Languages in Indonesia Volume 49, 2001

ISSN 0126 2874

NUSA LINGUISTICS STUDIES OF INDONESIAN AND OTHER LANGUAGES IN INDONESIA VOLUME 49, 2001

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STUDIES IN SULAWESI LINGUISTICS PART VII

Edited by Wyn D. Laidig STUDIES IN SULAWESI LINGUISTICS PART VII NUSA

Linguistic Studies of Indonesian and Other Languages in Indonesia Volume 49, 2001

EDITORS:

S oenjono Dardj owidjoj o, Jakarta Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Jakarta Anton M. Mo e li on o, Jakarta Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo, Yogyakarta

ASSISTANT EDITOR:

Yassir Nassanius

ADDRESS:

NUSA Pusat Ka,jian Bahasa dan Budaya Jalan Jenderal Sudirtnan 51 Ko tak Pos 2639/At Jakarta 12930, Indonesia Fax (021) 571-9560 Email: [email protected],id

11 EDITORIAL

The present volume is the forty seventh of the Series NUM, Swdie.s in Sulawesi Languages, Part VI. The Series focuses on works about Indonesian and other languages in Indonesia. Malaysian and the local dialects of Malay wilt be accepted, but languaga outside these regions will be considered only In so far as they are theoretically relevant to our languages. Reports from field work in the form of data analysis or texts with translation, book reviews, squibs and discussions are also accepted. Papers appearing in NUSA can be original or traiislated from languages other than English. Although our main interest is restricted to the area of Indonesia, we welcome works on general linguistics that can throw light upon problems that we might face. It is hoped that NUS, can be relevant beyond the range of typological and area specializations and at the same time also serve the cause of deoccidentaliation of general linguistics. Contributions from linguists in the field are solicited. Guest editors are also welcome. INFORMATION ABOUT NUSA

Series NUSA volume 1 (1975) through volume 11 (1981) appeared nonperiodically, but from volume 12 (1982) to volume 29 (1987) NUSA was issued three times a year at a fixed rate per year. Beginning volume 30 (1988) NUSA has been published nonperiodically and subscribers are charged in advance for every three volumes. Beginning with volume 45, individuals residing in Indonesia are to make a three- volume-prepayment of Rp 50.0{}0,00; those residing abroad are to pay VS.$ 45.00 (including seamail postage).

Payments from foreign countries are to be made by

(a) bank transfer to the Lippo Bank, Lippo Plaza Branch, JaIan Jenderal Sudirman Kav. 25, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia, to the order of Yayasan Atma Jaya (NUM), account number 540-30-33010-7. or (b) bank draft payable to Yayasan Atrna Jaya (NUSA), sent directly to Pusat 'Callan Bahasa dan Budaya, Universitas Katolik Atrna Jaya, Jalan Jenderal Sudirman 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia.

Subscribers residing in Indonesia are to send money orders to ayas n Atma Jaya (NUSA), Pusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya, Universitas Katolik Atrna Jaya, Jalan Jenderal Sudlrrnan 51, Jakarta 12930.

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Manuscripts for publication, including reviews, should be sent to the Editorial Board, NUSA, Pusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya, Universitas Katolik Atrna Jaya, Jalan Jenderal Sud man 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia.

Contributors are to follow the format of the Linguistic Society of America with the exception that in the footnote and bibliography, articles are to be put in quotation marks and books or ,journals italicized. Content words In the bibliography (nouns, verbs, adjectives) in a title of a book or article must be capitalized.

Non-native speakers of English are requested to have their manuscripts checked by a native English speaker.

Al.l. rights are reserved.

iv STUDIES IN SULAWESI LINGUISTICS PART VII

Edited by

Wyn D. Laidig

2001

Badan Penyelenggara Seri NUSA Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya Jak ana

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Information about NlSA iv Table of Contents vi Editor's Preface viii Map of Sulawesi Languages Cited ix Joanna L. Belding, Wyn D. Laidig, and Sahabu Dg. Maingak, AN INITIAL DESCRIPTION OF BARAO-FARANO MORPHOLOGY 1 1. Introduction 1 2. Overview 2 3. Inflectional Affixes 12 4, Transitivity I Valency 16 5. Focus I Voice Markers 20 6, Causative Morphemes 25 7, Ot%er:Verbal Markers 29 8. Nominal Morphemes 36 9. Numeric Morphemes 37 10. Aspect Markers 38 11. Clausal Clitics 43 12. Question Markers 46 13. Reduplication 47 14. Sample Text 50 Appendix: List of Abbreviations 59 Notes References 60 David Mead, "A PRELIMINARY SKETCH OF THE BOBONGKO LANGUAGE" 61 1. Introduction 61 2. Classification 64 3. Phonology 66 4. Morphology and Syntax 69 5. Sample Text 84 Appendix List of Abbreviations 93 Notes 91 References 93 Philip A. Quick, "APPLICATIVES AND DOUBLE OBJECTS TN PENDAU" 95 I. Introduction 95 2. Grammatical Background 96 3, Applicatives that Occur in Both Active and inverse Constructions 100 4. Applicatives that Occur Only in Inverse Constructions 104 5. Other Functions of the Directional Applicative 109 6, Word Order Variations in Applicative Ditransitive Constructions 111 7, Combinations of Applicatives and Causatives 115 Appendix: Abbreviations and Conventions 116 Notes 118 References 117 anTows PREFACE

This is the seventh NUSA volume to be dedicated exclusively to the linguistics of Sulawesi languages. Of the earlier volumes of St 'ks in Sulawesi Linguistics, Part I and Part II (NUSA volumes 31 and 33, respectively) were both edited by James Sneddon, Part and Part Iv (NUSA volumes 36 and 37, respectively) were both edited by Rend Van den Berg, Part V (NUSA Volume was edited by David Mead, and the most recent volume, Part vi (NUSA Volume was edited by Wyn Laidig. This volume presents three papers, each describing aspects of a particular Sulawesi language; Ba. rg- arg in South Sulawesi, sobongko in Central Sulawesi, and Pendau, also located in Central Sulawesi. Each of the languages is an Austronesian language of the West Malayo-Polynesian subgroup. The Sulawesi map on the facing page indicates the approximate location of each of these language groups. The first paper, by Joanna Belding, Wyn dig, and Sahabu Maingak presents a description of Barang-baxang morphology. This paper is the "second chapter" in the clescripti , of ar ng-barang, the first of which concerned phonology and appeared in NUSA " Barang- arang Phonology: A Preliminary Description", by Wyn Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak . Barang-barang is located on the island of Selayar, and is spoken by only one village on the entire island The rest of the island speaks Selayar, with the exception of one village which speaks a Laiyolo (closely related to Barang- bar ng). In the second paper, David Mead presents a first look at the language of Bobongko, spoken in the Togian Islands of Central Sulawesi. This is the only description of this language to date based on field research more extensive than just word lists. David presents a review of the related literature, and then foes on the phonology and aspects of morphosyntax, with particular attention being given to bow agent, patient, location, instnunent, and beneficiary roles are encoded in a system which only partially resembles the focus system used in Philippine languages. The final paper in this volume, by Philip Quick, provides a detailed look at appllcatives and double objects in Pendau. The paper describes four applicative constructions: directional goal, benefactive, directional locative, and instrument. Other topics discussed are idiosyncratic applicatives, semantically increased transitivity, various word orders, and combinations of causatives and applicative affixes. It is hoped that the various articles presented in this latest NSA volume, Studies in Sulawesi Linguistics, Part VU, will prove informative and useful. it has been my privilege to work together with the various authors of these papers as well as with the editorial staff in the preparation of this volume.

Wyn D. Laidig Voltune Editor d 1 Sulawesi, Indonesia Languages Cited

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NUSA Vol. 49 (2001)

AN INITIAL DESCRIPTION OF BARANG-BARANG MORPHOLOGY

Joanna L. Belding SIL International, Dallas, Texas Wyn D. Laidig SIL International, Dallas, Texas Sahabu Dg. Maingak Makassar, South Sulawesi

An initial description of Barang-barang morphology is presented. Barang-barang is classified as an Aus- tronesian language of the West Malayo-Polynesian group, and has been commonly (although probably erroneously) sub-classified as a member of the Muna-Buton group. Other than short word lists and an introductory phonological description, neither Barang-barang nor its nearest linguistic neighbors, Lai- yolo and Kalao, have been documented in detail. This initial description of morphology, although limited in scope, marks a significant step forward in our understanding of Barang-barang, and provides data whicl.may help define the position of this language and its linguistic neighbors in relation to the other languages of Sulawesi.

1 INTRODUCTION The language of Barang-barangl is spoken in Barang-barang village, which is located towards the southern tip of the island of Selayar, South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Other names for the language include the endonym, Loê', and its variations as pronounced by outsiders: Lowa, Loa or Loa'. Throughout this paper, we will use the name Barang-barang for consistency with other published references. There are about 200 people currently living in the village, but it is estimated there are up to 500 speakers. Many families from Ba- rang-barang live in Makassar, the capital of South Sulawesi. The only published work on Barang-barang is a preliminary description of phonology (Laidig and Maingak 1999), and a brief 200-entry word list (Grimes and Grimes 1987). Friberg and Laskowske (1989) conducted a lexico-statistical study of languages in Sulawesi, which included Barang-barang, and their findings showed a sub-group of languages, labeled the Kalao subgroup, made up of Barang-barang, Laiyolo and Kalao. This Kalao sub-group has been commonly sub-classified as part of the Muna-Buton group. This sub-classification, however, has been based largely on geographical rather than linguistic factors. Based on the linguistic data that has been collected to date, there is growing speculation that Barang-barang belongs in a proposed Wolio-Wotu group (see Donohue, in prep.). ap 1 shows the locations of the languages proposed for this group. For further background information regarding the classification of Barang-Barang, see the introduction in Laidig and Maingak (1999). The people of Barang-barang are all bilingual in Selayarese, commonly referred to as Selayar, which serves as the lingua franca for the whole island. Map 2 shows the position of Barang-barang in the southern

1 Special thanks go to Barbara and ,Tim Friberg, René van den Berg, Rick Nivens and David Mead for their helpful advice in this paper. One of the authors (Belding) is particularly grateful to the people in Barang-barang for providing fun language learning experi- ences, as they spent time sitting on balconies talking with their guests, and to Suayuati Maingak for her generous hospitality during those times. Finally, thanks to Carol Laidig and Dorce for their hospitality and companionship during the months of manuscript preparation.

1 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak tip of the island. Note that all of the villages except for Barang-barang and Lembang Mate'ne speak Selayar. In fact, in both of these villages there is currently a shift towards this dominant language, Selayar. In Barang-barang, while the older generation continues to use Barang-barang in most domains, the children of the village use Selayar. Their elementary schooling is in Selayar, and all their friends from neighboring villages speak Selayar. Most of them, while understanding their parents and grandparents, cannot speak Barang-barang. The young adults in the village also have a passive knowledge of the language, but generally feel awkward and inadequate expressing themselves in it. They use Selayar with one another, and feel more comfortable in Indonesian than Barang-barang when speaking to outsiders who are learning their language. The people in Barang-barang sometimes refer to Selayar as Bisara Bêkkaju, or the language of the birds in the trees. According to the speakers, there is a twofold meaning to this. Originally it had to do with the birds which chirp in the trees, representing the unintelligible language all around them. Later on, however, a connotation developed that the birds in the trees were the ones responsible for eating up the fruit in those trees, in the same way that Selayar was "eating up" their language. In this way, the villagers have captured in that phrase the endangered nature of their own language.2

2 OVERVIEW Before we start looking individually at the affixes in the language,3 we will look briefly at some of the preliminary issues. In this section, the phonology of the language is presented as well as the basic structure of sentences, and finally a summary of all the affixes is given.

2.1 Phonology A preliminary description of Barang-Barang phonology has already been published (Laidig and Maingak 1999). For convenience, a chart of all the phonemes is presented again here. Barang-barang has six vowels /i, e, a, a, o, u/ displayed in the traditional vowel chart: Table 1. Vowel Inventory Front Central Back High i u Mid e a o Low a The Barang-barang consonant inventory consists of a total of twenty phonemes. Of these, however, it should be noted that two phonemes, the semivowels /w/ and /y/, are considered to be recent borrowings. But even though these borrowed phonemes have a limited distribution and occur with low frequency, they can be considered an integral part of the current Barang-barang sound system. Note also that word-finally,

2It is hoped that this study will be useful for the understanding and ongoing documentation of the language, as well as for providing a valuable record for the speakers of Barang-barang.

3The data used in this study include a collection of texts produced mainly by one of the authors, Sahabu Dg. Maingak, a native speaker of the language, who has been working on documenting Barang-barang for the past decade. His initial involvement was with the late J. Noorduyn in the early 1960s, and texts that they worked on together are also included in the corpus of data used for this analysis. data. During numerous visits to Selayar over the past several years, many other Barang-barang speakers were able to help with this study.

2 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology only the glottal stop and velar nasal may occur. (See Sneddon 1993 for more on similar phenomena in other Sulawesi languages)

0°

3°S

6°S

120°E 122°E 124°E

Map 1. Approximate location of Wotu, Laiyolo, Kalao, Kamaru, and Wolio language areas, comprising the putative Wotu- Wolio Group.

3 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

Table 2. Consonant Inventory4 Labial Alveolars Palatal Velar Glottal Voiceless Stops P t C k ? Voiced Stops B d J g P6 Nasals M n D Fricatives F s h Lateral 1 Flap r Semivowels W Y Note that the orthography used in this paper uses a few conventions common to languages in Indone- sia. [I]] is written "ng". and [sp] is written "ny". [?] is written with a straight apostrophe, and [a], which is not recognized as a phoneme in many Indonesian languages, is written "ê"7 Stress is normally assigned to the penultimate syllable in any word. The major exception to this rule are words which have a paragogic syllable (as labeled in Sneddon 1993). These words are usually borrowings. Because consonants apart from glottal stop and velar nasal are not able to occur word finally. Barang-barang appends an epenthetic syllable at the end of the word, which consists of a vowel and glottal. The vowel is always copied from the final vowel of the stem. This added syllable allows the final consonant of the borrowed word to occupy the position of syllable onset, and hence it may be pronounced. For purposes of stress assignment, however, this paragogic syllable is not taken into con-sideration.

2.2 Phonological Processes Here we take a look at some of the phonological processes that apply to the morphemes described in the paper.

2.2.1 Glottal Insertion Rule Between like vowels, a glottal is consistently inserted. This applies within mono-morphemic words such as the following: so'ong carry on head, ne'e don't, si'i this and pu'u tree. It also applies across morpheme boundaries, as in these examples: 1. la - ali - la'ali he buys ku - u'rangi - a - ku'u'rangia I remember it pê - êngku -f pê'êngku one who carries pê - si - ili' - aka -' pêsi'ili'aka totally destroyed

4The voiced affricate [d3] and the voiceless affricate [tf] are denoted as /j/ and /c/, respectively. The alveolar flap is denoted as /r/ 5A more accurate column heading would be "Dental/Alveolar" or even "Apical". Similar to many Austronesian languages, Ba- rang-barang /t/ is dental, while /d/ is alveolar. 6As is common among Austronesian languages in Indonesia, the palatal nasal /p/ has a phonetic off-glide V]. 7 Throughout this paper these orthographic conventions will be used, even when the phonemes are presented within slanted brackets, which usually encase phonetic script. This is simply for consistency and so that the phonemes are more easily recognized within the examples.

4 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

~ P. Gusung Benteng Barang-Barang Parappa' Gusung and Laiyolo • Matalalang Language Areas 6°10'S P. Selayar • Tanabau Don Padang

MOP UM OWNS ID

Desa Harapan Tile-tile Lopi-lopi Galung Bontoala LAIYOLO Kadiang • Kilotepo' Lembang Mate'ne • Baringang Sangkeha Desa Laiyolo Lebo P. Guang o 6°20'S Kalepe P. Malimbo g

Turungang gangia Biring-balang ng-kenang Tongke-ton • ke Pattumbukang angkoang BARANG-BARANG Barang-barang Desa Lowa Mappa Uhe Bone Lauro Doda' Bone Teringen • Kenafa P. Bahuluang •% Appa'tana n ~ Desa 6°30'S Tambolongan

120°30'E 120°40'E

Map 2. Barang-barang and Laiyolo language areas, located in the southern portion of Selayar Island (P. Selayar), South Su- lawesi, Indonesia.

