, John Grif- autobiography hot from the seeing before the detail of the fiths’. I’ll bet John kept a photo- press, so to speak, pausing only to Parliamentary Party vote in copy. Amazingly the press never check the letter M in the index, favour of resign- cottoned on to this story – yet in order to delve into the key ing the party leadership after the another ‘what if’ occasion. passages. Alas, most of my hopes Scott allegations becoming pub- Commenting on David Pen- that this would be a key work of lic. Incidentally, Alan is wrong in haligon’s tragic death in a car autobiographical political refer- saying that ‘Richard Wainwright accident just before Christmas ence remain unfulfilled. There made public his insistence that 1986, Beith tells of his close- are certainly some valuable expo- Jeremy should go.’ That certainly ness with Penhaligon and of the sitions but in most cases Alan was the message between the eventual problem of how, if at remains too polite and skates over lines of Richard’s BBC Radio all, they could both compete important issues. In that sense this Leeds interview but his actual for the party leadership. I was is only a partial contribution to statement was that Thorpe must unaware that the two of them Liberal history. sue for libel or face the implica- were so close and completely I suspect that Alan himself tions of not doing. oblivious to the fact that they did not intend it to be primarily On the Lib-Lab Pact Beith were both already making their a political work. It is much more writes that ‘with a confidence the story of a personal voyage, motion coming up, Callaghan illustrated from his political approached the Liberals’, whereas life, written for a wide circle of the received truth has always been friends, and, as such it very much that Cyril Smith made the initial succeeds. He writes well and his approach to Callaghan and that recounting of the deaths of his Cledwyn Hughes followed it up wife, Barbara, and then his son, with Steel. Beith makes no com- Chris, are movingly done with ment on the background to David no mawkish sentiment but with Steel’s failure to make Callaghan an open heart and a willing- insist on a whipped Labour vote ness to share on the page feel- on proportional representation ings which Alan understandably for the European elections on largely kept to himself whilst 1979. Both David Owen and having to maintain a public Chris Mayhew believed that presence. Labour’s determination to retain As it happens, whilst I was power would have made them Alan’s deputy whip, I had evi- accept a whipped vote had Steel dence of the decency of John insisted on it. Major, who was then a gov- Beith’s account of the Alli- ernment whip, on this matter. ance includes no comment on Major and I were whipping an the background to the Liberal environment bill on the floor by-election victory in October of the House – report stage, I 1981 at Croydon North West think – and John approached where David Steel’s crass attempt me: ‘I understand that Alan’s to bounce Shirley Williams into son is rather ill.’ ‘That’s right,’ I the nomination there highlighted responded. ‘Well, let us adjourn his failure to woo Bill Pitt and the the House early so that he can go Liberal Party into giving way – a home.’ The whole parliamentary course of action that might have

