Right-Wing Populism in Austria and the United States —A Comparative View
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
A POLITICAL THEORY of POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin I. Introduction There Has Recently Been a Resurgen
A POLITICAL THEORY OF POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest polit- ician seeking reelection chooses ‘‘populist’’ policies—that is, policies to the left of the median voter—as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests re- Downloaded from spond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the polit- ician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/ when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies. JEL Codes: D71, D74. I. Introduction There has recently been a resurgence of ‘‘populist’’ politicians in several developing countries, particularly in Latin America. at MIT Libraries on April 24, 2013 Hugo Cha´vez in Venezuela, the Kirchners in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Alan Garcı´a in Peru, and Rafael Correa in Ecuador are some of the examples. The label populist is often -
The Political Economy of Right-Wing Populism and Euroscepticism in Switzerland
The Political Economy of Right-wing Populism and Euroscepticism in Switzerland. Abstract We provide an explanation for Euroscepticism in Switzerland – and for the rise of the political right throughout the decade of the nineties – by looking at the effects of fundamental changes in the economy in the context of globalization and Europeanization. These effects are measured by comparing two Federal referendums: the 1992 referendum on the European Economic Area (EEA) and the Schengen/Dublin referendum of the year 2005. Both referendums are used as a measure of attitudes in favour or against European integration. We use the cleavage of tradable/non-tradable goods as an indicator for globalization effects. Previous studies have identified several cleavages present in Swiss society, and their effects on referenda, but no in-depth study considers the impact of economic factors on foreign policy related referenda. This study reaches the conclusion that the structural changes induced by globalization are relevant throughout the decade of the nineties for explaining the results of the 1992 referendum and possibly also in the rise of the political right. As the economy has successfully – albeit slowly – adapted to new conditions, the cleavage seems to have faded away. March 2017 Stefan Collignon London School of Economics and Harvard University The Mindade Gunzburg Center for European Studies 27 Kirkland street at Cabot way, Cambridge, MA, 02138 Phone: +1 617 495 4303, ex.227 [email protected] Omar Serrano Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva. Rue de Lausanne 132, PO Box 36, CH 1211 Geneva 21 Phone : +41 (0)22 908 59 47 [email protected] Keywords Euroscepticism; EU integration; Globalization; Europeanisation; Right-wing populism; Political economy; Switzerland 1 The Political Economy of Right-wing Populism and Euroscepticism in Switzerland Introduction Europe has seen, since the late 1980s and early 1990s, the re-emergence of right- wing extremism and populism. -
Racism and Cultural Diversity in the Mass Media
RACISM AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN THE MASS MEDIA An overview of research and examples of good practice in the EU Member States, 1995-2000 on behalf of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, Vienna (EUMC) by European Research Centre on Migration and Ethnic Relations (ERCOMER) Edited by Jessika ter Wal Vienna, February 2002 DISCLAIMER ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ This Report has been carried out by the European Research Centre on Migration and Ethnic Relations (ERCOMER) on behalf of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC). The opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the position of the EUMC. Reproduction is authorized, except for commercial purposes, provided the source is acknowledged and the attached text accompanies any reproduction: "This study has been carried out on behalf of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC). The opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the position of the EUMC." 2 PREFACE The research interest in analysing the way mass media report on ethnic issues has increased in the Member States over the last decades. And for this reason the EUMC decided to bring together the major research reports and their findings over the last five years in this report "RACISM AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN THE MASS MEDIA - an overview of research and examples of good practice in the EU Member States, 1995- 2000". The project has been carried out by Dr Jessika ter Wal, at Ercomer, Utrecht University, the Netherlands. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to her for her excellent work. The report underlines the importance of media research in the area of racism and diversity. -
Die Befreite Und Die Frau Und Das Kind Zu Die Verknüpfung Von Politik, Bringen