5 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

2.2.2 /a/ --- /ê/ Alternation Although /ê/ is a phoneme in the language, with minimal pairs contrasting /ê/ and /a/, (see Laidig and Maingak 1999 for a more detailed description) there are many instances where the two sounds are interchangeable. This is an indication that previously the sounds máy have been allophones of one common phoneme. Rapid speech is one factor in /a/ being pronounced /ê/. For example, in rapid speech the third person prefix la- can be pronounced lê-, or even with no vowel. So it is possible to hear lalonga or lêlonga or even llonga, meaning he sees. Some instances of alternation appear to be determined by a neighboring vowel. In particular, /ê/ often becomes /a/ when next to another /a/. For example, the singular prefix sê- alternates with sa- when attached to the classifier ango. The number six, ana, takes on a suffix -ma when used with classifiers, and this is pronounced ma when followed by ango but mê when followed by liso. It is also common for the suffix -êng to be pronounced -ang when following a final /a/, as in kêtoka'ang the end. Note, however, that this is only a tendency, and there are plenty of exceptions. For example, one exception is the following:8s 2. ta'êntong ta- êntong 1 piS live we live Here, the schwa on the root does not become an /a/. There is however glottal insertion between the /a/ from the prefix and the /ê/ from the root. Usually, glottal insertion occurs between like vowels only. Occasionally, stress motivates change from /ê/ to /a/. This is shown in the following derivations: 3. tojê', mêtojê' to plant --qojakêng sprouts ngkalê' tired they are tired One final motivation for the /a/ vs. /ê/ alternation is simply style. In the case of the causative morpheme paka-, native speakers feel that pêkê- is more modern, and specifically unique to their language. In some instances, using paka- instead of pêkê- identifies you as an outsider. This is the pronunciation used in neighboring languages. See Section 6 for more on this.

2.2.3 Hidden Final Consonants Some roots have "hidden" final consonants; that is, consonants which do not appear on the root forms, but which are observed when the root is affixed. In other languages, similar consonants have been referred to as "thematic", "suffixal" or "inserted" consonants. It is not clear whether this is a present morphophone- mic process or whether these words exemplify certain word forms frozen during the historical development of the language.9 Consider these examples: 4. pêsua to enter pêsua + i -- pêsuaki to enter into s.t. puana to give birth puana + êng puanasêng the womb lapêlai he runs lapêlai + i lapêlaisi he leaves s.t.behind ajo sun ajo + i ajoni to dry s. t. in the sun

8See the appendix for a list of abbreviations used in this paper. 9Refer to Sneddon (1993) for more on the development toward open final syllables.

An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology binu to pull out binu + i -* binuti/binui to pulls. t. out liu to pass liu + i liuti/liuni to pass by s.t. Note that in the case of the last example, both liuti and liuni are found in the language, and there seems to be no difference in meaning. This is also the case with binuti and binui. oth occur, with no particular distinction. In some cases the final consonant of the root is not completely hidden. It appears as a final glottal, and can be seen when the root is suffixed. It is worth noting that in all of these examples, the glottal emerges as a /k/ upon suffixation:

5. jai' to sew jai' + êng -~ jaikêng the sewing tojê' to plant tojê' + êng -> tojakêng a sprout dongko' ride dongko' + êng - dongkokêng transportation ngkalê' tired ngkalê + i'i -> ngkalaki'i they are tired sulu' go out la + sulu' + i'i + mo lasuluki'imo they went out It is worth mentioning here that not all of the affixes in the language will allow these consonants to 'surface'. For example, the first word in the above list, jai' takes a /k/ when suffixed with -êng, as we have seen, however, with the suffix -aka, the glottal does not become a /k/, but remains a glottal, as in pêsi- jai'aka to sew two things at the same time. This is also seen with the root soba' try. Affixed with -i LOC, we see mêsêsobaki, but with the suffix -aka, we see lapêsoba'aka.

2.2.4 Nasal Ligature Between numbers and certain classifiers or words used for. quantity, there is often a nasal consonant. This nasal ligature is found in many South Sulawesi languages. In Barang-barang, it is not regular, and appears to be more a remnant than a productive process. In fact, it consistently occurs with only three quantity words: ba'a CLASS (a classifier originally meaning head), bula month and bongi night. ote that all begin with voiced bilabial consonant; therefore, the ligature appears always as a bilabial nasal. Here are a few examples showing the nasal ligature 6. a) ri talu mbongi ri talu [m] bongi GP three night three days ago (lit. three nights ago) b) pia mba'a? pia [m] ba'a how_many CLASS how many? c) sêmbula sê- [m] bula SG- month one month Although this nasal is not normally present with the other classifiers, it is seen when using the number six ana with all classifiers. This number appears to idiosyncratically change to anam when followed by a vowel. This could be an instance of a hidden final consonant, as discussed in the previous section, as the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian word ' for six is reconstructed as *enem. However, this /m/ only surfaces when the number six is followed by classifiers, no other words. This seems to indicate that the /m/ is a ligature only, and not a part of the word itself, however the historical /m/ would explain why this number takes

7 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak the ligature with more classifiers than the three mentioned above, which all numbers take. Occasionally the ligature will also include an epenthetic vowel. See the following examples: 7. a) anam ito ana [m] ito six person six people b) anama 'angu ana [ma] angu six CLASS six things c) anamê liso ana [mê] liso six CLASS six things It is worth noting that the number four, apa, also idiosyncratically changes to pata with classifiers: 8. a) pata liso apa liso four CLASS b) pata 'angu apa angu four CLASS c) pata ito1° apa ito four person Again, the change in appearance of the number four could be a case of underlying consonants surfacing, however it is not consistent with the hidden final consonants as discussed above; the change is greater. As with the number six, the variant form (pata) more closely resembles the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian word il (in this case *hepat), and this is consistent with a number of Central and Southeast Sulawesi languages. In all other cases, the numbers and classifiers occur together with no intermediary nasal. And when the above words are not used quantitatively, they also have no preceding nasal. In this first example, bongi is not used as a classifier, but angu is. Therefore, bongi takes no ligature: 9. Pata angu bongi lakoleng ri sapoku. apa angu bongi lakoleng ri sapo -ku four CLASS night 3s- sleep GP house -1sP Four nights he slept at my house.

10 Note that in the case "people", it is also acceptable to say apa ito four people. 11It is interesting to note that similar differences between independent and bound forms for the numbers `four' and `six' are observed in several other languages of Sulawesi. The historical process resulting in this alternation has been described by Van den Berg (1991).

8 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

2.2.5 Consonant Reduction Like consonants across a morpheme boundary within a word are reduced to a single consonant. For example, this happens frequently when the 3sP suffix -na assimilates to a stem final /ng/ and becomes -nga. Frequently, then, the double /ng/ is reduced, as in:

10. riafi - êng - nga riafiênga two days ago berêng - nga berênga his machete This is also the reason why the 2sP marker -mu, when following a /ng/ is reduced to -u. For example,

11. duriang — mu —* duriangu your durian In the production of this word, presumably the nasal first assimilates, rendering -ngu, and then the consonants are reduced. (See Section 3.1.2.2 for more examples of this.)

2.3 Terminology and Word Order It is well known that most Sulawesi languages find themselves in the transition ground between focus languages in the Philippines to the north, and the non-focus Malayo-Polynesian languages to the south and east. There is a mix of ergative and nominative languages. Indeed labels such as `subject' and òbject' may not be entirely relevant for languages in this region. Sometimes, the semantic role of the argument is much more appropriate for understanding the structure of a sentence. Indeed in Barang-barang, the semantic roles of the arguments play a major role in determining the morphology,and hence in this paper arguments are often labeled accordingly. However, for some basic observations on the structure of this language, sometimes the terms `subject' and òbject' are used in this paper. By this we mean those arguments which are indexed by prefixes or suffixes, respectively. As with `subjects' in English, prefixes in Ba- rang-barang index those arguments with semantic roles such as agent or actor. Similarly, suffixes (òb- jects') in Barang-barang index those arguments with roles such as patient: There are a few major differences between the English type subjects and objects and the Barang- barang subjects and objects, particularly in the area of passive marking. For a discussion of this, the reader is referred to Section 5.1. A second terminology issue needing mention are the labels for parts of speech. Terms such as Noun, Verb, Adjective, while seemingly basic, need to be defined for each language individually. An in-depth study into the parts of speech in Barang-barang has yet to be carried out. In this paper then, terms such as verbs and nouns are used to label those words which are stereotypically nouns and verbs in many languages. The label àdjective' is somewhat more difficult to define. Some modifiers used in noun phrases, for example, may optionally take the stative marker mê- whereas others require it. This may be one indication that some roots belong to a class of `true, ,djectives' while others belong to another class but can be used as modifiers in a noun phrase. As many of the word-class questions remain unanswered, the word àdjective' is used broadly to denote those words whose semantic function is to `describe things'. Let's take a look briefly at word order in the language. Here it is helpful to use the terms subject and object. The simplest clauses in Barang-barang are those consisting of one word, the verb. Person is marked on the verb through subject prefixes and object suffixes. Hence a full clause may consist of one word only, as in the examples below: 12. a) Lamê'etta. la- mê- etta 3s- ST- black He is becoming black.

9 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

b) Kulamungia. kulamung -i -ea 1 sS- plant -LOC -3sO 1 plant it (a garden). c) Lapanesia. la- pane -i -ea 3s- hot -LOC -3sO He is heating it Note, however, that such brief clauses would be given only when the arguments were apparent from the context, such as What is he doing with that food? He is heating it. When arguments are overtly stated, the order of the clause is flexible. Frequently, sentences are verb initial. With intransitives and statives, we normally see VS word order:: 13. a) Mênrua bêngkêngku. mê- nrua bêngkêng -ku ST- sick leg -1sP My leg hurts. b) Têngê'ngoa' bamba têria. tê- ngê'ngoa' bamba têria ACC- open door that The door opened. c) Lapêrêngkau kiyau têria. la- pê- rêngkau kiyau têria 3s- VRB- bark dog that The dog is barking. The first two sentences do not have any subject prefixing, whereas the third one does. In all instances, the subject NP is after the verb (whether it has the role of experiencer, as in the first two, or agent as in the third). The following sentences, which have no overt subject NPs, also show verb-initial word order, although it must be remembered that the subject marking is a prefix on the verb. In each of the three following sentences, there is no overt subject NP, but there is an object NP, which follows the verb: 14. a) La'ali sa'ango sapo bau. la- ah Se- Ango sapo Bau 3s- buy SG- CLASS house New He bought a new house. b) Pibero-bero karomami. pibero bero karo -mami 1 peS- RED- fan self -1 piP We fan ourselves. c) Rinunu ito mêfilotu mako ri bamba oto. rinunu ito mê- filo -tu mako ri bamba oto PAS- lead person ST- blind -that there GP door car The blind person was lead to the car door. In clauses where the actor focus morpheme is prefixed to the verb, almost always the subject (that is, the actor) is first in the clause. For example,

10 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

15. Anrimu makanre lokaku. anri -mu makanre loka -ku young_sibling -2sP AF- eat banana -1sP Your younger brother ate my banana. We see that in this sentence, the verb is marked with the actor focus ma- and the actor which it indexes is indeed at the front of the clause. This would be used to answer a question such as Who ate my banana? When the subject and object are both overtly stated, it is difficult to establish a typical word order, as there seems to be a lot of variation. This is of course due to topicalization and focus strategies that the language employs. It would certainly be interesting to study the various discourse strategies available to speakers of the language, but that is beyond the scope of this paper. For now, here are four examples giving VSO, O(S)V, VOS and SVO orders, respectively: 16. a) Lapinyunyua kiyau rasana rusa tria. la- pi- nyunyu kiyau rasa -na rusa têria 3s- CAU- smell dog taste -3sP deer that That deer smell is smelled by the dog. b) Pa'dang lapake mêpêtimbe. pa'dang lapake mê- pê- Timbe sword 3s- use ST- VRB- Cut He uses a sword to cut (s. t.) down. c) Lakanre lelea apu. lakanre lelea Apu 3s- eat all Fire Fire consumed (them) all. d) Ito têria gêsing mêpêpalui kiyau. Ito têria gêsing mê- pê- palu -I kiyau person that often ST- VRB- hit -LOC dog That person likes hitting dogs.

2.4 List of Affixes Below is an alphabetical list of the Barang-barang affixes, excluding the person markers. All of these affixes are derivational, except -'i PL, which will be discussed in Section 3 along with the person markers. The table includes the abbreviations used in glossing, any allomorphs identified, and a reference to the section which describes the affix in more detail. Table 3. Common Affixes Affix Abbrev Alternations Description Section -aka TR -aka-ea -- akea Transitive verb suffix 4.1 -be QM Question marker: yes/no questions 12.1 be = INT Clausal clitic: intention 11.1 -i LOC -ki, -ni, -si Verbal locative suffix 4.3 -'i PL -i'i Plural subject agreement marker 3.1.1 -ka BEN Verbal benefactive suffix 4.2 -ka QM Question marker: content questions 12.2 ka= REA Clausal clitic: reason or purpose 11.2

11 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

kê- VRB ka- Verbalizer for nominal bases 7.1 ma- AF nga-, m-, ng- Actor focus verb prefix 5.2 mê- ST m-, ng- Stative prefix 7.2 -mo PERF -ngo,-mo-ea -- -mea Aspect suffix: perfective 10.1 pa- CAU Causative verb prefix 6.1 paka- CAU pêkê- Causative verb prefix 6.2 pê- VRB Verbalizer 7.4 pêN- NOM pê-, pên-, pêng- Nominalizing prefix 8.1 piN- IT pin-, pil-, ping- ` Iterative prefix 9.1 pi- CAU Causative verb prefix 6.3 -po IMP -po-ea - -pea Aspect suffix: imperfective 10.2 ri- PAS Passive verb prefix 5.1 sê- SG s-, sa- Singular 9.2 si- REC Reciprocal verb prefix 7.5 tê- ACC Verbal prefix: accidental 7.3 -'da LIM -da Aspect suffix: limiter 10.3 -êng CMPR -ang Comparative nominal suffix 8.3 -êng NOM -ang Abstract nominalization suffix 8.2

3 INFLECTIONAL AFFIXES 3.1 Person Markers The following table shows free pronouns, genitive suffixes, and verbal pronominal affixes. Table 4. Pronominal Forms Person Free Form Genitive Verb prefix Verb suffix i aku -ku ku- -aku 2s ko'o -mu mu- -ko 2h kita -ka ta- -kita 3s sia -na la- -ea 1 pe kami -mami pi- -kami 1 pi kita -ka ta- -kita 2p ko'omiu -mui/miu mu- -ko'miu/-komiu 3p sianai -na'i la- _ -'ia As can be seen from the above table, the first person plural inclusive pronoun kita and prefix ta- are used to indicate second person honorific. This is common with a number of languages in the area. Note also that in the second and third persons, singular and plural prefixes are identical. Often, the plural morpheme is used to distinguish the two. See Section 3.2 for this discussion.

3.1.1 Notes on Use Unmarked verbs are affixed with the person markers indexing their arguments. Subjects are indexed with prefixes, and objects are indexed with suffixes. (See the examples in 12 above.) When the subject does not occur as an overt NP, the subject prefixes are compulsory. When there is an overt subject, however, the subject prefixes become optional. (See the examples in 13 above.) Object suffixes, on the other hand, are compulsory, except in passive constructions.