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 49 reviews dispositions on a future leader- His chapter skill enabled [it] to win battles that ‘he might not have won the ship contest. It would have been which it would have been better leadership under the old sys- yet another case of the need for on Liberal for [them] to lose’. tem, in which only the MPs had a combination of the diverse and Beith’s comments on the sub- votes’. Alan makes it clear that, very different talents of two key philosophy sequent leadership contest are as Deputy Leader, he knew of protagonists! interesting: ‘There was no way the Ashdown ‘project’ with Blair Beith’s treatment of the 1986 and beliefs, David Steel could win Liberal and that he was relaxed about it, defence debate at the Liberal support to lead the new party not least because he ‘thought that Party’s Eastbourne Assembly included … [H]e had acquired far too the coalition was never going to is unsatisfactory. It is a longer much unwelcome baggage in happen’. story than can be dealt with in deliberately the merger negotiations, and All in all, this is a biography a book review and, fortunately, his mishandling over the policy worth reading for its humanity there are two accounts available: to give posi- document was the last straw, par- and for its occasional political mine in Journal of Liberal History, ticularly for many of his parliamentary aperçus, but it is not for those who No 18, spring 1998 (and on my tive reasons colleagues’ [my italics]. Those of expect to find the insider view website http://www.bramley. us who had been conscious of on the past thirty years of Liberal demon.co.uk/liberal.html ‘Alli- why Liberals similar political weaknesses in history. ance – Parties and Leaders’) and Liberal our esteemed leader for many and in Radical Quarterly, No 5, years, and who had struggled to Michael Meadowcroft joined the autumn 1987. Suffice to say here Democrats keep the party united in the face Liberal Party in 1958. He has been a that Beith’s implication that the of much provocation, would have full-time party official and a national political debacle was caused by continue welcomed parliamentary party officer. He was a Leeds City Council- ‘the presence within the Liberal action much earlier. lor, a West Yorkshire Metropolitan Party of a substantial minority of to put such He is very loyal to Paddy Ash- County Councillor and, from 1983– unilateralist views’ is incorrect. down as leader, and recognises 87, MP for Leeds West. He has writ- The eventual post-Assembly time and his later leadership skills, but ten extensively on Liberal philosophy fudge, which I introduced into a makes the accurate comment and history. Commons debate in December energy into a 1986, was almost identical in its essence to a draft Assembly cause which motion put to the Policy Com- mittee in advance by William provides so Wallace and rejected by David Eight case studies of notorious political Steel who wanted, fatally, to go little politi- for the high-wire act. rivals Beith regards the account cal return of the merger negotiations in John Campbell, Pistols at Dawn: Two Hundred Year of Political Rachael Pitchford’s and Tony but which Rivalry, from Pitt and Fox to Blair and Brown (Jonathan Cape, Greaves’ book, Merger – The is so funda- Inside Story, as ‘fairly accurate.’ 2009) By and large Alan Beith’s role mentally Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones within the negotiations was as a solid and dependable Liberal important to colleague, and was an impor- tant antidote to Steel’s way- the kind of ohn Campbell first made his mistress of thirty years’ stand- ward and undependable role, his (indelible) mark as the ing. As a full-time writer, the but he fails to mention that at society that Jauthor of Lloyd George: the author is especially well-placed to the key moment when John Goat in the Wilderness, 1922–31 produce these magisterial tomes. Grant resigned from the SDP is in harmony (1977), a groundbreaking study For the present book Campbell team and then Bob Maclennan of Lloyd George’s declining years presents his readership with eight walked out saying he couldn’t go with human which has well stood the test of notorious case studies of political on – to the surprise of his own time. Subsequently he has pub- rivalry – from Charles James Fox colleagues, who were forced to talents lished a masterly, well-received and William Pitt the Younger follow him rather sheepishly – it clutch of political biographies, in the late eighteenth century to was Alan who asked the Lib- and aspira- of Lord Birkenhead (1983), Roy Tony Blair and Gordon Brown eral team, ‘What can we give Jenkins (1983), Aneurin Bevan in very recent years. In this last them to get them back to the tions, is an (1986), the award-winning study chapter he comes close to writing table?’ It was a moment when of Ted Heath (1993), and Mar- the ‘instant history’ so beloved of the Liberal team could have excellent garet Thatcher (two volumes, many contemporary historians. ensured that there was a formula exposition. 2000 and 2003). His most recent Whereas in If Love Were All the that would have retained party work, If Love Were All: the Story of author went to enormous lengths unity, and it muffed it. Ironically Frances Stevenson and David Lloyd to quarry all the relevant primary Beith approvingly quotes Wil- George (2006) (reviewed in Journal source materials, in this book lie Goodhart, a key SDP team 52, autumn 2006), was the ulti- he relies mainly on secondary member, as saying that ‘the SDP mate detailed account of Lloyd works. He makes good use of his team’s more effective negotiating George’s intense relationship with own biographies and has read

50 Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 reviews exhaustively through the rich atrocities of the 1870s. The author later, ‘Supermac’ took pains to haul of other sources available. It has an eye for the telling quota- ensure that Douglas-Home, is notable that in the last chapter tion to enliven his writing. Here although not really suited for the on Blair and Brown the range he quotes Disraeli’s private opin- position, should succeed him as of available source materials is ion of Gladstone expressed to Premier, rather than Butler, when much narrower – at least for the Lord Derby in October 1876 as his health failed and his govern- moment. ‘that unprincipled maniac … [an] ment had conspicuously run To the cognoscenti, there is little extraordinary mixture of envy, out of steam. Campbell makes here that is new or highly origi- vindictiveness, hypocrisy and especially good use of Macmil- nal; much of the material is famil- superstition … never a gentleman’ lan’s detailed political diaries iar, the stories and anecdotes, (p. 133). Gladstone and Disraeli between 1959 and 1966, due to be though gripping, often rehearsed probably loathed one another published by Peter Catterall this many times previously. But the more than any other pairing in autumn. author’s sure-footed, seemingly the book, and the latter generally The material on Ted Heath’s effortless mastery of the course had the best lines. long-running rivalry with of British political history over a Other readers, especially Margaret Thatcher is rather long period is surely impressive. those interested in eighteenth- more familiar. Here the author Readers of this Journal will century history, will appreciate is generally sympathetic to the probably savour most the com- the material on Charles James often luckless Heath, portraying petent, thorough review of the Fox, arguably our greatest ever Thatcher’s ‘successes’ as often a relationship between Asquith Liberal. Fox, Campbell tells us continuation of his policies by and Lloyd George, the two Lib- was nothing but ‘an ugly little different means, and pointing up eral Prime Ministers throughout man – short, swarthy, unkempt his seminal role in taking Britain the First World War, a brilliant and often unwashed [who] drank, into the EEC in 1973, an achieve- account which is scrupulously fair gambled and womanised harder ment that may in the long run to both parties. In spite of their than anyone in London, piling prove to be more enduring than dramatically contrasting back- up enormous debts which he hers (p. 345). grounds, it is striking how much never paid’ (p. 11). On the other On the relationship between they had in common in terms of hand, in his long-going ‘duel’ Blair and Brown, the author is their political ideas and aspira- with William Pitt, Fox (although genuinely insightful, even pro- tions. There emerges interesting inevitably always destined to phetic. Much of what Campbell material on their early lives and lose) proved himself ‘a wonderful predicts in his closing paragraphs political careers, and Asquith’s orator – witty, rhetorical, hyper- has come true since he completed staunch support for his Chancel- bolic, capable when roused of his manuscript (pp. 404–05). lor’s more radical enactments, whipping up a magnificent storm Evidence has indeed multiplied notably the framing and intro- of indignation’ (p. 18). duction of the famous ‘People’s By far the most striking scene Budget’ of 1909 (which could in the book is the account of the actually be pressed even more). actual physical duel fought on There is also much fascinating 21 September 1809 by two sen- material on their roles during the ior cabinet ministers on Putney war and their later careers. Heath at 6 a.m. – Lord Cas- Gladstone devotees will also tlereagh and George Canning, appreciate the chapter on his the Secretary of State for War and rivalry with his arch-enemy Ben- Foreign Secretary, both rising jamin Disraeli. In this section, stars of the Tory party and key Campbell follows fairly closely figures in running the war against the line of argument advanced by Napoleon. Four shots were fired Richard Aldous in his substantial and one of the protagonists was study The Lion and the Unicorn: hit in the thigh. Here the pair Gladstone vs Disraeli (London, actually tried to kill each other, 2006) (reviewed in Journal 58, the high point of a physical spring 2008). Fascinating mate- rivalry which lasted the whole of rial is advanced on their duel over their political lives. Years later, the 1852 Budget (p. 98 ff), when their political careers resumed their long-running feud really and they sat together around the began, and on Gladstone’s record same cabinet table. as a reforming Chancellor of the There is much else of interest Exchequer, when he introduced a here too. Perhaps most original is run of no fewer than nine budgets the account of Harold Macmil- (a record broken only by Gordon lan’s positively ruthless treatment Brown between 1997 and 2006), of his arch-rival, the eminently and earned his reputation as a civilised, urbane R. A. Butler financial reformer. whom Macmillan defeated for There are interesting thoughts the premiership in succession to in this chapter, too, on the Balkan Anthony Eden in 1957. Six years