16 | Film & Medien | 25 | 24. Juni 2010 25 | 24. Juni 2010 | Film & Medien | 17 FILM IN KÜRZE Vom Handwerk „ … Und weil sich eine satte der Bildgestaltung Wohlstandsgesellschaft mehr und | Maria In Nachrufen wurde Hans mehr von der Religion entfernt, Windhager | „ muss die Kirche zu den Men- Dichand gewürdigt. Nur weni- schen gehen, … mitten hinein in unseren bewegten Alltag, um ih- ge Kommentatoren kritisierten re ewigen Werte an den Mann Community Die befreite und die Frau und das Kind zu die Verknüpfung von Politik, bringen. … “ Großzügiger Raum Medien und Geschäft. Hans Dichand in: Kronen Zeitung, für Untertöne ach Jahrzehnten ein Kinder- 2. September 2001, Seite 6 Nbuch noch einmal zur Hand “ Jaeger / APA Foto: zu nehmen, im Hinterkopf, was er jüngst verstorbene Heraus- man damals gelesen hat, und es REPUBLIK? Dgeber der Kronen Zeitung, auf neuer Ebene zu begreifen, ist, Politik in der Medienarena Hans Dichand, beschäftigte auch taugliches Buch vorausgesetzt, Politik und Boulevard sind in Österreich ein enges, problematisches Bündnis eingegangen. Praxis politischer Kommunikation in oft die Mediengerichte. Besonders eine der erfüllendsten Reisen. | Ob sich dieses nach dem Tod von „Krone“-Gründer Hans Dichand lockert, ist offen. | Österreich. Hrsg. v. Fritz Plasser Der Sinnstifter der Nation bemerkenswert war sein gericht- Gleiches müsste allem Ermessen Facultas Universitätsverlag 2009 liches Vorgehen gegen die Ta- nach fürs Kino gelten, und vieles 320 Seiten, Geb. Kart., 32,00 Krise der Religion hin oder her: Hans Dichand verschaffte der geszeitung Der Standard im Jahr an Wes Andersons jüngstem Film- | Von Claus Reitan | | – traditionellen – Religiosität im Land gebührend Gehör. | 2004. Er empfand die in einem spross stimmt auch sehr zuver- Kommentar von Hans Rauscher sichtlich, dass er sich einem sol- wiedergegebene Behauptung, chen Wieder-Sehen stellen könnte. -
An International Journal for Students of Theological and Religious Studies Volume 36 Issue 3 November 2011
An International Journal for Students of Theological and Religious Studies Volume 36 Issue 3 November 2011 EDITORIAL: Spiritual Disciplines 377 D. A. Carson Jonathan Edwards: A Missionary? 380 Jonathan Gibson That All May Honour the Son: Holding Out for a 403 Deeper Christocentrism Andrew Moody An Evaluation of the 2011 Edition of the 415 New International Version Rodney J. Decker Pastoral PENSÉES: Friends: The One with Jesus, 457 Martha, and Mary; An Answer to Kierkegaard Melvin Tinker Book Reviews 468 DESCRIPTION Themelios is an international evangelical theological journal that expounds and defends the historic Christian faith. Its primary audience is theological students and pastors, though scholars read it as well. It was formerly a print journal operated by RTSF/UCCF in the UK, and it became a digital journal operated by The Gospel Coalition in 2008. The new editorial team seeks to preserve representation, in both essayists and reviewers, from both sides of the Atlantic. Themelios is published three times a year exclusively online at www.theGospelCoalition.org. It is presented in two formats: PDF (for citing pagination) and HTML (for greater accessibility, usability, and infiltration in search engines). Themelios is copyrighted by The Gospel Coalition. Readers are free to use it and circulate it in digital form without further permission (any print use requires further written permission), but they must acknowledge the source and, of course, not change the content. EDITORS BOOK ReVIEW EDITORS Systematic Theology and Bioethics Hans -
Personenfreizügigkeit: Paketlösung Kommt Vors Volk
SVP-Klartext DIE ZEITUNG DES MITTELSTANDES SVP lehnt undemo- Die Finanzkrise – kratisches Personen- Folgen und notwendige freizügigkeits-Paket Massnahmen für die Ja zur Unverjährbarkeit ab! Schweiz. pornographischer Von Nationalrätin Von a. Bundesrat Straftaten an Kindern! Jasmin Hutter Christoph Blocher Von Nationalrat Oskar Freysinger! Seite 5 Seite 7 Seite 9 AZB Zofi ngen – Preis Fr. 35.– jährlich – erscheint monatlich – Aufl age 57 263 Expl. – www.svp.ch – [email protected] – Ausgabe Nr. 11/2008 Lehre aus der Krise: Mehr Schweiz Personenfreizügigkeit: Nationalrat Toni Brunner S. 3 Paketlösung kommt vors Volk SVP muss Gegensteuer geben Nationalrat Felix Müri S. 4 Am 8. Februar 2009 stimmt das Schweizer Volk über die beiden verknüpften Vorlagen zur Weiterführung der Personenfreizügigkeit mit den bisherigen EU-Staaten und zur Ausdehnung dieses Abkommens auf Minister Steinbrück und die die neuen Mitglieder Rumänien und Bulgarien ab. Nachdem die SVP auf ein Referendum verzichtet hat- Peitsche – ein Trauerspiel te, weil sie das undemokratische Marco Duller S. 6 Vorgehen des Parlaments und des Die Kunst, die Realität zu Bundesrates, welches auf zwei Fra- negieren und das gesetzte gen nur eine Antwort zulässt, nicht Ziel zu verpassen mittragen konnte. Nationalrat Guy Parmelin S. 10 HarmoS fördert Zum heutigen Zeitpunkt stellt sich Parallelgesellschaft nun aber eine andere Frage, die Hermann Lei S. 12 Volksabstimmung kommt zustande und die SVP muss entscheiden, wie HarmoS: Verstaatlichung sie sich an der Urne verhält. Gerade der Erziehung und in der aktuellen Situation, mit dem Entmündigung der Eltern Andreas Bazzon und weltweiten Druck auf die Finanz- Roy Spahr S. 13 märkte und einer sich abzeichnen- den Rezession, ist die Öffnung unse- Die Integration geht nicht rer Grenzen für Abeitnehmer aus baden Rumänien und Bulgarien nicht im Nationalrat Thomas Hurter S. -