12 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

Barang-barang is a morphologically accusative language, meaning that when a verb has just one argument, it normally occupies the subject position, and is indexed with a prefix. There are, however, a few exceptions to this. First, when the verb takes the passive prefix ri-, suppressing the agent, the one re- maining argument stays a suffix. It is not promoted to subject position, becoming a prefix. (See Section 5.1 for more details.) Second, the verb nyia exist/come, takes a suffix as its only argument. For example, 17. Nyiea. nyia -ea exist -3s0 He comes/he is here. Perhaps the reason for the suffixed argument is semantic. It could be that the role of arguments in an existential clause such as the above matches better the group of semantic roles typically associated with the object suffixes in the language, like patient and benefactive and so on. Alternately, it could be a remnant of an historically nominative-absolutive system such as is found in many Bungku-Tolaki languages (see David Mead, forthcoming, regarding a parallel case in Kulisusu). Further research on related languages might reveal the development of such a construction.12 Third, the plural argument suffix -'i sometimes occurs without any subject prefix. When this happens, the default interpretation is third person. Therefore, the third person plural subject is sometimes marked only with a suffix, which is the usual place for objects to be. (For more on this, see Section 3.2) Free forms, or free pronouns, can be used in Barang-Barang to indicate verbal arguments. They are, however, often unnecessary to the sentence, as most often the verbs are indexed with person-marking affixes. They are therefore used when introducing new participants, or in focus constructions. For example, as explained in Section 5.2, you cannot have the actor focus morpheme with no overt NP to point to. Genitive suffixes can be attached to a noun or noun phrase to index another noun related to that nominal. This relationship can be ownership, as in naung-ku my garden or kinship, such as ana-mami our child or having a certain quality, as in pêfu'ja-na his cruelty, and so on. In this last case, that is having a certain quality, when the intensifier mêrrêsê' is used, there must be genitive marking on the quality intensified. For example: 18. a) Mêrrêsê' ko'dina felona. mêrrêsê' ko'di -na felo -na very rude -3sP action -3sP His actions were extremely rude. b) Mêrrêsê' nralana ufe ngapa têria. mêrrêsê' nrala -na ufe ngapa têria very deep 3sP water ocean that That ocean is very deep. These examples could be literally translated as The action's rudeness was extreme or The ocean's deepness is extreme respectively. For comparison, their non-intensified counterparts are shown:

12 Note that the word nyia does not have cognates in Barang-barang's closest linguistic neighbors, Kalao or Laiyolo. It has been suggested that there are two possible sources for nyia. First, nyia < ngia < daangia < dang+ia (dang being the existential particle, and -ia a third person suffix). For comparison, note Wolio dangai there is/are. Another possibility is that nyia derives from ni + ia, where ni is a deictic element meaning "be here" (compare Indonesian ini, di sini, etc.). In either case an original 3sg suffix became fused with the original stem.

13 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

19. a) Felona mêko'di. felo -na mê- ko'di action -3sP ST- rude His actions are rude. b) Mênrala ufe ngapa têria. mê- nrala ufe ngapa têria ST- deep water ocean that The ocean is deep.

3.1.2 Phonological Variation These next sections provide a description of the observed variation in several of the person affixes.

3.1.2.1 3s Object Suffix The third person singular object suffix, -ea, alternates with -kea and -a in the following circumstances. When the suffix attaches to a base ending with a glottal, the suffix becomes -kea:

20. ko'bi' - ea -- ko'bi'kea to motion (to) him beso' - ea -- beso'kea to throw it bungkêrê' - ea -4 bungkêrê'kea to open it bale' - ea --> bale'kea to return it When a base verb ends in a nasal consonant /ng/ the full suffix occurs, as in:

21. minging - ea -4 lamingingea he wants it lamung - ea -4 lamungea he plants it When the suffix -ea is added to a stem ending in a vowel, the following happens. Word final /a, o/ is de- leted, as in

22. gafe - mo - ea -4 gafemea to have done it already mê - naka - ea - mênakea to lose it longa - ea -4 longea to see it After /e, i, u/, the -ea is reduced to -a. This can be seen in the following words:

23. kanre - ea --> kanrea to eat it bunu - ea -4 bunua to kill it keni - ea -÷ kenia to hold it It is worth noting that the 3s0 suffix -ea must be referential. That is, you cannot have an object suffix on the verb if that object is not known. See Section 11.1 for further discussion.

3.1.2.2 /-mu/ 2sP Genitive Suffix The second person singular genitive suffix -mu alternates with -u when following a nasal. Note that there are no word-final nasals other than /ng/. Examples showing this change are:

24. uriang - mu --> duriangu your durian inrong - mu - inrongu your mother berêng - mu -* berêngu your machete In all other instances, the bilabial nasal remains:

14 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

25. kutu - mu -4 kutumu your lice sanga - mu -* sangamu your name amala' - mu --- amala'mu your deeds See Section 2.2.5 for an explanation of this alternation.

3.1.2.3 /-na/ 3sP Genitive Suffix After a word-final consonant (either /ng/ or /7) the -na becomes -nga. For example, 26. ono' - na -p ono'nga stopping of s.t. baha' - na -0 baha'nga his companion inrong - na --p inronga her mother In all other instances, the -na remains constant, as shown by these examples: 27. tanga - na - tangana middle of s. t. njoro - na -> njorona his coconut

3.2 -'i Plural A final morpheme must be discussed in this section on inflectional affixes, that is the plural marker -'i. This suffix is added to indicate plurality of subject. It is affixed directly after the verb root, before the aspect markers. For example,

28. Lasuluki'imo. la- sulu' -'i -mo 3s- go_out -PL -PERF They already were going out After root-final consonants, or /e/, the suffix is -i'i, as in the above, and the following: 29. Belagafei'i. be= La- gafe -'i INT= 3s- make -PL They will make something. This suffix distinguishes third singular subject from third plural subject, which both use the prefix la-. The difference can be seen in contrasting the following pairs of sentences:

30. Lakêmeke he coughs -- lakêmekei'i they cough. ladurui kopi he harvests coffee -0 ladurui'i kopi they harvest coffee. This suffix can also indicate plural subjects in the second person, with both mu- (familiar) and ta- (honorific). The following two imperatives show this: 31. a) Muêngka'imea. mu- êngka -'i -mo -ea 2s- lift -PL -PERF -3sO You guys lift this.

b) Tadurui'imo ênre. ta- duru -'i -mo ênre 2h- pick -PL -PERF up You sirs/madams go on and pick (coffee).

Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

Note that the use of ta- with the plural suffix can only be interpreted as the honorific second person (sir/madam.) It would be ungrammatical to use ta- in the sense of first person inclusive plural (we), with the plural suffix -'i, since ta- we is already plural. The same applies to the first person exclusive prefix pi-:

32. *Piêngka'imea. pi- êngka -'i -mo -ea 1 peS- lift -PL -PERF -3s0 *We lift it While it is possible to use the plural morpheme with the second person subject markers, as shown above, the default interpretation of this morpheme is third person. Frequently, when speaking in third person plural, the prefix la- is left off the verb, leaving the plural marker -'i, which is interpreted as third person plural. See the following examples: 33. Kêbulu-bului'i. They have feathers. Mako'i. They go. Rate'imo. They were already on top. Mêdurui'imo bae. They are already harvesting rice. It is interesting to note, also, that the third person plural possessive suffix -na'i can be thought of as consisting of the morpheme -na (third singular possessive) plus -'i, plural. Compare:

34. buluina his feathers —* buluina'i their feathers The third person plural object marker -'ia can also be seen as the plural marker -'i plus the third person object marker -ea (which is -a after /i/). The two analyses are presented below: 35. a) Musai'ia kênanre. musai -'ia kênanre 2s- give -3pO food You give them food. b) Musai'ia kênanre. musai -'i -ea kênanre 2s- give -PL -30 food You give them food.

4 TRANSITIVITY / VALENCY In this section we look at some verbal affixes which affect the transitivity or valency of the verb. All of the suffixes are valency increasing suffixes. That is, they derive transitive verbs from intransitive ones, or in the case of -ka BEN, ditransitive verbs from transitive ones. The difference between the three suffixes has to do with the semantic role of the object, i.e. whether it is a patient, or direct object (-aka) or a locative object (-i), or a benefactor (-ka).

4.1 -aka Transitive This suffix makes a transitive verb from an intransitive one, and the verb takes a definite direct object. When combined with 3s0 marker suffix -ea, the two suffixes fuse as -akea. Compare the sentences below, which contrast a root without and with the suffix -aka:

16 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

36. a) Kaseng mêmeka ulo. Kaseng mê- meka ulo Kaseng ST- afraid snake Kaseng is afraid of snakes. b) Kaseng lameka'akea ulo têria. Kaseng lameka -aka -ea ulo têria Kaseng 3s- afraid -TR -3s0 snake that Kaseng is afraid of that snake. c) *Kaseng mêmeka ulo têria. Kaseng mê- meka ulo têria Kaseng ST- afraid snake that *Kaseng is afraid of that snake. In this final sentence it is ungrammatical to have a definite object. With the root meka to be scared there can only be a definite object when it is suffixed with -aka. Notice also that in sentence (a), when the object is not definite, the verb takes the stative morpheme mê-. Because ulo snake is indefinite, it implies there is not one snake in particular, and the sentence therefore has a more general meaning, incorporating all snakes. Kaseng is afraid of all snakes. Note that many verbs are already inherently transitive. That is, they take an object without the addition of -aka. For example, 37. Sia labeso'kea kêlaratu. sia labeso' -ea kêlara -tu 3s 3s- pull -3s0 rope -that He pulls that rope. Another example of an intransitive root taking -aka is puana give birth. The verb can be used alone (intransitively), as in lapuana she gives birth. It can also be used with an indirect object, as in the following sentence: 38. a) Bembe têria sêpisa lapuana talu mba'a anana. bembe têria sê- pisa lapuana talu ba'a ana -na goat that SG- separate 3s- birth three CLASS child -3sP . That goat gave birth to three kids at the same time. Note that in this sentence, there is an object, namely three kids, and there is no addition of -aka. This is because the object is indefinite. It is not saying which particular kids were born, the point of the sentence is simply that there were three of them at once. If there was a particular (definite) kid that the speaker wanted to point out as being the offspring of some mother goat, then -aka would have to be added to the verb, as in: b) Bembe têria lapuana'aka bembe kêkêddi' têria. bembe têria lapuana -aka bembe kê- kêddi' têria goat that 3s- birth -TR goat VRB- small that That goat gave birth to that small goat Further, if one wishes to say I was born, there must be -aka on the end of the verb, as in:

39. Aku ripuana'aka ri Mêngkasêrê'. aku ripuana -aka ri Mêngkasêrê' 1 s PAS- birth -TR GP Makassar I was born in Makassar.

17 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

In other words, when there is a direct object in the sentence, the transitive morpheme -aka must be present. A further derivation from this same root which illustrates this is the word for birthday: ajo puana'aka. The -aka is present, because there is a direct object of puana birth, the patient, the one being born. We can see then, that the addition of the transitivity marker —aka is compulsory on an intransitive root when there is a definite direct object in the sentence. For transitive roots, the suffix adds emphasis to the patient. It emphasizes the transfer of energy from the agent to the patient. Without the -aka, the emphasis is more on the activity itself. nother illustration of the optional -aka is found in the following set of sentences:

40. a) Piala sa'angu lemo riafi. piala sê- angu lemo riafi 1 peS- take SG- CLASS lemon yesterday We got a lemon yesterday. b) Ala'akea! ala -aka -ea take -TR -3s0 Get it! c) Alamea! ala -mo -ea take -PERF -3s0 Just get it! In the first instance, the object of the verb is indefinite, a lemon. Hence there is no —aka present. In the second sentence, the -aka shows that there is a definite direct object which has been summoned. Ob- viously the hearer will already know what she is supposed to go and get. This is in contrast to the third sentence, without the —aka. Here, the command is merely to go, which is further indicated by the perfective morpheme, -mo. To show the difference, the English translation has added `just'. For more on the suffix -aka, see Section 7.5.2.

4.2 -ka Benefactive The verbal suffix -ka indicates that the object suffix marked on the verb agrees not with the patient, but with the beneficiary of the action of the verb. The patient is expressed through a full noun phrase immediately after the verb.:

41. a) Bekudurukako kutumu. be= ku- duru -ka -ko kutu -mu INT= 1 sS- pick -BEN -2s0 louse -2sP I'll pick out your lice for you. Note that when there is a beneficiary in the clause, it must be indexed by an object suffix, and there must also be the benefactive suffix -ka on the verb. It is not possible to express an oblique beneficiary through a prepositional phrase. It is possible, however, to leave out the beneficiary, and state the patient only. For example, compare the following sentences:

18 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

b) Bekudurua kutumu. be= ku- duru -ea kutu -mu INT= 1 sS- pick -3s0 louse -2sP I'll pick out your lice. c) *Bekudurua kutumu ri ko'o. be= ku- duru -ea kutu -mu ri ko'o INT= 1 sS- pick -3s0 louse -2sP GP 2s *I'll pick out your lice for you. In example (b) above, we see the patient as the object marked on the clause, with no beneficiary. Sen- tence (c) demonstrates that it is ungrammatical to express a beneficiary with an oblique phrase. Another set of examples illustrating this follows: 42. a) Anaku langajikaku surê'ku. ana -ku la- ngaji -ka -ku surê' -ku child -1sP 3s- read -BEN -1sO letter -1sP My son read my letter to me. b) Anaku langajiea surê'ku. ana -ku la- ngaji -ea surê' -ku child -1sP 3s- read -3s0 letter -1sP My son read my letter c) *Anaku langajiea surê'ku ri aku. ana -ku la- ngaji -ea surê' -ku ri aku child -1sP 3s- read -3s0 letter -1sP GP 1 s *My son read my letter to me. Here again sentence (b) shows the patient being marked directly on the verb. And sentence (c) shows that expressing a benefactive through an oblique is ungrammatical. Note that it is not only the typical (cross-linguistically) ditransitive verbs which take the benefactive suffix -ka. There is a wide range of verbs which take it, including: sai give (something to), bafa carry (something for), piu'rangi remind (someone of), ngaji read (something to), jai' sew (something for), and duru pick (something off).

4.3 -i Locative This verb suffix indicates that the object in the clause is a locative object, rather than a patient. Often it is added to intransitive bases to create transitive verbs. For example, 43. lakoleng he sleeps —" lakolengi he sleeps on s.t. lapêkau he scrapes --f lapêkaui he scratches somewhere (an itch) lalonga she sees —t lalongai she looks for s.t. (c. f. lalongea to look at s.t.) The suffix can also be added to adjectives, which then makes them transitive verbs, and the meaning could be something like `to put this quality somewhere'. For example: 44. rea sick --t lareaia it makes him sick fale delicious --> rifalei s.t. is made to be delicious

19 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

There seem to be many allomorphs to -i, namely -ki, -ni, and -si. These may all simply be instances of hidden final consonants. (See Section 2.2.3). Their meaning seems to be consistent with locative, as described above:

45. pêsua to enter -- pêsuaki to enter (a place) lapêlai he runs -- lapêlaisi he leaves s.t. behind latêle'e he urinates —p latêle'esi he urinates on s.t. mêlele contagious — mêleleni to infect (a person) ajo day/sun -- la'ajoni he dries (s.t.) in the sun pane hot -- lapanesia he heats it.

5 FOCUS/VOICE MARKERS These two morphemes are used in various ways to highlight or suppress different participants in a clause. When either of these occur, the subject agreement prefixes do not occur. We will look at each one individually.

5.1 ri- Passive Traditional "passives" are known to demote the subject (agent) of a predicate, and promote the object (patient). This thereby decreases the valency of the predicate by one. Barang-Barang passives do indeed demote the subject, but as we will see, the patient does not get promoted to `subject' position. It remains in `object' position.

5.1.1 Demoting the Agent The passive prefix ri- takes the place of the subject markers at the front of the verb, preventing the agent from being stated. This decreases the valency of the verb by one. Compare the following sentences:

46. a) Latêle'esiko. la- tê- le'e -i -ko 3s- ACC- urine -LOC -2s0 He urinated on you. b) Ritêle'esiko. ri- tê- le'e -i -ko PAS- ACC- urine -LOC -2sO You were urinated on. In this second sentence, the agent marker is not stated. There is simply a patient left, hence the valency has been decreased. It is ungrammatical to include the agent marker on the verb, as the following sentence illustrates.

c) 'rLaritêle'esiko. la- ri- tê- le'e -i -ko 3s- PAS- ACC- urine -LOC -2sO *He urinated on you. The agent may be expressed, however, as an oblique with the preposition ri, as in the following sentences:

20 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

47. a) Ritêle'esiko ri anamu. ri- tê- le'e -i -ko ri ana -mu PAS- ACC- urine -LOC -2sO GP child -2sP You were urinated on by your child. b) Rirabungko ri gurumu. rirabung -ko ri guru -mu PAS- hit -2s0 GP teacher -2sP You were hit by your teacher. It is clear, then, that the agent argument is demoted from its status as core argument and becomes an oblique argument if indeed it is stated at all.

