The State of Right-Wing Extremism in Europe
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The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
The Political Economy of Right-Wing Populism and Euroscepticism in Switzerland
The Political Economy of Right-wing Populism and Euroscepticism in Switzerland. Abstract We provide an explanation for Euroscepticism in Switzerland – and for the rise of the political right throughout the decade of the nineties – by looking at the effects of fundamental changes in the economy in the context of globalization and Europeanization. These effects are measured by comparing two Federal referendums: the 1992 referendum on the European Economic Area (EEA) and the Schengen/Dublin referendum of the year 2005. Both referendums are used as a measure of attitudes in favour or against European integration. We use the cleavage of tradable/non-tradable goods as an indicator for globalization effects. Previous studies have identified several cleavages present in Swiss society, and their effects on referenda, but no in-depth study considers the impact of economic factors on foreign policy related referenda. This study reaches the conclusion that the structural changes induced by globalization are relevant throughout the decade of the nineties for explaining the results of the 1992 referendum and possibly also in the rise of the political right. As the economy has successfully – albeit slowly – adapted to new conditions, the cleavage seems to have faded away. March 2017 Stefan Collignon London School of Economics and Harvard University The Mindade Gunzburg Center for European Studies 27 Kirkland street at Cabot way, Cambridge, MA, 02138 Phone: +1 617 495 4303, ex.227 [email protected] Omar Serrano Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva. Rue de Lausanne 132, PO Box 36, CH 1211 Geneva 21 Phone : +41 (0)22 908 59 47 [email protected] Keywords Euroscepticism; EU integration; Globalization; Europeanisation; Right-wing populism; Political economy; Switzerland 1 The Political Economy of Right-wing Populism and Euroscepticism in Switzerland Introduction Europe has seen, since the late 1980s and early 1990s, the re-emergence of right- wing extremism and populism. -
The Case of Lega Nord
TILBURG UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF TRENTO MSc Sociology An integrated and dynamic approach to the life cycle of populist radical right parties: the case of Lega Nord Supervisors: Dr Koen Abts Prof. Mario Diani Candidate: Alessandra Lo Piccolo 2017/2018 1 Abstract: This work aims at explaining populist radical right parties’ (PRRPs) electoral success and failure over their life-cycle by developing a dynamic and integrated approach to the study of their supply-side. For this purpose, the study of PRRPs is integrated building on concepts elaborated in the field of contentious politics: the political opportunity structure, the mobilizing structure and the framing processes. This work combines these perspectives in order to explain the fluctuating electoral fortune of the Italian Lega Nord at the national level (LN), here considered as a prototypical example of PRRPs. After the first participation in a national government (1994) and its peak in the general election of 1996 (10.1%), the LN electoral performances have been characterised by constant fluctuations. However, the party has managed to survive throughout different phases of the recent Italian political history. Scholars have often explained the party’s electoral success referring to its folkloristic appeal, its regionalist and populist discourses as well as the strong leadership of Umberto Bossi. However, most contributions adopt a static and one-sided analysis of the party performances, without integrating the interplay between political opportunities, organisational resources and framing strategies in a dynamic way. On the contrary, this work focuses on the interplay of exogenous and endogenous factors in accounting for the fluctuating electoral results of the party over three phases: regionalist phase (1990-1995), the move to the right (1998-2003) and the new nationalist period (2012-2018). -
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Postcolonial Borderlands: Black Life Worlds and Relational Place in Turin, Italy Heather Merrill1 Africana Studies Hamilton College, Clinton, NY, USA [email protected] Abstract The emergence of Italy as a receiving country of postcolonial immigrants from all over Africa and other parts of the economically developing world involves the reproduction of deeply rooted prejudices and colonial legacies expressed in territorial concepts of belonging. Yet geographical discussions of borders seldom begin their explorations from the vantage point of what Hanchard has called, “Black life worlds”, complex experiences of place among African diasporic populations in relationship to race. This paper examines situated practices, negotiations, and meanings of place, identity and belonging among first generation African-Italians in Northern Italy whose experiences suggest that the borders between Africa and Europe are far more porous than they appear to be. This essay develops a theory of relational place to study the meaning of place in Black life worlds as indexed by the everyday materiality of bodies in relation to racial discourses and practices, and the profound interweavings of Africa and Europe through space and time. The essay examines African-Italo experiences in relation to the transformation of political culture in Turin, the rise of ethno-nationalism, and legacies of Italian colonialism. It is not just the dominant ideas and political practices, but the marginal, the implausible, and the popular ideas that also define an age. Michael Hanchard (2006, 8) 1 Published under Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Postcolonial Borderlands 264 Introduction Maria Abbebu Viarengo spent the first twenty years of her life in Ethiopia and Sudan before her father brought her to Turin, Italy in 1969. -