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's MARCH to the RIGHT Cliff Checs Ter
Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 29 | Number 4 Article 13 2002 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cliff checS ter Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Accounting Law Commons Recommended Citation Cliff cheS cter, EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT, 29 Fordham Urb. L.J. 1663 (2002). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cover Page Footnote Cliff cheS cter is a political consultant and public affairs writer. Cliff asw initially a frustrated Rockefeller Republican who now casts his lot with the New Democratic Movement of the Democratic Party. This article is available in Fordham Urban Law Journal: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT by Cliff Schecter* 1. STILL A ROCK PARTY In the 2000 film The Contender, Senator Lane Hanson, por- trayed by Joan Allen, explains what catalyzed her switch from the Grand Old Party ("GOP") to the Democratic side of the aisle. During her dramatic Senate confirmation hearing for vice-presi- dent, she laments that "The Republican Party had shifted from the ideals I cherished in my youth." She lists those cherished ideals as "a woman's right to choose, taking guns out of every home, campaign finance reform, and the separation of church and state." Although this statement reflects Hollywood's usual penchant for oversimplification, her point con- cerning the recession of moderation in Republican ranks is still ap- ropos. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
The State of Right-Wing Extremism in Europe
Policy Area: Focus on Right-Wing Extremism European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2012 The State of Right-Wing Extremism in Europe Since the 1980s, a family of political parties, often labeled “Extreme Right” or “Far Right”, has made significant inroads in Western Europe. Common to nearly all of these parties is a strong opposition to immigration (particularly non-European immigration), a willingness to exploit cultural tensions between Muslims and others, and a populist discourse pitting “the people”, who they claim to represent, against political elites. There are also significant differences. Some, like the Norwegian Progress Party, started out as anti-tax movements and promoted market liberal economics; others, like the French Front National, tend to adopt an anti-neoliberal stance. Some, such as the Austrian Freedom Party, have neo-Nazi or anti-Semitic histories; others, like the PVV in the Netherlands, are ostensibly motivated by a desire to protect “Enlightenment values”. But regardless of these distinctions, most of these so-called Extreme Right Parties (ERPs) have grown remarkably over the past three decades. Outside these party politics, a number of Extreme Right street movements have also flourished in the past decade. In the UK, France, and Italy these movements have been associated with civil disruption and violence. In addition, a small number of Extreme Right activists have recently carried out politically motivated atrocities. This brief focuses mainly on Western Europe, since ERPs in Central and Eastern Europe are significantly different in nature and operate in party systems that prevent straightforward comparisons across East and West – and, for the most part, appear to pose a lesser threat. -
The Reality Behind the Rhetoric Surrounding the British
‘May Contain Nuts’? The reality behind the rhetoric surrounding the British Conservatives’ new group in the European Parliament Tim Bale, Seán Hanley, and Aleks Szczerbiak Forthcoming in Political Quarterly, January/March 2010 edition. Final version accepted for publication The British Conservative Party’s decision to leave the European Peoples’ Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED) group in the European Parliament (EP) and establish a new formation – the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) – has attracted a lot of criticism. Leading the charge have been the Labour government and left-liberal newspapers like the Guardian and the Observer, but there has been some ‘friendly fire’ as well. Former Conservative ministers - so-called ‘Tory grandees’ - and some of the party’s former MEPs have joined Foreign Office veterans in making their feelings known, as have media titles which are by no means consistently hostile to a Conservative Party that is at last looking likely to return to government.1 Much of the criticism originates from the suspicion that the refusal of other centre-right parties in Europe to countenance leaving the EPP has forced the Conservatives into an alliance with partners with whom they have – or at least should have – little in common. We question, or at least qualify, this assumption by looking in more detail at the other members of the ECR. We conclude that, while they are for the most part socially conservative, they are less extreme and more pragmatic than their media caricatures suggest. We also note that such caricatures ignore some interesting incompatibilities within the new group as a whole and between some of its Central and East European members and the Conservatives, not least 1 with regard to their foreign policy preoccupations and their by no means wholly hostile attitude to the European integration project.