5.1.2 Absence of Patient Promotion Unlike passive strategies in other languages, the patient marker remains a suffix on the verb, that is, in object position. There is no promotion to the position formerly occupied by the agent, in other words, to subject prefix. The following two examples show this:

48. a) *Muritêle'esi. mu- ri- tê- le'e -i 2s- PAS- ACC- urine -LOC You were urinated on. b) *Larirabung. la- ri- rabung 3s- PAS- hit She was hit. It is possible, however, to have a full NP, representing the patient, preceding the verb. In this case, the object suffix at the end of the verb is optional. This is shown in the following sentences:

49. a) Sia rirabung. Sia rirabung 3s PAS- hit She was hit. b) Sia rirabungea. Sia rirabung -ea 3s PAS- hit -3s0 She was hit. 50. a) Ko'o ritêle'esi. ko'o ri- tê- le'e -i 2s PAS- ACC- urine -LOC You were urinated on. b) Ko'o ritêle'esiko. ko'o ri- tê- le'e -i -ko 2s PAS- ACC- urine -LOC -2s0 You were urinated on. In both sets, sentence (a) has no object marking, and sentence (b) does have object marking. All of the sentences are grammatical. The object markers are optional. n other words, it is possible to move the pa-

21 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

tient to the front of the verb, and leave off the `object' marking. (In other instances, object agreement is compulsory for definite objects.) We might like to say then, that this is optional, or partial patient promotion. This is still not complete patient promotion however, as the verb does not use the subject agreement markers to agree with the patient. A note must be included here about whether this morpheme ri- could simply be a dummy subject, rather than a passive marker. n both cases, the subject markers would be replaced. Furthermore, with a dummy subject, the patient also remains in object position. However, the partial patient promotion suggests that it is not simply a dummy subject. Further, there does seem to be another dummy subject in the language, as seen in the phrase lauda it rains. The 3s prefix la- seems to be functioning as a non- referential subject marker here. This is also consistent with dummy subject analyses in other Malayo- Polynesian languages which use a morpheme homophonous with the 3rd person prefix.

5.2 ma- Actor Focus The Actor Focus morpheme, ma-, may be a remnant of a previously bigger focus system. Van den Berg (1996) suggests, for example, that Proto-Celebic had a focus system of actor and goal focus, with different allomorphs for realis and irrealis. In Barang-barang, ma- clearly retains the function of focusing the actor of a predicate. Consider the following situations where ma- is used:

5.2.1 Relative clauses

In Barang-Barang anu relative clauses,13 the head noun being modified by the relative clause is usually the object of the verb inside that relative clause. For example:

51. Loka anu kulamung têria ri taung ri ka-na moggemo. loka anu kulamung têria ri taung ri ka-na mê- ogge -mo banana REL 1 sS- plant that GP year GP before ST- big -PERF The bananas I planted last year are already big. Here we see clearly that the banana is the object of the verb inside the relative clause, lamung plant. The corresponding simple clause of the above would be: 52. Kulamungia lokatu. kulamung -'ia loka -tu 1 sS- plant -3pO banana -that I planted those bananas. Notice that in the relative clause, the patient, lokamu your banana, has moved to in front of the rela- tivizer anu, and there is a definite marker, têria that, phrase finally. This is the simple pattern that most relative clauses in the language use when the patient is relativized. It seems, then, that the patient of the unmarked clause is syntactically more accessible than the other arguments. Here is another example following this pattern:

53. Kêfalu anu lakolengitu mêrênnêsê'. kêfalu anu lakoleng -i -tu mê- rênnesê' mat REL 3s- sleep -LOC -that ST- dirty The mat that he slept on is dirty.

13 What appear to be relative clauses could in fact be equative clauses with anu being the head noun of a nominalized clause. While this may be the case, it has no bearing on the analysis presented of the role of AF- main such constructions. In this section, it is not intended to describe anu clauses, but merely highlight the role of AF in these constructions.

22 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

Again, we see that the head noun, kêfalu mat, is the (locative) object of the verb in the relative clause, kolengi sleep on. Now, if we wish to construct a relative clause in which the noun being modified does not have the semantic role fitting the position of object in the clause, but instead fits the position of subject, we must use the actor focus morpheme on the verb. In other words, when the verb in the relative clause uses the AF prefix, ma-, it is the subject that is relativized. For example: 54. Ri bêntona Sêssudu anu mapêtoto têria ri ri bênto -na Sêssudu anu ma- pê- toto têria ri GP mountain -3sP Sêssudu REL AF- VRB- stripe that GP labuêng bêngkatu nyia bari batu. labu -êng bênka -tu nyia bari batu harbor -NOM boat -that exist many rock At Mount Sessude, which is parallel to the anchorage, there are many rocks. In this example, we see that Mount Sessude is in fact the subject of the intransitive verb pêtoto to be parallel. Therefore, in order for the relative clause to be grammatical, the actor focus morpheme must be used. The use of anu clauses in questions also illustrates this point. Consider the following sentence, which questions the subject of the verb pêkêmeka scare:

55. Apea anu mapêkêmekatu ri ko'o? apea anu ma- paka- meka -tu ri ko'o what REL AF CAU- afraid -that GP 2s What frightened you? Here, also, because it is the causer of this causative verb (which occupies subject position) that is questioned, the verb takes the AF marker. A noun can be modified with a clause even when that clause does not have the relative marking of anu. In these instances also, the AF morpheme is used when that noun is the subject of the relative clause. Compare the following two sentences: 56. a) Nyiabe ito ri si'i pêngane? nyia -be ito ri si'i pêngane exist -QM person GP here earlier Was there a person here earlier? b) Nyiabe ito makanre loka ri si'i pêngane? nyia -be ito makanre loka ri si'i pêngane exist -QM person AF- eat banana GP here earlier Was there a person eating bananas here earlier? We can see that the phrase ito makanre loka a person eating bananas can be considered a complex noun phrase. Notice that the modifying verb is marked with the AF morpheme, since ito, the head of the complex noun phrase, is considered the subject of the verb. It is ungrammatical to use the third person marker here, as the following sentence shows: c) *Nyiabe ito lakanre loka ri si'i pêngane? nyia -be ito lakanre loka ri si'i pêngane exist -QM person 3s- eat banana GP here earlier *Was there a person eating bananas here earlier?

23 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

Another example of this is shown in the following sentence:

57. Lameka'akea anana madongko' kêppêlê' mêlaka. lameka -aka -ea ana -na madongko kêppêlê' mê- laka 3s- afraid -TR -3sP child -3sP AF- ride ship ST- fly He is scared of his child riding in an airplane. Here, the complex noun phrase is anana madongko' kêppêlê' mêlaka, his child riding in an airplane. Here, as in the previous example, the modifying verb is marked with the AF morpheme, since the head noun, anana his child is considered the actor, or subject, of the verb madongko' riding. It would be ungrammatical to use the 3rd person marker here, as seen in the following sentence:

58. *Lameka'akea anana ladongko' kêppêlê' mêlaka. lameka -aka -ea ana -na ladongko kêppêlê' mê- laka 3s- afraid -TR -3sP child -3sP 3s- ride ship ST- fly *He is scared of his child riding in an airplane. If we wanted to construct a complex noun phrase where the head noun was the object of a modifying verb, we could either use the passive morpheme, or simply use the regular person markers. For example, the following two sentences are both grammatical:

59. a) Lameka'akea anana riki'ki'kea ri ulo. lameka -aka -ea ana -na riki'ki' -ea ri ulo 3s- afraid -TR -3sO child -3sP PAS- bite -3s0 GP snake b) Lameka'akea anana laki'ki' ulo. lameka -aka -ea ana -na laki'ki' ulo 3s- afraid -TR -3sO child -3sP 3s- bite snake He is scared of his child being bitten by a snake.

5.2.2 Must Have a Stated Referent The AF morpheme must point to a referent recently mentioned. In itself, it is not referential. For example, it would be ungrammatical to have a sentence like the following: 60. a) *Makanre loka. makanre loka AF- eat banana *Eat banana The ma- here does not refer to any argument, and hence the sentence is incomplete. A gramm atical sentence would be the equivalent: b) Lakanre loka. lakanre loka 3s- eat banana He eats bananas. Here we see that the prefix la- is referential, and hence the sentence is grammatical. When ma- is used, then, there must be a referent that it can refer to. Consider the following sentence:

61. a) *Itu lokaku. Ne'e makanre. itu loka -ku ne'e makanre that banana -1sP don't AF- eat That's my banana. Don't eat (it).

24 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

This sentence is considered ungrammatical, simply because the interpretation would be that the banana is doing the eating. That is the closest argument that can be interpreted as co-referential with the ma-. The ma- cannot refer to the listener, as that person is not overtly stated in the sentence. Compare with the following two grammatical statements: b) Itu lokaku. Ne'e ngkanrea. itu loka -ku ne'e mu- kanre -ea that banana -1sP don't 2sS- eat -3s0 That's my banana. Don't you eat it. c) Itu lokaku. Ne'e rikanrea. itu loka -ku ne'e ri- kanre -ea that banana -1sP don't PAS- eat -3s0 That's my banana. Don't let it be eaten. Both of the above sentences are grammatical. In the first, the agent of the eating is stated, and in the second, the agent is suppressed. When using the actor focus morpheme ma-, there must be an argument present in the sentence to focus on.

6 CAUSATIVE MORPHEMES In Barang-Barang, there appear to be a number of prefixes which can be added to a verb to make it a causative verb. On the surface, we see paka-, pêkê-, pa-, pi-, and pê- all performing the same task. The obvious question to ask is: "What is the difference between these?" Are they phonologically determined through some kind of vowel harmony? Are some of them allomorphs? Are there semantic differences? Are they lexically determined, such as by classes of verbs? Or do they represent sociolinguistic variation? From a brief investigation, the following tendencies were noticed: paka- and pêke-. Paka- and pêkê- can be interchanged for all verbs that take them. They are allomorphs. There is a tendency, however, for native Barang-Barang speakers to use pêkê- rather than paka-. Those who use paka- are assumed to be non-native speakers, such as those who have moved in from other language groups. Pêkê- is also felt to be more modern than paka-. Pêkê- is also preferred with roots that have /ê/ in them, particularly in the initial syllable, however this is in no way a solid rule. pa- and pê-. Pê- is an allomorph of pa. The gemination of the stem-initial consonant that occurs with pa- (described below) does not occur when pê- is used. In some instances, the use of pa- is considered "foreigner talk" compared to the use of pê-. In one instance, the word with pê- as a prefix had a wider usage than the word with pa-. (This was the case for pê-enre' compared with pa-enre', both of which mean to cause to go up. However, pê-enre' could be used in many different circumstances, whereas pa-enre' seemed to be used for only a few specific circumstances.) pi-. Pi- is much rarer than the others, and cannot be replaced by the other morphemes at all. It could be considered a non-productive morpheme. Possibly it is a remnant of a previous vowel harmony system. Finally, it has been observed that there are many stems that can take either pêkê- or pê-. It may also be, then, that pê- is also a shortened form of pêkê-. In the following sections, examples will be presented showing the use of these morphemes.

6.1 pa- Causative The prefix pa- occurs fairly frequently in the language. Here are two sets of examples to show how it changes a verb to become causative:

25 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

A verb which normally takes just one argument, like enre' go up, can be increased in valency with the addition of pa-. Consider the following pair of sentences. In (a), we see that the verb has a valency of one, and the argument is ta- we (incl):

62. a) Taenre' ri sapo. taenre' ri sapo 1 piS- go_up GP house We (incl) enter the house. (Note that because the houses in Barang-barang are on stilts, the literal word for enter is `go up'.) Now look at (b). We see that once the prefix pa- is added, the valency increases by one, requiring the presence of two arguments: b) Lapaenre' ali baranga. la- pa- enre' ali barang -na 3s- CAU- go_up price thing -3sP He raises the price of the goods. Here there are two arguments, namely la- 3s (he) and ali baranga the price of the goods. Clearly it is the price of the goods which has `gone up' as a result of the action by the agent la- he. The semantic roles of the arguments, then, seem to be agent and experiencer. Consider another set of sentences contrasting the causative and non-causative use of a verbal root. This time we consider a root that is transitive. In the first sentence, we see two arguments:

63. a) Bari buja la'ali. bari buja la- ali many paper 3s- buy He bought a lot of paper. The agent is la- he, and the patient is bari buja a lot of paper. In the second sentence, once pa- is added, there are three arguments, as reflected in the English translation by the conjunction with:

b) La pa'alia tolek ruappulu rupia. la- pa- ali -ea tolek rua pulu rupia 3s- CAU- buy -3sO cigarette two ten rupiah He buys cigarettes with 20 rupiah. We see the patient is tolek cigarette, the instrument is ruappulu rupia twenty rupiah, and the causer is la- he. Hence there are three core arguments in this clause. It is worth noting here, however, that frequently when transitive bases are marked with a causative morpheme, only two arguments actually occur. This is because often the passive morpheme will be used to suppress the causer, leaving the causative verb with two arguments, as in the following sentence:

64. Ripa'ali juku' dowe' tria. ripa- ali juku' dowe' têria PAS- CAU- buy fish money that That money is used to buy fish. The verb is still marked with the causative morpheme pa-, but the causer is suppressed by the passive marker ri-, leaving only two arguments: the instrument dowe' tria the money and the patient juku' fish. One phonological characteristic specific to this causative prefix is the gemination of stem-initial /t/ and /k/. Consider the following derivations:

26 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

65. kana true --> pakkana to make true/clarify kuling n/a —* pakkuling to repeat tantu certain —) pattantu to certify tiru trust/rely on —> pattirui to hope for/expect tuju use (N) - pattuju to exploit An exception to this is tee where —> pate'ea to place something. Contrary to expectation, there are no examples of geminating /p/: pussu `hiss' sound--f papussu to let out air from tires. Some other stems require a glottal preceding: 66. guru teacher pa'guru to teach nassa usual/public —p pa'nassa to assure/give certainty rupa face —p pa'rupa to appear As mentioned previously, pa- can be interchanged with pê-. When the same root word takes pê- instead of pa-, the gemination doesn't happen. The following synonyms show this alternation: 67. pakkuling pêkuling to repeat pakkana pêkana to make true/clarify pattantu --- pêtantu to certify

6.2 paka- Causative Most commonly, paka- occurs with adjectival bases, but there are a few exceptions. It can also occur with some intransitive verbs, such as tangi cry or lare sleep.14 The common factor with all of the bases, then, is that the roots without pêkê- all have a valency of one. This first example shows the use of paka- with the adjectival base lape good: (Remember that paka- interchanges with pêkê- as described in the introduction to Section 6.) 68. Bêmbarungku kupêkêlape. RED- barung -ku ku- paka- lape RED- hut -1 sP 1 sS- CAU- good I repaired my hut. Note that this predicate takes two arguments: the patient bêmbarungku my hut and the agent ku- 1 s. A non-causative predicate with the same root would be a one-place predicate: 69. Mêlapemo bêmbarungku. mê- lape -mo RED- barung -ku ST- good -PERF RED- hut -1sP My hut is good. We can see, therefore, as is typical of causatives, that the morpheme paka- increases the valency of the predicate by one. It adds a causer. This next example shows paka- with the verbal base tangi cry:

14 These `verbal' bases could actually be in the same word-class with the `adjectival' bases. Their occurrence with the causative prefix paka- could be one of the supporting morphological reasons for positing them in the same class. However an in-depth part of speech study has yet to be undertaken, so such conclusions would be premature.

