A View of History from the Mountains: Daoist Hermitage in the Six Dynasties

Journal of chinese humanities 4 (2018) 125-149 brill.com/joch A View of History from the Mountains: Daoist Hermitage in the Six Dynasties Wei Bin 魏斌 Professor of History, Wuhan University, China [email protected] Translated by Casey Lee Abstract During the Six Dynasties period, the cultural landscape of the mountains underwent a transformation. Most notable among these were the appearance of monasteries and Daoist temples as well as the system of immortals’ grottos and estates that accom- panied the latter. Because of this shift, mountains began to constitute a special religious and cultural space. Two factors contributed to this shift. The first was religious, specifically, the movement of Daoist and Buddhist practice into mountain retreats. The second was political, namely, how political power was shaped by new geopolitical configurations centered on the city of Jiankang (Nanjing). With these two factors at work, a new cultural form and spatial configuration emerged from the mountains that reflects the intimate relationship between the Six Dynasties politics, society, and culture. Keywords Buddhist monasteries – Daoist hermitage – mountains – ritual sacrifice – Six Dynasties … What lies in the mountains? Beyond the peak many white clouds © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/23521341-12340061Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:41:04AM via free access 126 Wei Alone I enjoy the scene With no means to relay it to you —Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 [456-536] ∵ How do we understand the historical changes that took place between the Han dynasty [202 BCE-220 CE] and the Tang dynasty [618-907]? The academic works of the past century include many nuanced investigations of this topic. Like the scenery on two sides of a path, history is always in process. The shifts that occur over history are born of gradual accumulation. Seen from a distance, these shifts seem more pronounced and obvious, as is the case when compar- ing the start of the third century to the end of the sixth century. The effects on politics and knowledge when paper replaced bamboo slips as the primary writing medium; the cultural transformation brought about by the intermin- gling of Han and non-Han peoples; the large-scale appearance of Buddhist temples, and the monasticization of Daoism during the Six Dynasties period [222-589]—these are all significant historical transformations. How did the acts of Daoist and Buddhist reclusion lead to a changing cultural landscape of mountain ranges? If we take the first line of Tao Hongjing’s evocative poem “What Lies in the Mountains” as a starting point of historio- graphical inquiry, the response offered in the second line, “Beyond the peaks many white clouds,” is too simplistic. “The mountains” refers to a specific geo- graphic space, where the settlements and sacrificial rituals offerings remain a part of the cultural landscape of many locales even today. The phenomenon of hermits seeking Daoist immortality dates to at least the Han dynasty. In the fourth century, with the rise of Buddhist temples and the monasticization of Daoism, certain mountains became sacred spaces where Daoist and Buddhist religious retreats were concentrated. Tao Hongjing’s short poem was written during the transition from the Qi [479-502] to the Liang [502-557] dynasties, the very period when mountain monasteries and hermitages flourished. Thus, embedded in this poem’s opening inquiry is the key to understanding the shift- ing cultural meaning of mountains. How then, during the fourth century, did mountains come to take on a new cultural significance to form a unique religious space? Drawing on recent research conducted by the author, this paper endeavors to provide a comprehen- sive answer to this question. Journal of chinese humanitiesDownloaded from 4 (2018)Brill.com09/26/2021 125-149 10:41:04AM via free access A View of History from the Mountains 127 1 “The Residence of Local Deities” and the Regional Position of Jiangnan Mountains originally referred to natural formations; only over time did they take on cultural meaning. Similarly, the religious belief in mountain deities, at first centered on nature, inevitably grew to take on the forms and characteristics of humanity. The Classic of the Mountains and Seas [Shanhaijing 山海經] records just such a progression in the case of mountain sacrifices. At key points in cultural history, mountains began to be used even in state sacrificial rites. The sacrifices of the Five Marchmounts [wuyue 五嶽] are a case in point.1 The Jiangnan 江南 region has a long tradition of mountain sacrifices. Moun- tain deities are mentioned many times in the second subsection of the “Classic of the Mountains: South” chapter in The Classic of the Mountains and Seas.2 Many of these deities were venerated in the Kingdom of Chu [1042-223 BCE].3 After the six kingdoms were united under Qin [221-207 BCE] rule, a new order of mountain sacrifice was established. Within