Party Group Re-Affiliation in the European Parliament: Analysing the Individual- and System-Level Determinants of Switching
Party Group Re-affiliation in the European Parliament: Analysing the Individual- and System-Level Determinants of Switching Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades an der Sozialwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München vorgelegt von Aaron Russell Martin, MA 2020 Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Klaus H. Goetz Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Paul W. Thurner Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 15.7.2020 ii Abstract Party switching in national parliaments has become an established field of political science research entailing studies of single legislatures as well as cross-national analyses. In the case of the European Parliament (EP), approximately ten percent of all members (MEPs) change their party group label each session. When compared to national parliaments, only Brazil and Italy surpass this level of member volatility. The literature analyzing this phenomenon includes descriptive accounts and qualitative case studies, as well as single- and multi-session examinations. While this research produces valuable insights, the results have not yet provided scholars with a clear explanation for why so many MEPs change group labels. This cumulative dissertation analyzes and explains the causes of party group switching in the EP. In order to fully understand why MEPs re-affiliate so frequently, I examine not only the individual correlates of switching, but I also re-evaluate the EP’s system of party groups. In order to characterize the incentive structure MEPs face when choosing whether or not to switch groups, the first two papers examine the components of the EP party group system, including its format and mechanics. The second two papers then apply what is learned about the EP’s unevenly institutionalized party group system to the analysis of party group switching. -
LEGHISTI BRAVA GENTE Prefazione Di Pier Luigi Bersani
Khalid Chaouki LEGHISTI BRAVA GENTE Prefazione di Pier Luigi Bersani www.stranieriinitalia.it Biografia Khalid Chaouki, 30 anni, giornalista professionista, è responsabile Nuovi Ita- liani per il Partito Demo- cratico e candidato alla Camera dei Deputati nella circoscrizione Campania 2 alle elezioni del 24 e 25 febbraio 2013. Nato a Casablanca e cre- sciuto in Italia ha colla- borato con AnsaMed, il Corriere del Mezzogiorno, La Repubblica, Reset, il Riformista, Al Jazeera e Stranieri in Italia. Autore di “Salaam Italia”, è stato membro del- la Consulta per l’Islam italiano istituita presso il Viminale e responsabile Seconde Generazioni dei Giovani Democratici. Tiene conferenze in convegni e seminari di forma- zione sui temi dell’educazione interculturale, poli- tiche di convivenza e dialogo interreligioso. Blog: www.khalidchaouki.it Twitter: @KhalidChaouki3 Facebook: khalid.chaouki Stranieri in Italia • Editore Stranieri in Italia editore è la voce dell’immigrazione, il principale canale di informazione, approfondimento e dialogo dedicato ai nuovi cittadini. Attraverso la sua rete multimediale raggiunge ogni mese oltre un milione e mezzo di lettori. Un pubblico che non trova risposte e non si riconosce nei media tradizionali, ma chiede di approfondire tematiche chiave della sua vita quotidiana, preferibilmente nella sua lingua d’ori- gine. Stranieri in Italia pubblica www.stranieriinitalia.it, in italiano, con news, inchieste, analisi, normativa, guide e consulenze gratuite online. Attraverso tredici portali in lingua raggiunge online -
Personenfreizügigkeit: Paketlösung Kommt Vors Volk
SVP-Klartext DIE ZEITUNG DES MITTELSTANDES SVP lehnt undemo- Die Finanzkrise – kratisches Personen- Folgen und notwendige freizügigkeits-Paket Massnahmen für die Ja zur Unverjährbarkeit ab! Schweiz. pornographischer Von Nationalrätin Von a. Bundesrat Straftaten an Kindern! Jasmin Hutter Christoph Blocher Von Nationalrat Oskar Freysinger! Seite 5 Seite 7 Seite 9 AZB Zofi ngen – Preis Fr. 35.– jährlich – erscheint monatlich – Aufl age 57 263 Expl. – www.svp.ch – [email protected] – Ausgabe Nr. 11/2008 Lehre aus der Krise: Mehr Schweiz Personenfreizügigkeit: Nationalrat Toni Brunner S. 3 Paketlösung kommt vors Volk SVP muss Gegensteuer geben Nationalrat Felix Müri S. 4 Am 8. Februar 2009 stimmt das Schweizer Volk über die beiden verknüpften Vorlagen zur Weiterführung der Personenfreizügigkeit mit den bisherigen EU-Staaten und zur Ausdehnung dieses Abkommens auf Minister Steinbrück und die die neuen Mitglieder Rumänien und Bulgarien ab. Nachdem die SVP auf ein Referendum verzichtet hat- Peitsche – ein Trauerspiel te, weil sie das undemokratische Marco Duller S. 6 Vorgehen des Parlaments und des Die Kunst, die Realität zu Bundesrates, welches auf zwei Fra- negieren und das gesetzte gen nur eine Antwort zulässt, nicht Ziel zu verpassen mittragen konnte. Nationalrat Guy Parmelin S. 10 HarmoS fördert Zum heutigen Zeitpunkt stellt sich Parallelgesellschaft nun aber eine andere Frage, die Hermann Lei S. 12 Volksabstimmung kommt zustande und die SVP muss entscheiden, wie HarmoS: Verstaatlichung sie sich an der Urne verhält. Gerade der Erziehung und in der aktuellen Situation, mit dem Entmündigung der Eltern Andreas Bazzon und weltweiten Druck auf die Finanz- Roy Spahr S. 13 märkte und einer sich abzeichnen- den Rezession, ist die Öffnung unse- Die Integration geht nicht rer Grenzen für Abeitnehmer aus baden Rumänien und Bulgarien nicht im Nationalrat Thomas Hurter S. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Network Pa Erns of Legislative Collaboration In