27 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

70. Ne'e mupakatangia anamu. ne'e mu- paka- tangi -ea ana -mu don't 2sS- CAU- cry -3sO child -3sP Don't make your child cry! Again here we have two arguments: anamu your child, who is the experiencer of cry, and mu- you, the causer. The corresponding non-causative predicate using the same base would be:

71. Anamu lapêtangi. ana -mu la- pê- tangi child -2sP 3s- VRB- cry Your child is crying. Some further examples of derivations with paka- are: 72. lare sleep -o pakalare to put to sleep lifo wrong -0 pakalifo to confuse ogge big --0 pêkêogge to enlarge sê'ênsa one -~ pêkêsê'ênsa to unite sêssili embarrassed -~ pêkêsêssili to embarrass tamo heavy -o pakatamoa to weigh down têrrusu' straight -o pakatêrrusu' to continue

6.3 pi- Causative There seem to be only a few words that use pi- to make a causative. Some identified are:

73. inrang borrow pi'inrang to loan iru' drink pi'iruki to help someone drink pu'u capitals pipu'u to use as capital u'rangi remember piu'rangi remind utung aim for -> piutungi to make important (make s. t. a goal) Here is a pair of sentences that show again the increase in valency between a verb without the causative marking, and the same base with the causative marking:

74. Ku'u'rangia sangamu. ku- u'rangi -ea sanga -mu 1 sS- remember -3sO name -2sP I remember your name. Notice there are two arguments: The agent ku- 1 s, and the patient sangamu your name. Compare this with the causative counterpart, which needs a third argument: 75. Bêreiku lapiu'rangikaku sangamu. bêrei -ku la- pi- u'rangi -ka -ku sanga -mu spouse -1sP 3s- CAU- remind -BEN -1sO name -2sP My wife reminded me of your name.

15 Although the gloss of pu'u is given as source, it is hard to assign a single gloss to this word, which can be translated as source, tree, capital, very or extremely. It is equally hard to determine which part of speech it is.

28 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

The added argument here is bêreiku my wife, who is the causer. Remember that verbs which have á benefactor as one argument take the suffix -ka BEN and mark the benefactor with a verb suffix. There is one noted instance where a base can take the causative prefix pi- and the prefix pa- or it's allomorph pê-. That base is iru' drink. The difference between pêiruki and pi'iruki, which both mean to help someone drink, is that the latter, with the prefix pi- is considered more formal or refined.

7 OTHER VERBAL MARKERS 7.1 kê- Verbalizer for Nouns This prefix is added on to either nouns or reduplicated verbs to make intransitive verbs. When prefixed to nouns, kê- makes a predicate with the meaning "having N". Consider the following derivations from noun roots: 76. batu rock/seed -0 kêbatu to have seeds bifi edge -- kêbifi to have edges bombong young leaves --o kêbombong to have young leaves boro' nasal mucus -0 kêboro' to have a cold dalle' luck, fortune -- f kêdalle' to be lucky/ to be risky fake fruit -'k kêfake to bear fruit jêmmeng mud -0 kêjemmeng to be muddy kapi wing --7k kêkapi to be winged kêbobo dirt, grass -0 kêbobo to be dirty kutu louse -~ kêkutu to have lice nassu anger -0 kênassu angry sea ant -o kêsea to have ants all over tênai relative -0 kêtenai pregnant (Euphemism; lit to have a relative) kê- also attaches to some verbal roots, but only when they are reduplicated. Below is a list of examples: 77. bênje to lie -p kêbê'bênje to frequently lie do'do' sleepy -* kêdê'do'do' to be sleepy often meke to cough -4 kêmêmmeke to be coughing têttta'i to defecate -+ kêtêtta'i to have diarrhea Here, it seems as though the reduplication indicates a continuous action of the verb root. (For more on the continuous aspect of reduplication, see Section 13.3.1.) This behavior of kê- attaching only to continuous verbs fits in with Givon's (1984) description of nouns. He describes nouns as being concepts that are more time-stable on a continuum that has nouns at one end, and verbs at the other. In order for verbs to be able to take the prefix kê-, which otherwise takes only nominal stems, they must first be marked as continuous, which increases its time-stability, hence making it more nominal, or closer to the 'noun' end of the continuum. In all cases, as with the first list of derivations with kê-, the derived verbs above are intransitive.

7.2 mê- Stative This prefix attaches to adjectival bases to make stative verbs. Occasionally, the mê- is shortened to simply m-, as in: mê + ogge big --> mogge is big. It seems that when adjectival bases are used as the main predicate in a clause, they must have the stative mê- marking. For example:

29 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

78. a) Lamêrea. la- mê- rea 3s- ST- sick She is sick. b) Mêkêddi' sapona. mê- kêddi' sapo -na ST- small house -3sP The house is small. c) Kumêdinging. ku- mê- dinging 1sS- ST- cold I'm cold. You cannot leave out the stative mê- in these instances, unless the base is being used transitively. In that case there would be some sort of transitive marking, such as the locative marker -i. For example, compare the following two sentences that both use the base pane hot as a predicate:

79. a) Lampane. la- mê- pane 3s- ST- hot He is hot. /He has a fever. b) Lapanesia. la- pane -i -ea 3s- hot -LOC -3s0 He heats it. We can see from the above that the mê- is used when the predicate is intransitive and stative, and that mê- is not used in a transitive clause. It seems that in some instances, adjectival bases can be used as modifiers in Noun Phrases without the stative morpheme. The following sentence shows this kind of modified noun phrase.

80. Ito filo têria latênunu mako ri bifi dala. ito filo têria la- tê- nunu mako ri bifi dala person blind that 3s- ACC- lead there GP edge road The blind person was led to the side of the road there. We see that filo blind is modifying the head noun ito person and there is no stative marking. There are other instances, however, where this same base, filo blind, is used as a modifier in a noun phrase, and it does take the stative marking. For example:

81. Ito mêfilo têria lapênrêngkai longai tonga. ito mê- filo têria la- pê- rêngkai longa -i tonga person ST- blind that 3s- VRB- feel look -LOC stick That blind person is feeling around to find his stick. So we see that with this base filo blind the stative mê- is optional when used as a modifier in a noun phrase. It is considered more complete, however, to use the stative marking. Not all bases can occur alone (without the stative mê-) in noun phrases. For instance, you cannot say:

30 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

82. a) cito rea ito rea person sick *the sick person It must take the mê-, as in: b) ito mêrea têria ito mê- rea têria person ST- sick that that sick person It is possible that the adjectival words might divide into two word-classes, or sub-classes. But as yet, an in-depth investigation of word-classes has not been conducted. One further use for the stative morpheme mê- is in `stacking' adjectives. Just as in Indonesian, only one adjective may directly modify a noun in a noun phrase, so it is in Barang-barang. While in Indonesian additional adjectives are joined with the Indonesian word "yang", in Barang-barang, mê- plays that role. The following list illustrates this. The Indonesian free translations have been included below in double quotes for comparison: 83. a) baju bau baju bau shirt new "baju baru" new shirt b) baju bau mballo baju bau mê- ballo shirt new ST- good "baju baru yang bagus" new, good shirt c) baju bau mballo mogge baju bau mê- ballo mê- ogge shirt new ST- good ST- big "baju baru yang bagus dan besar" new, good, big shirt As can be seen in the above table, each new adjective that is added is simply prefixed with the stative morpheme -mê.

7.3 tê- Accidental This prefix is used for actions that happen without intention. The argument of the predicate has the semantic role of experiencer, even victim. Many of the verbs which take tê- express negative, or unwanted concepts. For example, consider the root lua come out, with different prefixes:

84. pêlua spill out -p têlua vomit Clearly, in the first instance, when marked with pê-, although the argument might have the semantic role of experiencer, and hence little to do with instigating the action, the argument is not as adversely affected as in the second instance, which uses the prefix tê-. Other words with this prefix clearly have a negative overtone, as seen in the following list:

31 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

85. têtiobo to capsize têsengkê' to be wrecked têrungkua to punish têbê'burusu' diarrhea têsunge'nge' hiccups têdo'do' sleepy têle'e to urinate tê'bung to fall têtêmbêng tightly bound

7.4 pê- Verbalizer - Intransitive This morpheme has several functions similar to the Indonesian verbal prefix "ber-". The verbalizer pê- attaches to noun and verb bases to make intransitive verbs. Its use is described in the following sections.

7.4.1 Use with Noun Bases When used with noun bases, a few main functions have been identified. In all instances an intransitive verb is created. One meaning is to use the noun, whether that be by wearing it, or traveling by it, or what- ever. For example: 86. sêpatu shoes --'h pêsêpatu to wear shoes oto car pêoto to travel by car totto' beak pêtotto' to peck ranga friend pêranga to accompany A second function of pê- with noun bases is to have the noun, as in the following examples: 87. rupa face — pêrupa to look like sê'ênsa one -74 pêsê'ênsa to gather together lêlliso seeds -0 pêlêlliso to have seeds monsong green -p pêmonsong to be green A third function of the verbalizer pê- with nouns is to produce the noun, as in: 88. kelong song --+ pêkelong to sing bisara language --* pêbisara to speak

7.4.2 Use with Verbal Bases The prefix pê- attaches to both transitive and intransitive verbs. In both cases, the resulting derivation is an intransitive verb. They are discussed in the two sections below. The prefix pê- also frequently co-occurs with the reciprocal morpheme si-. For more on this, see Section 7.5.

7.4.2.1 Transitive Bases When pê- is added to transitive verbs, they become intransitive. The prefix is, therefore, a valency de- creasing prefix. For example, the base nasu cook is a transitive verb when used without pê-, as in: 89. a) Lanasu ufe ri komporo'. lanasu ufe ri komporo' 3s- cook water GP stove He cooks water on the stove.

32 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

We see that nasu is used transitively here, with the object being ufe water. If we add the prefix pê- to the verb, the object is no longer stated. See sentences (b) and (c) below: b) Lapênasumo. la- pê- nasu -mo 3s- VRB- cook -PERF He is currently cooking. c) Lapênasu lara sapo. la- pê- nasu lara sapo 3s- VEB- cook inside house He cooks inside the house. In the above two sentences, there is no object necessary. The same pattern is observed with the verbal base tobo' stab. Used without the prefix pê-, it is a transitive verb, as in:

90. a) Latobo' Serêng têria. latobo' Serêng têria 3s- stab Seram that He stabs the person from Seram. When the prefix pê- is added, however, if the object is mentioned, it must be in an oblique phrase, as in the following: b) Lapêtobo' mako ri Serêng têria. la- pê- tobo' mako ri Serêng têria 3s- VRB- stab there GP Seram that He is stabbing (into) the person from Seram. Here, the patient, Serêng têria is embedded within a prepositional phrase. It can no longer be the direct object. In fact, if the noun phrase Serêng têria were present in the sentence without the words mako ri, then the interpretation would be that the person from Seram was the one doing the action. There is only room for one argument in the clause, and hence the person from Seram would be the agent, co-referent with the subject prefix la-. It would not be the patient of the verb lapêtobo' stab.

7.4.2.2 Intransitive Bases Verbs which seem to be inherently intransitive may also take the prefix pê-. These verbs are sometimes translated as `currently doing something'. Compare the following pairs of examples: 91. a) Lapêbêmborei'i. la- pê- RED- bore -'I 3s- VRB- RED- play -PL They are playing. b) Labêmborei'i. la- RED- bore -'i 3s- RED- play -PL They played. / They play.

Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

Some intransitive verbs do not occur without the prefix pê-. For example, lai run: 92. Kupêlai. Ku pê- lai 1 sS- VRB- run I am running. Although never seen without the prefix pê-, it is clear that the prefix is there, because in its reduplicated form, we see it stand alone: mpêlai-lai running around.

7.5 si- Reciprocal The verbal prefix si- marks a reciprocal verb. Often this suffix occurs with the intransitive verb prefix pê- before it. This is one indication that reciprocal verbs are less transitive than non-reciprocal verbs, due to the lessened degree of individuation of the object from the subject (Hopper and Thompson 1980). There are two main identified meanings associated with Si-:

7.5.1 "Each Other" The most basic meaning of this morpheme is reciprocal. That is, the subject is plural, and the action of the verb is done by each participant to the other, as in the following examples: 93. a) Tapêsilêllongai kutu. ta- pê- si- RED- longa -i kutu 1 piS- VRB- REC- RED- see -LOC louse We (incl) search for lice on each other. b) Sianai mapêsirabungi. sianai ma- pê- si- rabung -i 3p AF- VRB- REC- hit -LOC The are hitting each other. c) Tapêsilonga. ta- pê- silonga 1 piS- VRB- REC- see We (incl) meet (lit: see each other). d) pêsigaga pê- sigaga VRB- REC- resist to argue (lit• resist each other) Some derived nouns also use the reciprocal morpheme, as in: 94. a) pêsitandingêng pê- sitanding -êng VRB- REC- compete -NOM comparison (compete with) b) pêsipauêng pê- sipau -êng VRB- REC- word -NOM decision (word with)

34 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

7.5.2. "At the Same Time" In other instances, the prefix si- does not mean that the (plural) subjects do the action to each other. Rather it means that the action happens to both of them at the same time. This is simply a difference in semantic roles. In the reciprocal sense, the arguments are both agents. There are no patients, hence the interpretation is that the subject is also the patient. In this following sense, the arguments are patients, or experiencers. Therefore, they are not instigating the action, and are therefore not doing something to each other. Consider the following sentences:

95. a) Têllêngo dua punro', pêsitêllêngaka raki'nga. têllêng -mo dua punro' pê- si- têllêng -aka raki' -na sink -PERF also monkey VRB- REC- sink -TR raft -3sP Monkey sank too, at the same time his raft was sunk. b) pêsiiru'aka te'e rotina pê- siiru' -aka te'e roti -na VRB- REC- drink -TR tea bread -3sP drink tea while eating bread We can see clearly that the arguments in the above sentences are not performing an action on one another, but rather are experiencing the same action (as in the first sentence) or are both patients of the verb (in the second sentence). It is important to note the presence of the transitive suffix -aka in both of the above examples. Consider the following two verb phrases, which contrast si- on a verb with and without the transitive suffix -aka: 96. a) pêsilua-lua pê- silua RED VRB- REC- come out RED to vomit at the same time b) pêsilua'aka ufe mênga kênanre pê- silua -aka ufe mênga kênanre VRB- REC- come out -TR water and food to vomit water and food (at the same time) Note here that the difference between the phrases lies in which argument the morpheme si- refers to. In the first instance, the reciprocal si- refers to the subjects doing the action simultaneously. In the second instance, with the addition of -aka, the si- refers to the object of the verb. In intransitive verbs, the addition of si- must refer to the agent(s) of the verb, as there are no objects. In these instances, the meaning of `At the same time' can also be seen. For example:

97. Lasitêrrusu' dala ratulangi mênga dala sudirman. la- si- têrrusu' dala ratulangi mênga dala sudirman 3s- REC- continue road ratulangi and road sudirman Ratulangi Street and Sudirman Street continue into each other (Le. intersect). Clearly here, there is not a meaning of `reciprocal' in the traditional sense, as it is impossible for the arguments to be both agents and patients of an intransitive verb. Rather, the two arguments both perform the activity denoted by the verb at the same time.

35 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

8 NOMINAL MORPHEMES 8.1 pêN- Nominalizer This prefix attaches to verbs to create nouns that are related to those verbs. There seems to be two allomorphs of the morpheme, one with a syllable final nasal at the end, and one without. The following table gives examples of root words and their derivations, contrasting those with the nasal, and those without: Table 5 Root With nasal Without nasal ali to buy pwali buyer êngku to carry pêngêngku carrier pê'êngku carrier jai' to sew pênjai' needle or tailor Ojai' tailor kelong to sing pêkelong singer pipi' to press pêpipi' • tool for pressing so'ong to carry on the head pêso'ong person who carries on the head tarai to store liquid pênnarai container for storing liquids u'kiri' to write pêngu'kiri' writing instrument There does seem to be a difference observed in the above table regarding what kind of noun is created by the non-nasal prefix pê- and the nasal prefix ON-. Mostly, the prefix without the nasal (the rightmost column) derives a noun meaning the actor of the verb. The prefix with the nasal tends to derive instrumental nouns. This is not completely consistent, however, as shown by the root êngku. Both derivations have the same meaning. Further more, pêpipi' is an instrumental noun, yet is derived by the non-nasal prefix.