this new order, marked by its favoring of the Guanzhong 關中 mountain ranges, the Jiangnan region incor- porated Mount Kuaiji 會稽山 and Mount Xiang 湘山, two mountains related to the legends of the Yao 堯 [ca. 2377-2259 BCE] and Shun 舜 [ca. 2277- 2178 BCE] emperors.4 This may have been due to the influence of the Chu and Yue [2032-222 BCE] Kingdoms. Wang Mingke has argued that this forced geographical interpretation of the mythology of the sage kings reflects the political needs of lands on the margins of ancient China.5 The so-called sacred mountains are cultural symbols backed by geopolitics. After the Chu and Yue Kingdoms fell to the Qin, the seat of political power moved to the north. As the Jiangnan region became more culturally and politically marginalized, the importance of their mountains also lessened. It was during the Six Dynasties period that the Jiangnan region regained in- dependent political power. Under the new geopolitical configuration centered 1 Tian Tian 田天, Qinhan guojia jisi shigao 秦漢國家祭祀史稿 [History of Qin and Han State Sacrifices] (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 2015), 297-327. 2 Yuan Ke 袁珂, Shanhaijing jiaozhu 山海經校注 [Collation and Commentary on The Classic of the Mountains and Seas] (Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1993), 219. 3 Yang Hua 楊華, “Chudi shanshen yanjiu 楚地山神研究 [Research on Chudi Mountain Gods],” Shilin 史林 5 (2010). 4 Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1982), 1371. 5 Wang Mingke 王明珂, Huaxia bianyuan: lishi jiyi yu minzu rentong 華夏邊緣：歷史記憶與民族認同 [The Borders of the Hua and Xia: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identification] (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2006), 163-84. Journal of chinese humanities 4 (2018) 125-149 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:41:04AM via free access 128 Wei on Jiankang 建康, the sacrificial rites of the Jiangnan mountains also took on unique cultural characteristics. The sacrifices at Mount Guo 國山 held by Sun Hao 孫皓 [242-283] are a notable example. Unlike the combined feng and shan sacrifices [ fengshan jisi 封禪祭祀] that were carried out at Mount Tai 泰山, the ceremony at Mount Guo began only with the shan 禪 sacrifice. The “Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices” [Fengshan shu 封禪書] chapter in the Records of the Grand Historian [Shiji 史記] cites Guan Zhong 管仲 to describe how, whereas the feng 封 sacrifice had historically taken place on Mount Tai, the location of the shan sacrifice was less fixed. This explanation establishes the authority of the Jiangnan government over the shan sacrifice without resolving the issue of the feng sacrifice. During the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang 梁武帝 [464-549], a saying held that “the feng sacrifice should be held at Mount Kuaiji and the shan at Mount Guo.” As this position received backlash from scholars, it ceased to be put in practice.6 The issue of how the feng and shan sacrifices were held reveals the incom- patibility of Han political traditions and the localized politics of the Jiangnan region. One must keep in mind that the Five Marchmounts, as a cultural for- mation of the Qin to Han dynasties, supported a ritual order centered on the North. This interregional dissonance may account for why, from the time of the Wu Kingdom [222-280] through the Southern Dynasties [420-579], the Jiangnan political administration had little interest in holding sacrifices at the Five Marchmounts. In contrast, they held the worship of Jiang Ziwen 蔣子文, the so-called God of Bell Mountain [zhongshan 鍾山], in high regard.7 The veneration of Jiang Ziwen’s divinity reflects the importance placed by the Jiankang administration on guardian deities as well as “the residence of local deities” [tudi suozai 土地所在].8 The inclusion in the official sacrificial sites of small hills where local deities resided is a practice that can be traced to the Eastern Jin dynasty [317-420]. As the Jiangnan territory lay at the cultural margins during the Qin and Han dynasties and rarely appeared in mainstream historical narratives, the mountain deities of Jiangnan were not very well known. As political power was 6 Yao Silian 姚思廉, “Xu Mao zhuan 許懋傳 [Biography of Xu Mao],” in Liang shu 梁書 [History of the Liang] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1973), 577. 7 For more on the worship of Jiang Ziwen, see Lin Fushi 林富士, “Zhongguo liuchao shiqi de jiangziwen xinyang 中國六朝時期的蔣子文信仰 [The Faith of Jiang Ziwen in the Six Dynasties],” in Yiji chongbai yu shengzhe chongbai 遺跡崇拜與聖者崇拜 [Relic Worship and Saint Worship], ed. Lin Fushi and Fu Feilan 傅飛嵐 [Franciscus Verellen] (Taibei: Yunchen wenhua gongsi, 2000). 8 Wei Zheng 魏征 et al., Sui shu 隋書 [History of the Sui] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1973), 108. Journal of chinese humanitiesDownloaded from 4 (2018)Brill.com09/26/2021 125-149 10:41:04AM via free access A View of History from the Mountains 129 established in the region, this situation began to change.

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