Network Paerns of Legislative Collaboration in Twenty Parliaments Franc¸ois Briae [email protected] Supplementary online material is appendix contains detailed information on the data and networks briey documented in the short note “Network Paerns of Legislative Collaboration in Twenty Parliaments”. Section A starts by reviewing the existing literature on legislative cosponsorship as a strategic position-taking device for legis- lators within parliamentary chambers. Section B then documents the data collection process, Section C summarises its results, and Section D contains the full list of party abbreviations used in the data. Section E fully documents how the cosponsorship networks were constructed and weighted, and lists some derived measures. e replication material for this study is available at https://github.com/ briatte/parlnet. e code was wrien in R (R Core Team, 2015), and the cur- rent release of the repository is version 2.6. See the README le of the reposi- tory for detailed replication instructions including package dependencies. e raw data up to January 2016 are available at doi:10.5281/zenodo.44440. CONTENTS A Background information on legislative cosponsorship . 2 B Sample denition and data collection . 4 B.1 Bills . 4 B.2 Sponsors . 10 C Descriptive statistics by country, chamber and legislature . 11 D Party abbreviations and Le/Right scores . 17 E Cosponsorship network construction . 27 E.1 Edge weights . 28 E.2 Network objects . 30 E.3 Network descriptors . 31 References . 35 1 A. BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON LEGISLATIVE COSPONSORSHIP Legislative scholarship oers a wealth of studies that stress the importance of collabo- ration between Members of Parliament (MPs) in the lawmaking process. -
Masculinity and Political Authority 241 7.1 Introduction 241
Durham E-Theses The political uses of identity an enthnography of the northern league Fernandes, Vasco Sérgio Costa How to cite: Fernandes, Vasco Sérgio Costa (2009) The political uses of identity an enthnography of the northern league, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2080/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk University of Durham The Political Uses of Identity: An Ethnography of the Northern The copyright of this thesis rests with the author or the university to which it was League submitted. No quotation from it, or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author or university, and any information derived from it should be acknowledged. By Vasco Sergio Costa Fernandes Department of Anthropology April 2009 Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Dr Paul Sant Cassia Dr Peter Collins 2 1 MAY 2009 Abstract This is a thesis about the Northern League {Lega Nord), a regionalist and nationalist party that rose to prominence during the last three decades in the north of Italy Throughout this period the Northern League developed from a peripheral and protest movement, into an important government force. -
The Identity Politics of 99 Posse
4.1. Cattivi guagliuni: the identity politics of 99 Posse Marcello Messina1 Abstract The career of Neapolitan group 99 Posse has always been permeated by an uncompromising political militancy, mainly associated with the activities and ideologies of the Italian extra-parliamentarian left wing. After reaching the peak of their popularity in the national mainstream music scene in the early 2000s, 99 Posse decided to break up in 2002, on account of growing incompatibilities between their political activism and the commercial obligations attached to their musical activity. After seven years of silence, they reunited in 2009, and have released two new albums since the reunion. In this paper, I argue that the most recent 99 Posse production displays a grown attention for forms of radical politics centred on the condition of the South of Italy, including the participation in a general trend of historical revisionism and even the appropriation of identitarian claims. Keywords: 99 Posse, identity politics, Southern Italy. Introduction Neapolitan group 99 Posse originated in the early 1990s from Officina 99 in Naples, one of the many centri sociali autogestiti (“self-managed social centres”) that flourished in Italy from the mid-1980s onwards, and that are normally occupied by groups of young left-wing militants. The music of 99 Posse is renowned for being characterised by an uncompromising political passion, mainly associated with the ideologies of the Italian extra-parliamentarian left wing (Behan 2007). After reaching the peak of their popularity in the Italian music scene in the early 2000s, the band decided to break up in 2002, on account of growing incompatibilities between their political activism and the commercial obligations attached to their musical activity – including the acceptance of a contract with multinational music publishing company BMG, and the frequent appearances on MTV and similar mainstream media. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Flirting with Disaster –
The London School of Economics and Political Science Flirting with Disaster – Explaining Excessive Public Debt Accumulation in Italy and Belgium Zsófia Barta A thesis submitted to the European Institute of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2011. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. 2 Abstract The sovereign debt-crises that recently unfolded in Europe highlight how incompletely we understand why prosperous developed countries persistently accumulate debt even in the face of risk of fiscal turmoil. Scholarly research explored why countries run deficits, but it remains unexplained why countries fail to put their fiscal houses in order once public debt reaches potentially dangerous proportions. This thesis argues that the key to the problem of excessive debt accumulation is the lack of compromise among powerful socio-economic groups within the polity about the distribution of the necessary fiscal sacrifices.