8.2 -êng Nominal This suffix creates abstract nouns from a variety of different bases. Consider the following lists of derivations: 98. bafa to carry —> bafa'ang burden jai' to sew -* jaikêng the sewing (i.e. the work to be done) As can be seen from the above derivations, when the base is a transitive verb the derived noun is the patient of the verb. For intransitive verbs, the derived noun is a locative object, the location where the verbal action takes place, as in the following: 99. labu to anchor —f labuêng port êntong to stay —k êntongêng place to stay dongko' to ride —> dongkokêng vehicle koleng to sleep —* kolengêng bed When the bases are nouns already, the derived forms are less predictable, as in the following:

100. dolang ocean —+ dolangêng ocean pau word —> pê'pauêng story riafi yesterday —* riafiênga two days ago (lit its yesterday) Finally, the question word te'e where becomes the question word which when affixed with -êng, as shown below:

36 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

101. te'e where —* te'eêng which

8.3 -êng Comparative This suffix is affixed to either adjectival or verbal bases to form the comparative. In the first three examples, we see -êng added to adjectives marked with mê-. These have the meaning of `more [adjective] than': 102. a) Aku mêrusuêng ka ito têria mako. aku mê- rusu -êng ka ito têria mako 1 s ST- thin -CMPR than person that there I am thinner than that person. b) Sapoku moggeêng amponga sapomu. sapo -ku mê- ogge -êng amponga sapo -mu house -1sP ST- big -CMPR than house -2sP My house is bigger than your house. c) Mêlapeêng kubinu lelea buluna jangang ko'o. mê- lape -êng kubinu lelea bulu -na jangang ko'o ST- good -CMPR 1 sS- pick all feather -3sP chicken wild It would be better if I pulled out all of Jungle Chicken's feathers. In this final example, we see -êng added to a regular verb, with the meaning `(verb] more than', in this case `to like more than':

103. Aku kumingingêng kopi kabe te'e. aku kuminging -êng kopi kabe te'e 1 s 1 sS- want -CMPR coffee than tea I like coffee more than tea. It may be worth mentioning that the three different words used for than in the above example sentences (ka, amponga and kabe) are all interchangeable.

9 NUMERIC MORPHEMES 9.1 piN- Iterative This morpheme is an iterative prefix for numbers, indicating the number of repetitions. As shown in the English translations, as well as meaning `x times', it can also mean `the x`h time', the ordinal iterative ex- pression. Note that the final nasal of the prefix assimilates to the place of articulation of the following word. Hence it is pin- before /n/ and /t/ and before liquids, it becomes /1/. Before a vowel, it is ping-. This phonological variation is shown in the following examples: 104. a) pintalu piN- talu IT- three the third time or three times b) ping ana piN- ana IT- six the sixth time or six times c) ping sa'atu piN- sê- atu

37 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

IT- SG- hundred the one hundredth time or one hundred times d) pillima piN- lima IT- five the fifth time or five times Note that the question word sekia how much when used with the prefix piN- means `several times'. The following sentence illustrates this:

105. Pingsêkiamo lapêntutuni ujiêng, mingka piN- sêkia -mo la- pê- tutu -i ujiêng mingka IT- how much -PERF 3s- VRB- follow -LOC test but sangnging pêta'a'. sanging pê- ta'a' always VRB- fail He has already sat the test several times, but he always fails.

9.1 sê- Singular This morpheme attaches to a classifier or noun to indicate that there is only one of that noun. Occasion- ally it is shortened to s-, as in sito (sê- + ito), and sometimes the schwa is changed to /a/ when occurring before /a/, as in sa'angu. Some examples are:

106. a) Sito'da akaku. sê- ito -'da -aka -ku SG- person -LIM -TR -1sP I only have one older sibling b) Lima basse têria ri têmbê' lakêdadi sêtêmbê'. lima basse têria ri- têmbê' la- kêdadi sê- têmbêz five bundle that PAS- bundle 3s- become SG- bundle Five small bundles are tied together to make one large bundle. c) Juku' sêmba'a têria riala sipo rimênaka. juku' Se- ba'a têria riala sipo ri- mênaka fish SG- class that PAS- take just PAS- throw_out The one extra fish was just thrown away.

10 ASPECT MARKERS Each of the various observed aspect markers in Barang-barang are described in the following sections.

10.1-mo Perfective This suffix used to mark the perfective aspect. This is defined by Comrie (1976) as "seeing the situation as a whole." In other words, the event marked with -mo is referred to as a whole, rather than paying attention to the internal structure of the situation. Because of this, often events which have already happened or are happening presently are marked with —mo. There is also an emphatic sense to the suffix, and in this sense it appears on actions about to happen, such as imperatives. The following describes four ways -mo is used in the language.

38 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

10.1.1 "Already" The suffix -mo can be used to mean `already', as in the following two examples: 107. a) Têngajomo ajo, sia amponga lalengka lapuppulu' kopi. têngajo -mo ajo sia amponga la- leng-ka la- RED- pulu' kopi middle -PERF day 3s just 3s- walk 3s- RED- pick coffee It was already midday before he went to pick coffee. b) Saba' sia ninro lalengka lapuppulu' kopina, saba' sia ninro lalengka la RED- pulu' kopi -na because 3s NEG 3s- walk 3s- RED- pick coffee -3sP lafa barimo matê'bung sao tana. lafa bari -mo ma- tê'bung sao tana therefore many -PERF AF- fall down ground Because he didn't go pick his coffee, much of it has already fallen to the ground. The `complete' nature of -mo can be especially seen when added to ninro no. The morphemes fuse to make nromo, which has the meaning `no longer'. This is in contrast with nroppo (with suffix -po), which means not yet. The following sentence shows this use: 108. Sia nromo muni lapênriu. sia ninro -mo muni la- pênriu 3s NEG -PERF again 3s- bathe He is already not bathing anymore. (=he is no longer bathing) (= he is finished bathing)

10.1.2 Emphasis The presence of -mo adds emphasis to a verb and is frequently used in imperatives: 109. a) Bangungo. bangung -mo get_up -PERF Just get up! b) Longamea! longa -mo -ea see -PERF -3sO Look! c) Alamea. ala -mo -ea take -PERF -3sO Get it In these commands the -mo is optional, but native speakers would recognize more easily the last two as commands when compared to their non-emphatic counterparts, longea and ala'akea respectively. Furthermore, sometimes -mo is suffixed to a noun or pronoun to give emphasis, as in:

110. Siamo si'i pisoku Sia -mo si'i piso -ku 3s -PERF this knife -1sP This here is my knife.

39 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

10.1.3 Narrative Events In narrative discourse such as the story of "Monkey and Wild Chicken", the main events are all marked with the perfective -mo. This contrasts with some background information where -po is used (see below). Here is an example of a string of events taken from this story. Notice that all of the verbs describing the events are marked with the perfective -mo.

111. Lamakomo karona punro' ri jangang ko'o têria la- mako -mo karo -na punro' ri jangang ko'o têria 3s- there -PERF self -3sP monkey GP wild chicken that lakeniakamea karona jangang ko'o. la- keni -aka -mo -ea karo -na jangang ko'o 3s- hold -TR -PERF -3sO self -3sP chicken wild Monkey came close to Chicken, then took hold of him. 112. Tenamo punro' mako ri jangang ko'o, lafa fêre numo tena -mo punro' mako ri jangang ko'o lafa fêrenu -mo speak -PERF monkey there GP wild chicken then how -PERF jangang, kudurukakomo kutumu?" jangang ku- duru -ka -ko -mo kutu -mu chicken 1 sS- pick -BEN -2sO -PERF louse -2sP Monkey said to Jungle Chicken, "So how about it, Chicken, should I look for your lice?" 113. Tenamo jangang ko'o mako punro', "mêlapemo tena -mo jangang ko'o mako punro' mê- lape -mo speak -PERF chicken wild there monkey ST- good -PERF durukakumo sêssi'i kutuku!" duru -ka -ku -mo sêssi'i kutu -ku pick -BEN -1sO -PERF no louse -1sP Jungle Chicken said to Monkey, "OK, start looking for my lice!"

10.2 -po Imperfective The suffix -po marks another aspect, namely imperfective. It indicates that the activity referred to is still occurring up until a point in time, whether it is the time of speaking or the time of the events in a sequential utterance. Consider the following ways in which it is used:

10.2.1 "Until now" With no further contextual information, the -po suffix has the meaning of `still', i.e. the activity denoted has not yet completed. For example,

114. a) Sia labêmbore gasingpo. sia la- RED- bore gasing -po 3s 3s- RED- play top -IMP He is still playing tops. b) Nyiapea. nyia -po -ea exist -IMP -3sO He is still here.

40 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

Another example of this function of -po is when it is attached to the base ninro no. The two morphemes fuse to make nroppo, which has the meaning of `not yet'. For example:

115. Sia lengka lapuppulu' kopi, mingka kopina sia lengka la- RED- pulu' kopi mingka kopi -na 3s walk 3s- RED- pick coffee but coffee -3sP nroppo mêtu'a ninro -po mê- tu'a NEG -IMP ST- old He went to pick coffee but it wasn't ripe yet.

10.2.2 "Before this" In narratives, or any sequential description, the -po is used to contrast an event that will or must happen before the event of the next clause takes place. Usually it is this final clause that is most important. In the first example, we see a description of the fruit on a kerbotu tree: 116. Lanjene'po kalapêsêkola' ngura. la- mê- j ene' -po ka= la- pê- sêkola' ngura 3s- ST- ripe -IMP REA= 3s- VRB- brown light Once it is ripe, it becomes light brown. Obviously here, the ripening must occur first, and is hence marked with the -po. Consider another example. In explaining to a young woman with leprosy that he wanted to marry her, a man utters the following: 117. Akupo ku'ufê'ko ane muminging bisa aku -po ku- ufê' -ko ane muminging bisa 1 s -IMP 1 sS- medicine -2sO if 2sS- want true ri aku bekufêreiko. ri aku be= ku- fêrei -ko GP 1 s INT= 1 sS- marry -2sO I will nurse you first, if you really do love me, so that I can marry you. We can see that the nursing to health occurs before the time when he will be able to marry her, and hence it is marked with -po. In another instance, we are told how corn is prepared:

118. Lêllukuna rimênaka, pu'u têtte'nga ridengka, RED- luku -na ri- mênaka pu'u têtte' -na ridengka RED- chaff -3sP PAS- throw out stalk grain -3sP PAS- pound lêggapo. têria amponga po'oli rinasu. lêgga -po têria amponga po'oli rinasu already -IMP that then able PAS- cook The chaff is thrown away, and the large parts of the kernels are pounded, and once this is done, it is boiled. In the above description, we can see that the boiling can take place only after the `that' (referring to the previous two activities). So the `that' is marked with the -po. Consider one further example, again from the story of Wild Chicken and Monkey. In an act of revenge for plucking out all his feathers, Chicken devises a plan in his heart to kill Monkey. He thinks the following:

41 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

119. Tanganapo dolangêng kakutotto'kea raki' teria. tanga -na -po dolang -êng ka= ku- totto' -ea raki' têria middle -3sP -IMP ocean -NOM REA= 1sS- peck -3sO raft that When we're in the middle of the ocean, I'll start to peck the raft Here, we can see that the action of pecking the raft can only occur once they are in the middle of the ocean. Therefore, the `being in the middle of the ocean' is marked with -po, as it occurs previous to this event which is obviously the most important piece of information in the sentence, namely the pecking.

10.3 -'da Limiter The function of this suffix is to mark something that is contrary to expectation, specifically more limited than the expectation. Its English equivalents would be `only' or `just'. The following describes two ways it is used:

10.3.1 In Declarative Sentences In the following sentence we can see that the second clause, marked by -'da, points out that the situation is more limited than the hearer's expectation (as mentioned in the first clause):

120. Sia mêrea ninro bisa; sia mêrea bê'bênje'da. Sia mê- rea ninro bisa sia mê- rea RED- benje -'da 3s ST- sick NEG true 3s ST- sick RED- play -LIM He's not really sick. He's just playing sick. In this second example, we can see also that the expectation which is created by the first clause is negated in the second, and hence marked with -'da:

121. Maung amana matudu ri sia malengka, sia ninro'da maung ama -na matudu ri sia malengka sia ninro -'da though father -3sP AF- order GP 3s AF- walk 3s NEG -LIM lalengka. lalengka 3s- walk Even though his father ordered him to go, he didn't go.

10.3.2 In Time Phrases -'da can also mark noun phrases which are functioning as time elements in a clause. In these cases, it means `just then', or `no longer than that.' Consider the following two examples:

122. a) lilena'da lile -na -'da tomorrow -3sP -LIM just the next day b) lantena'da lante -na -'da arrive -3sP -LIM as soon as he got home

42 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

11 CLAUSAL CLITICS These two clitics appear on clauses which indicate intention or reason (be= or ka= respectively). Both clitics precede clauses and can therefore appear on different types of words, whichever happens to be on the left edge. Note that these two morphemes are not mutually exclusive. They can occur together. When they do, the ka= precedes the be=. For example: 123. kabekulamungea ka= be= kulamung -ea REA= INT= 1 sS- plant -3s0 so I will plant it

11.1 be = Intention The clitic be= indicates the intention of doing something. It is a clitic, and can appear on verbs before the person-marking prefixes, as in the following two examples:

124. a) Bekupênriu. be= ku- pênriu INT= 1 sS- bathe I'm going to wash. b) Bekudurukako kutumu. be= ku- duru -ka -ko kutu -mu INT= 1 sS- pick -BEN -2s0 louse -2sP I'm going to pick out your lice. It can also appear attached to free-form pronominals, which precede the verb: 125. Lakêria besia kale riembêng. la- kêria be= sia kale ri- embêng 3s- ask INT= 3s body PAS- carry She's asking in order that she is carried. Most often, be= appears at the beginning of a clause giving the intention of the previous clause. In the above example, we see that the second clause (her to be carried) is marked with be=, as it gives information about the intention of the act in the first clause (she asks). This next sentence also shows this: 126. Bangung sê'ênsa tugu bepiu'rangiakea gau bangung sê'ênsa tugu be = pi- u'rangi -aka -ea gau build one monument INT= CAU- remind -TR -3s0 deed mêlapena'i ito ba'ani tria. mê- lape -na'i ito ba'ani têria ST- good -3pP person brave that Build a monument to remind (you) of the good deeds of those brave people. Obviously, the second clause `to remind you of the good deeds' is given as the intention of the first, and is therefore marked with be=. It is worth noting here the issue of definiteness and be= clauses. When a clause is marked with this intention marker, definite markers become optional, such as in relative clauses with anu. Recall from Sec- tion 5.2.1 that when a patient is relativized and the clause is preceded by anu, relative clauses must have a -tu or têria that. Consider the following example:

43 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

127. a) Berêng anu ripaketu bemabunu ri sapiku berêng anu ripake -tu be= mabunu ri sapi -ku machete REL PAS- use -that INT= AF- kill GP cow -1 sP mêtada pu'u. mê- tada pu'u ST- sharp very The machete which is used to kill my cow is very sharp. b) *Berêng anu ripake bemabunu ri sapiku berêng anu ripake be= mabunu ri sapi -ku machete REL PAS- use INT= AF- kill GP cow -1 sP mêtada pu'u. mê- tada pu'u ST- sharp very The machete which is used to kill my cow is very sharp. We can see that the anu relative clause becomes ungrammatical when the -tu is no longer there. When the verb inside the anu clause is marked with be=, however, it is perfectly grammatical to leave out the definite marker, as in the following: c) Berêng anu beripake mabunu ri sapiku berêng anu be= ripake mabunu ri sapi -ku machete REL INT= PAS- use AF- kill GP cow -1sP mêtada pu'u. mê- tada pu'u ST- sharp very The machete which is going to be used to kill my cow is very sharp. In sentence (c), because of the future nature of be=, the implication is that there will be some machete, but there isn't one yet. That is why it is not definite, where normally it must be definite. Note, however, that it is permissible to mark the machete as definite in the be= clause, if it is certain which particular machete is going to be used. In a situation where the be- clause indicates an imagined situation, however, it becomes ungrammatical to have definite object marking, since the object is certainly not yet definite. For example, when explaining the battle strategy of pushing rocks down from the cliffs if the enemy should ever try to enter the harbor, the following sentence is stated:

128. a) Batu têria beringgolu sipo. batu têria be= ri- nggolu sipo rock that INT= PAS- push only The rocks are simply pushed. In this case, it would be ungrammatical to include the patient marking suffix:

b) *ringgolua ri- nggolu -ea PAS- push -3s0 *(they) are pushed

44 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

If, however, on the other hand, there were children playing with some big rocks currently, and one wanted to say that the rocks were being pushed around by the children, one could say: c) Batu têria beringgolua ri na'ana. batu têria be= ri- nggolu -ea ri RED- ana rock that INT= PAS- push -3s0 GP RED- child The rocks are being pushed by the children. Here, because presumably the hearer and the speaker are aware of the particular rocks, it is perfectly grammatical to have the object marker on the verb.