Journal of Liberal History 66 Spring 2010 51 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting Thomas Paine and the Radical Liberal Tradition To coincide with the publication of the special issue of the Journal of Liberal History on ‘Liberalism and the Left’ (summer 2010), we are delighted to welcome Prof Edward Royle and Dr Edward Vallance to the History Group for an evening focusing on the life, works and influence of Thomas Paine.

In the two centuries since Paine’s death, his works and reputation have been both vilified and appropriated by individuals and movements from across the political spectrum. His name has become a touchstone of left-wing and liberal thought, celebrated for the courage of his political vision, even as the specific context of his writings has too often been disregarded. We invite our speakers to consider the continued resonance of Paine’s thought and to assess his relevance for radical and liberal activists today.

Speakers: Edward Royle, Emeritus Professor, University of York and author of many works on 18th and 19th century history including Revolutionary Britannia? Reflections on the Threats of Revolution in Britain, 1789–1848 and Robert Owen and the Commencement of the Millennium: A Study of the Harmony Community; Dr Edward Vallance, University of Roehampton and author of A Radical History of Britain: Visionaries, Rebels and Revolutionaries – the Men and Women who fought for our Freedom and The Glorious Revolution: 1688 – Britain’s Fight for Liberty. Chair: Dr Richard Grayson, Head of Politics, Goldsmiths College, guest editor of the ‘Liberalism and the Left’ special issue of the Journal and co- editor of After the Crash: Reinventing the Left in Britain and Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century.

6.30pm, Monday 12 July 2010 David Lloyd George Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London, SW1A 2HE of Brown’s ‘well-intentioned pact with the devil. With less but has won posthumously well written. At the moment, clumsiness, the same leaden personal ambition they could because he has a monument John Campbell is penning the inability to communicate’ as have made a great team, but in the NHS. Especially help- authorised biography of Roy Ted Heath famously displayed for ten years they obstructed ful are the parallel pieces of Jenkins. Like all his books, it in the 1970s, his fate, too, to each other and wasted the information often provided is certain to prove an excep- be ‘an unlucky Prime Min- opportunity that a huge in asterisked footnotes which tionally rewarding read. One ister’, possibly ‘a ‘tail-end’ majority offered them. are genuinely helpful as an eagerly awaits publication. Prime Minister’ (ibid.). What At the end of each chapter, addendum to the main test. Campbell has provided here the author summarises his The book is a joy to read: Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior rather resembles a précis of views on the winner of each meticulously researched, and Archivist and Head of the Welsh two authorised biographies. political contest. He thinks, scrupulously fair. These eight Political Archive at the National The deal which Blair and for example, that Aneu- studies are lively, penetrating, Library of Wales, Aberystwyth Brown made in advance to rin Bevan lost out to Hugh intelligent and, like all Camp- share the spoils was really a Gaitskell in the short run, bell’s work, exceptionally