11.2 ka= Reason Like the clitic be= above, ka= attaches to the left-most word in a clause. This proclitic indicates that the clause it marks is the reason or cause of the preceding clause. The following sentences show this clearly. In each case we can translate the morpheme ka= as because:

129. a) Sia mêntu' malengka kasia mêntu' pêgafe. sia mêntu' malengka ka= sia mêntu' pê- gafe 3s not want AF- walk REA= 3s not want VRB- work He didn't want to go because he doesn't want to work. b) Aku kumai kabekukêria tulung mako ri ko'o. aku kumai ka= be= ku- kêria tulung mako ri ko'o 1 s 1 sS- here REA= INT= 1 sS- ask help there GP 2s I have come because I wanted to request help of you. c) Kêfalu anu lakolengitu mêrênnêsê'. kêfalu anu lakoleng -i -tu mê- rênnesê' mat REL 3s- sleep -LOC -that ST- dirty kalatêle'esia ka= la- tê- le'e -i -ea REA- 3s- ACC- urine -LOC -3sO The mat he's lying on is dirty because he urinated on it. When the question word pêkia why is used, ka= must be added to the predicate being questioned. For example, look at the following question:

130. a) Pêkia anamu kalatangi? pêkia ana -mu ka= latangi why child -2sP REA= 3s- cry Why is your child crying? It would be ungrammatical to leave out the ka= in that sentence: b) -:Pêkia anamu latangi? pêkia ana -mu latangi why child -2sP 3s- cry *Why is your child crying? All questions with pêkia follow this pattern. Two further examples illustrating this are given below:

45 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

131. a) Pêkia kampêsua ri rompo'? pêkia ka= mu- pê- sua ri rompo' why REA= 2sS- VRB- enter GP jungle Why are you going to the jungle? b) Pêkia ka'anrimu lengka ri kolo pêngane? pêkia ka= anri -mu lengka ri kolo pêngane why REA= young_sibling 2sP walk GP river earlier Why did your sibling go to the river earlier? Note that when ka= is used in these questions, the ka= is no longer clause initial. In each case, the question word pêkia is clause initial, and in one instance, the agent also occurs before ka = .16

12 QUESTION MARKERS There are two question morphemes in Barang-Barang. The first, -be, is accepted as the 'native' way to ask a yes or no question and can occur on any element which is being questioned. The second morpheme, -ka, is perceived as a borrowing from Indonesian "-kah", and attaches to question words only to add more emphasis. In each case the -ka is optional. The following sections show the use of each morpheme:

12.1 -be Question Marker -be is a question marker used for yes/no questions. This suffix can appear on any word that is being questioned in the clause. Here are some examples of -be being used in different places: 132. a) Mumêreabe? mu- mê- rea -be 2sS- ST- sick -QM Are you sick? b) Mumingingbe? muminging -be 2sS- want -QM Do you want to? c) Nyia ulobe ri si'i? nyia ulo -be ri si'i exist snake -QM GP here Are there (any) pythons here? The above sentence can also be reworded, putting the -be in a different place, for a slightly different emphasis. Compare c) with the following:

d) Nyiabe ulo ri si'i? nyia -be ulo ri si'i exist -QM snake GP here Are there (any) snakes here? In this second version, the verb nyia exist is questioned. The question, therefore, focuses on the truth of the existence of the snake. The first sentence on the other hand, where -be is attached to ulo snake, questions the snake, and could be used for instance when one wasn't sure if it was a snake or a spider that scared someone. The difference, then, is simply a matter of scope.

46 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

12.2 -ka Question Marker

-ka is a question marker added to question words, both content and yes/no question words, for more emphasis. Note that for all of these sentences, it is perfectly grammatical to leave the -ka out. The addition of -ka seems also quite formal. Here are three examples of questions using the suffix -ka: 133. a) Apeaka sia malengka mapuppulu' kopi? apea -ka sia malengka ma- RED- pulu' kopi what -QM 3s AF- walk AF- RED- pick coffee Did he go pick coffee? b) Apeaka anrimu nyia ri sapo? apea -ka anri -mu nyia ri sapo what -QM young_sibling -2sP exist GP house Is your sibling at home? c) Kabepêkiaka? ka= be= pêkia -ka REA= INT= why -QM Why? (what for?)

13 REDUPLICATION One final morphological process needs to be discussed. Reduplication is widespread in Barang-barang. There is both full reduplication, where the whole word is repeated, and there is one-syllable reduplication, which is phonologically determined. Both are discussed below.

13.1 One-Syllable Reduplication One syllable is added to the front of the word with the template `CVC'. The initial C is always filled by the initial C of the stem. The vowel is always a schwa. The final C of the reduplicated syllable is filled in the following ways: a) If the stem ends in a nasal, the C will be a nasal with the same point of articulation as the initial consonant. b) If the stem ends in a glottal, C is filled with a glottal stop. c) If the stem ends in a vowel, the stem-initial consonant is copied to the C. While this is fairly consistent, there are also several exceptions to the rules. Below are examples of the different possibilities listed above.

13.1.1 Nasal-final stems In this set of examples we can see clearly that the root-final nasal influences the reduplication. The initial C of the reduplicated syllable is copied from the root-initial C, and the final C of the reduplicated syllable is a nasal. The nasal takes the same place of articulation as the stem-initial C, which in each case (except for the last example) is voiced:

134. bombêng wave bêmbombêng big wave buting sharp end/pea — bêmbuting tower doleng ankle bone dendoleng both anklebones or knee cap or kneecaps jangang chicken jênjangang bird jêmmeng mud -'k j ênj êmmeng playing in mud

47 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

rafung early-dawn rênrafung in the dawn rentong a `zing' sound rênrentong to make a `ting' sound kelong song —* kêngkelong to sing

13.1.2 Glottal final stems When a root ends in a glottal, the reduplicated syllable ends in a glottal: 135. pêlagêrê' to talk —~ pê'pêlagêrê' to chat surê' letter ~ sê'surê' book kêddi' small —> kê'kêddi' to be small

13.1.3 Vowel-final stems In all other situations, in other words when the stem ends in a vowel, and the initial consonant is not part of a cluster, the default reduplication pattern is for both consonants in the syllable to be filled with the stem-initial consonant. This results in a geminate cluster between the reduplicated syllable and the stem: 136. le'e urinate lêlle'e to repeatedly urinate bija family bêbbija relatives si'i this sêssi'i now bisa true sêbêbbisana truly longa look pêsilêllongai to miss each other meke to cough kêmêmmeke to cough repeatedly rua two rêrrua'ia both toro to sit têttoro to sit around pau word pêppau to say pua grandparent pêppua ancestors take sheet (of paper, etc.) têttakêng land ta'i feces têtta'i to defecate

13.1.4 Exceptions There are exceptions to the above rules. In the first list, we see that although the roots all end in vowels, instead of geminating the stem-initial consonant, a glottal stop occupies the final C in the reduplicated syllable: 137. bifi edge/side bê'bifi edge (the place) bife extend lower lip (to cry) bê'bife extend lower lip (in derision) boli store bê'boli store/storage pêkia why pê'pêkia anything (happen) In this second example, we see that although the stem ends in a nasal, the reduplication takes a glottal stop for the final C: 138. gafe work (V) -* gê'gafeêng work (N) There is one more interesting exception which needs to be mentioned. That is a stem which begins with a nasal-consonant cluster. Although it is common for word-forms in the language to begin with a nasal-consonant cluster, there are not many root words with this initial cluster. Most of the nasal-consonant clusters are in fact derived, with the initial nasal representing either the stative morpheme mê- or the actor focus ma- or the 2sS mu-. But there is one example which clearly shows the reduplication of such an

48 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

underived stem. In this situation, as shown below, the initial consonant of the reduplicated syllable is filled not with the nasal, but the non-nasal part of the cluster. The final C from the reduplicated syllable is filled with the nasal: 139. njoro coconut -p jênjoro small coconut It is likely that this is a regular way to form one-syllable reduplication when the base begins with a nasal-consonant cluster, however as we have only one example of such a stem, any such rule suggested would be simply speculation.

13.2 Full-Word Reduplication Barang-barang also employs full-word reduplication, as shown in the following examples. However it is worth noting that it is not nearly as common as one-syllable reduplication. 140. pua grandparen -> pua-pua ancestors bake fruit --* bake-bake (kaju) different fruits apea what -+ ape-apea anything rengka to carry -> rengka-rengka to carry around ana child --* na'ana children longa to see --> longa-longa looking around pau word -k pau-pau sentence Note that some of the above roots also have reduplicated derivations of the one-syllable kind, such as pêppua and lêllonga, both of which are illustrated in Section 13.1.3 above.

13.3 Uses of Reduplication 13.3.1 Continuous Aspect As discussed previously in Section 7.1, one of the identified functions of reduplication is to indicate continuous aspect. Some of the above examples which show the continuous nature of reduplication are repeated here: 141. pêlagêrê' to talk -> pê'pêlagêrê' to chat kêddi' small -+ kê'kêddi' to be small le'e urinate --+ lêlle'e to repeatedly urinate meke to cough -> kêmêmmeke to cough repeatedly toro to sit -> têttoro sit around longa to see -> longa longa looking around

13.3.2 Noun-Noun Derivations Some reduplications change the meaning of the base noun without changing the word-class. Consider the following examples: 142. pau word -> pau pau sentence ana child --* na'ana children bake fruit -f bake bake (kaju) different fruits pua grandparent -> pua pua ancestors bija family -* bêbbija relatives surê' letter -> sê'surê' book doleng ankle bone --* dendoleng both anklebones

49 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

or knee cap or both kneecaps

13.3.3 Class-Changing Derivations In some instances, reduplication changes the word-class of the stem. The following list shows this:

143. boli store bê'boli store/storage jêmmeng mud jênjêmmeng playing in mud kelong song kêngkelong to sing pau word/say pê'pauêng story rentong a `zing' sound rênrentong to make a `zing' sound ta'i feces têtta'i to defecate Note that in the above list, some derivations are from nouns to verbs, and others are from verbs to nouns.

13.3.4 Miscellaneous Derivations Finally, there are some examples where the reduplicated form changes meaning from the base form, unlike any of the above categories: 144. bisa true sêbêbbisana Holy bênje play bê'bênje playing around (joking) bife extend lower lip (to cry) bê'bife extend lower lip (in derision) take sheet (of paper, etc.) têttakêng land si'I this sêssi'i now jangang chicken jênjangang bird buting point, peak (N) bêmbuting tower bombêng wave (N) bêmbombêng big wave rafung early-dawn rênrafung in the dawn njoro coconut jênjoro small coconut

14 SAMPLE TEXT A brief example of a Barang-barang text is presented below. This text was written in reply to a question as to whether the Laiyolo people came from Lambego, an alternate name for the island of Kalao. Recall that the languages of Kalao and Laiyolo and Barang-barang are closely related. This story provides some interesting insights into the history of the region, or at least the oral traditions regarding this history. 01 Ito laiyolotu lapêsua ri Sêlea lapada'i'da ito laiyolo -tu la- pê- sua ri Sêlea lapada -'i -'da person laiyolo -that 3s- VRB- enter GP Selayar together -PL -LIM ito Loê' itu. ito Loê' itu person Loa' that The Laiyolo people came to Selayar together with the Loa' people.

02 Têrianamo ito Bêlanra mêsanitu lontara' bilênga têria -na -mo ito Bêlanra mê- sani -tu lontara' bilêng -na that -3sP -PERF person Dutch ST- know -that writing consider -3sP Sêlea, siamo itu A.A. Cense pêranga J. Noorduyn ninro Sêlea sia -mo itu A.A. Cense pê- ranga J. Noorduyn ninro Selayar 3s -PERF that A.A. Cense VRB- friend J. Noorduyn not

50 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

lasa'bea bisara Laiyolotu manga bisara Loê' tu. lasa'ba -ea bisara Laiyolo -tu manga bisara Loê' itu 3s- discern -3sO language Laiyolo -that with language Loa' that For that reason the Dutch experts on history and culture of Selayar, namely A.A. Cense and J. Noorduyn, did not differentiate between the Laiyolo and Loa' languages. 03 Sêmbauda ribilêng sê'ênsada pau Laiyolo. sêmbau -da ri- bilêng sê'ênsa -da pau Laiyolo like -lim PAS- consider one -lim language Laiyolo They were counted together as the Laiyolo language. 04 Ito Laiyolo itu ninro ito mêkafa ri Lêmbego. ito Laiyolo itu ninro ito mê- kafa ri Lêmbego person Laiyolo that not person ST- from GP Lambego The Laiyolo people are not people from Lambego. ►05 Mingka ito Laiyolo mênga ito Loê' mamako ri Lêmbego maêntong. mingka ito Laiyolo mênga ito Loê' mamako ri Lêmbego ma- êntong but person Laiyolo and person Loa' AF- there GP Lembego AF- live Rather it was Laiyolo people and Loa' people who went to live on Lambego. 06 Kêkkira ri taung sênsofa lima'atu faluppulu rua nyiamo RED- kira ri taung sê- nsofu lima atu falu -pulu ma nyia -mo RED- about GP year SG- thousand five hundred eight -ten two exist -PERF ito Laiyolo mênga ito Loê' mamako ri Lêmbego maêntong. ito Laiyolo mênga ito Loê' mamako ri Lêmbego ma- êntong person Laiyolo and person Loa' AF- there GP Lembego AF- live By about 1582 there were already Laiyolo and Loa' people who had gone to live on Lambego. 07 Pêfei gafena si'i saba' Bone mênga Luhu' sangnging pêfei gafe -na si'i saba' Bone mênga Luhu' sangnging like this work -3sP this because Bone and Luwuk always pêsimusu. pê- simusu VRB- REC- enemy It happened in this way because Bone and Luwuk were always fighting each other. 08 Mêlape ri sanina ito Laiyolo mênga ito Loê' itu mê- lape ri sani -na ito Laiyolo mênga ito Loê' itu ST- good GP know -3sP person Laiyolo and person Loa' that kafa ri Luhu'. kafa ri Luhu' from GP Luwuk The Laiyolo and Loa' people were sympathetic to the people from Luwuk. 09 Tantu Laiyolo mênga Loê' labantua Luhu'. tantu Laiyolo mênga Loê' la- bantu -a Luhu' certainly Laiyolo and Loa' 3sS- help -3s0 Luwuk Certainly Laiyolo and Loa' would help Luwuk.

51 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

10 Fêtêria dua Gowa. fêtêria dua Gowa in that way also Gowa The same with Gowa. 11 Ri fattu têria Sêlea ri tambe pêrentana Pêloresê'. ri fattu têria Sêlea ri tambe pêrenta -na Pêloresê' GP time that Selayar GP under government -3sp Flores At that time Selayar was governed by Flores. 12 Tarana mêngatoro' Pêrtugisi' ri kana. tarn -na mêngatoro' Pêrtugisi' ri kana way -3sP organize Portuguese GP before That was how the Portuguese organized it from the early days. 13 Ito Laiyolotu ri fattu têria opuna ito Loê' sangana Lalaki. ito Laiyolo -tu ri fattu têria opu -na ito Loê' sanga -na Lalaki person Laiyolo -that GP time that king -3sp person Loa' name -3sP Lalaki The laiyolo people at that time had a king from loci' whose name was lalaki. 14 ri fattu têria Sêlea pêsisêmbung Luhu' mênga Gowa ri fattu têria Sêlea pê- si- sêmbung Luhu' mênga Gowa GP time that Selayar VRB- REC- connect Luwuk and Gowa At that time Selayar was allied with Luwuk and Gowa 15 Aane matte ito Luhu' mênga ito Gowatu pêranga lele ane matte ito Luhu' mênga ito Gowa -tu pê- ranga lele if die person Luwuk and person Gowa -that VRB- friend all mmatte ito Sêlea si'. ma- matte Ito Sêlea si'i AF- die person Selayar this If people from Luwuk and Gowa are killed, they will die together with their Selayar friends. 16 Bodona pau, Sêlea pêranga Luhu' Gowa, kura sa'angu bodo -na pau sêlea pê - ranga Luhu' Gowa kura sê- angu short -3sP word selayar VRB- companion Luwuk Gowa pot SG- CLASS ladului. la- dulu -i 3s- share -LOC In short, the three of them, Selayar with Luwuk and Gowa, were in one pot together. 17 Battuanga, sê'ênsa têria sêlele'mea, sêlele'ia ri battuang -na sê'ênsa têria sêlele' -mo -ea sêlele' -ia ri meaning -3sP one that all -perf -3sO all -3p0 GP sê'ênsa têria. sê'ênsa têria one that That means, one for all, and all for one.

52 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

18 Feimo pêsibokeênga'i mênggauaka fei -mo si'i pê- siboke -êng -na'i mêng- gau -aka this way -PERF this VRB- REC- tie -NOM -3pP TVP` 1 7- do -TR gau ane nyia pêrallu pu'u. gau ane nyia pêrallu pu'u. behavior if exist important very This was how they were allied together to take action if it was very important. 19 Ane bunru' Gowa pêbali pêrtugisi' kafa ri ma'mere ane bunru' Gowa pê- bali pêrtugisi' kafa ri ma'mere if war Gowa VRB- enemy portuguese from GP maumere (pêloresê'), ito Loê' mênga Laiyolo nyia têria ri Lêmbego pêloresê' ito Loê' mênga Laiyolo nyia têria ri Lêmbego fibres person Loa' and Laiyolo exist that GP Lembego latêngiosia ri Sêlea. la- têngio -si -ea ri Sêlea 3s- front =LOC -3sO GP Selayar If there were a war between Gowa and the Portuguese, the Loa' and Laiyolo people in Lambego would face them at Selayar. 20 Nyia dua ito tena ito laiyolotu mêrêmpe ri nyia dua ito tena ito laiyolo -tu mê- rêmpe ri exist person speak person laiyolo -that ST- ashore GP labuêng ngapa dêlê Sêlatêng. labu -êng ngapa dêlê Sêlatêng harbor -NOM sea side South There are some who say that the Laiyolo people came ashore at the anchorage on the southern shore. 21 Lapêsua ri Sêringbobo mai ri sê'ênsa bênto laêntong. la - pê- sua ri Sêringbobo mai ri sê'ênsa bênto la- êntong 3sS- VRB- enter GP Saringbobo here GP one mountain 3s- live They entered at Saringbobo and went live on a mountain. 22 Ito Loê' nyia têria ri Bontobangung pêtumbu lapêrentea sianai. Ito Loê' nyia têria ri Bontobangung pêtumbu la- pêrenta -ea sianai person Loa' exist that GP Bontobangung first 3s- govern -3sO 3p The Loa' people at Bontobangung governed them in the beginning. 23 Ri kana ito loê' bari lengka pêsiêrê' karona sulu' ri kana ito loê' bari lengka pê- siêrê' kayo -na sulu' GP before person loa' many walk VRB- scatter self -3sP outside ri lipu Loê' lengka gafe kampong sao mai Binangabentêng, ri lipu Loê' lengka gafe kampong sao mai Binangabentêng GP village Loa' walk make village down here Binangabenteng

17TVP, the abbreviation used for "Transitive Verb Prefix", is the label referring to the Barang-barang prefix mêng-, which is borrowed from Indonesian meng-. The mêng- prefix is not productive in Barang-barang, and therefore has not been included as part of the discussion of affixes in this descriptive analysis.

53 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

Bontoborusu' Pa'garangan, Pariangang, Bontobangung, mênga Buki'. Bontoborusu' Pa'garangan Pariangang Bontobangung mênga Buki' Bontoborusu Pagarangan Pariangan Bontobangung and Buki In earlier times many Loa' people spread into areas. outside of the Loa' village, making villages which became Binangabenteng, Bontoborusu, Pagarangan, Pariangan, Bontebangun, and Buki. 24 Ri si'i dua laêntongi'i. ri si'i dua la- êntong -'i GP this also 3s- live -PL They lived in these places too. 25 Sianamo ito Loê' têria makêdadi opuna ri kampong Sia -na -Mo ito Loê' têria ma- kêdadi opu -na ri kampong 3s -3sP -PERF person Loa' that AF- become king -3sP GP village ripau si'i rate bafo. ripau si'i rate bafo PAS- say this top above These Loa' people became rulers in the villages previously mentioned above. 26 Tena'i muni ito makafa ri butung ito laiyolotu tena -'i muni ito makafa ri butung ito laiyolo -tu speak -PL also person AF- from GP buton person laiyolo -that sêga'a. sê- ga'a SG- portion People also say that some of the people from Laiyolo are from Buton. 27 Laulea ito Butung mai ri Sêlea. la- ule -ea ito Butung mai ri Sêlea 3s- bring -3sO person Buton to here GP Selayar They were brought by the Butonese here to Selayar. 28 Kafa ri Luhu' mai ri Butung, ri Butung amponga kafa ri Luhu' mai ri Butung ri Butung amponga from GP Luwuk to here GP Buton GP Buton then riulea mai Sêlea ri- ule -ea mai Sêlea PAS- bring -3sO to here Selayar They came from Luwuk to Buton, and from there were brought to Selayar 29 Pêfei si'i têttulana ito. pê- fei si'i têttula -na ito VRB- this way this story -3sP person This is what some people say. 30 Luhu' lamai ri Butung sêrêdaduna saba' Luhu' mênga luhu' lamai ri Butung sêrêdadu -na saba' Luhu' mênga luwuk 3s- to here GP Buton soldier -3sP because Luwuk and

54 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

ito Butung pêsimusu'i. ito Butung pê- simusu -'i person Buton VRB- REC- enemy -PL The army from Luwuk came to Buton because Luwuk and the Butonese were enemies. 31 Têrianamo kaitona Luhu' lamai butung; têria -na -mo ka= ito -na Luhu lamai butung that -3sP -PERF REA person -3sP Luwuk 3s- to here buton bepêbunru' kabutung rangana Aru'palakka opuna bone. be= pê- bunru' ka= butung ranga -na Aru'palakka opu -na bone INT VRB- war • REA buton friend -3sP Arupalakka king -3sP bone This is why the Luwuk people came to Buton; to make war because the Butonese were allies of Arupalakka, ruler of Bone. 32 Lafa têttulana ito Laiyolotu nyiea ri Sêlea lafa têttula -na ito Laiyolo -tu nyia -ea ri Sêlea therefore story -3sP person Laiyolo -that exist -3s0 GP Selayar kafa ri Butung mêsosena Luhu' pêsuakia Butung kafa ri Butung mêsose -na Luhu' pê- sua -ki -ea Butung from GP Buton army -3sP Luwuk VRB- enter -LOC -3so Buton bepêbunru' pêbali mêsose opu Bone. be= pê- bunru' pê- bali mêsose opu Bone INT VRB- war VRB- enemy army king Bone So according to the story, the Laiyolo people were in Selayar having come from Buton as a group from Luwuk to attack the Butonese and make war against the army of the king of Bone. 33 Mêndarê' ri Sêlea laêntong rate ri bênto risangamo mêndarê' ri Sêlea la - êntong rate ri bênto ri- sanga -mo land GP Selayar 3sS- live top GP mountain PAS- name -PERF lipu Laiyolo. lipu Laiyolo village Laiyolo They landed on Selayar and lived up in the mountains in the village named Laiyolo. 34 Gowa mênga Sêlea pêssêmbung lele Luhu' ri kana da'ang Gowa mênga Sêlea pê- sêmbung lele Luhu' ri kana da'ang Gowa and Selayar VRB- connect all Luwuk GP before without sêlla'anga. sêlla -êng -na flaw -NOM -3sP The unity of Gowa and Selayar with Luwuk at that time was without flaw. 35 Lafa ito Laiyolotu ninro ito mêkafa ri Lêmbego lafa ito Laiyolo -tu ninro ito mê- kafa ri Lêmbego therefore person Laiyolo -that not person ST- from GP Lembego mingka ito ri Laiyolo ripêmako ri Lêmbego. mingka ito ri Laiyolo ri- pê- mako ri Lêmbego but person GP Laiyolo PAS- VRB- there GP Lambego So it wasn't the Laiyolo people who came from Lambego, but rather the Laiyolo people who went to Lambego.

55 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

36 Ito Laiyolotu lalabu ri Sêlea mênga labuênga ito Laiyolo -t u lalabu ri Sêlea mênga labu -êng -na person Laiyolo -that 3sS- harbor GP Selayar and harbor -NOM -3sP lasangai'a "sala bose". lasanga -i -ea sala bose 3s- name -LOC -3sO wrong paddle The Laiyolo people landed on Selayar at a harbor they named "Incorrectly Rowed". 37 Sêbageêng kêddi' laêntong ri Sêringbobo sêbageêng sê- bage -êng kêddi' la- Entong ri Sêringbobo sê- bage -êng SG- divide -NOM small 3sS- live GP Saringbobo SG- divide -NOM oggena laêntong ri laiyolo. ogge -na la- êntong ri laiyolo big -3sP 3sS- live GP laiyolo A small part of them settled in Saringbobo; the majority lived in Laiyolo. 38 Ito Laiyolotu tampa' êntongênga lara ito Laiyolo -tu tampa' êntong -êng -na lara person Laiyolo -that location live -NOM -3sp inside kêkêraengênga Luhu' ri kana pu'u ri Tabang. kê- kêraeng -êng -na Luhu' ri kana pu'u ri Tabang VRB- king -NOM -3sP Luwuk GP before very GP Tabang The Laiyolo people's place of origin in the kingdom of Luwuk was Tabang. 39 Sêssi'ina ajo kêkêraengêng Luhu' lênnyê' daeratu sêssi'i -na ajo kê- kêraeng -êng Luhu' lênnyê' daera -tu now -3sP day VRB- king -NOM Luwuk vanish region -that muni lêggamo bêbbage. muni lêgga -mo RED- bage also already -PERF RED- divide Today the kingdom of Luwuk is gone; the area has been divided up. 40 Sêssi'i tabang rirumpê' ri pêlopo sêlatêng, daerana sêssi'i tabang ri- rumpê' ri pêlopo sêlatêng daera -na now tabang PAS- find GP palapo south region -3sP Sulawesi Sêlatêng. Sulawesi Sêlatêng Sulawesi South Tabang was located in what today is South Palopo, in the province of South Sulawesi. 41 Ito laêntongi têria kampong Tabang sêssi'ina ito la- entong -i têria kampong Tabang sêssi'i -na person 3sS- live -LOC that village . Tabang now -3sP pauna ninro sêmbau bisara Laiyolo. pau -na ninro sêmbau bisara Laiyolo language -3sP not like language Laiyolo The people that live in the village of Tabang now don't speak the same language as Laiyolo.

An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

42 Sêmbaumo dua mênga Wotu assala' êntongênga ri kana sêmbau -mo dua mênga Wotu assala' êntong -êng -na ri kana like -PERF also and Wotu origin live -NOM -3sP GP before ito Loê'. ito Loê' person Loa' It is the same with Wotu, the place of origin of the Loa' people. 43 Nromo sêmbau mênga bisara Wotu sêssi'i. ninro -mo sêmbau mênga bisara Wotu sessi'i not -PERF like with language Wotu now The Wotu language is not the same today. 44 Tanja'nga Wotu ripêlaisi ri ito laêntongitu tanja' -nga Wotu ri- pê- lai -si ri ito la- êntong -itu face -3sP Wotu PAS- VRB- run -LOC GP person 3sS- live -that sêssi'i ri Loê', amponga ridingkani ito mêkafa ri sêssi'i ri Loê' amponga ri- dingka -i ito mê- kafa ri now GP Loa' then PAS- fill -LOC person ST- from GP bisara mêraeng. bisara mê- raeng language ST- other It seems the Wotu area was left by its inhabitants who are now in Loa, then occupied by people who spoke another language. 45 Ito Lambegotu assala' kafa ri kêopuêng kê'kêddi' ito Lambego -tu assala' kafa ri kê- opu -êng RED- kêddi' person Lembego -that origin from GP VRB- king -NOM RED- small nyiatu ri loê' siamotu itona lipu Sombu mênga nyia -tu ri loê' sia -mo -tu ito -na lipu Sombu mênga exist -that GP loa' 3s -PERF -that person -3sP village Sombu and ito mêkafa ri kampong Dulêng ito mê- kafa ri kampong Dulêng person ST- from GP village Dulang The people from Lambego originally came from a small area in Loa, namely from the villages of Sombu and Dulang. 46 Sianamo kafa ri rua kampong anu nyiatu ri Loê', sia -na -mo kafa ri rua kampong anu nyia -tu ri Loê' 3s -3sP -PERF from GP two village REL exist -that GP Loa'

mêmakoi ri Lêmbego. mê- mako -i ri Lêmbego ST- there -LOC GP Lembego These that went to Lambego were from the two villages of Loa'. 47 Ri Lêmbego sianai laêntong, amponga kamponga'i ri Lêmbego sianai la- êntong amponga kampong -na'i GP Lembego . 3p 3sS- live then village -3pP

57 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak lasanga'ia dua Sombu ito mêkafatu ri Sombu, lasanga -'i -ea dua Sombu ito mê- kafa -tu ri Sombu 3s- name -PL -3sO also Sombu person ST- from -that GP Sombu mênga Dulêng itu mêkafatu ri Dulêng. mênga Dulêng itu mê- kafa -tu ri Dulêng and Dulang that ST- from -that GP Dulang They lived in Lambego, and their villages there were also named Sombu by people from Sombu and Dulang by the people from Dulang. 48 Mêlengong mêlengong sao ito Lambegotu bisarana mê- lengong mê- lengong sao ito Lambego -tu bisara -na ST- old ST- old down person Lembego -that language -3sP risangamo pau Kalao'. ri- sanga -mo pau Kalao' PAS- name -PERF language Kalao Eventually the language of the Lambego people was called Kalao. 49 Sêmbauda dua mênga bisara Loê' mênga bisara Laiyolo. sêmbau -da dua mênga bisara Loê' mênga bisara Laiyolo like -LIM also with language Loa' and language Laiyolo It was the same with the Loa' and Laiyolo languages. 50 Ri kana ito mêbisara Loê' mênga Laiyolo rigêllêre' ri kana ito mê- bisara Loê' mênga Laiyolo ri- gêllêre' GP before person ST- language Loa' and Laiyolo PAS- nickname bisara jênjangang. bisara RED- jangang language RED- chicken Previously, people speaking Loa' and Laiyolo were referred to as speaking the language of birds. 51 Pêfeimo si'i po'dona pê'pauêng pê- fei -mo si'i po'do -na RED- pau -êng VRB- this way -PERF this short -3sP RED- language -NOM pêsuana ito Laiyolotu ri Sêlea. pê- sua -na ito Laiyolo -tu ri Sêlea VRB- enter -3sP person Laiyolo -that GP Selayar This is the abbreviated story of how the Laiyolo people came to Selayar.

58 An Initial Description of Barang-barang Morphology

APPENDIX: LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1 pe 1st person plural exclusive 1 pi 1st person plural inclusive 1 s 1st person singular 2h 2nd person honorific 2p 2nd person plural 2s 2nd person singular informal 3p 3rd person plural 3s 3rd person singular or unmarked 3rd person plural ACC accidental AF actor focus BEN benefactive BI Bahasa Indonesia C consonant CAU causative CLASS classifier CMPR comparative GP general preposition IMP imperfective incl inclusive IT iterative INT intentional k.o. kind of LIM limiter LOC locative / transitive N noun NP noun phrase NOM nominalizer 0 object marker P possessive / genitive PAS passive PERF perfective PL plural QM question marker REA reason / purpose REC reciprocal RED reduplication REL relative pronoun S subject marker SG singular s.o. someone s.t. something ST stative TR transitive V vowel or verb VRB verbalizer

59 Joanna L. Belding , Wyn D. Laidig and Sahabu Dg. Maingak

REFERENCES

Berg, René van den. 1991. "Muna Historical Phonology." In J. N. Sneddon, ed., Studies in Su- lawesi Linguistics, Part II. NUSA 33:2-28. . 1996. "The Demise of Focus and the Spread of Conjugated Verbs in Sulawesi." In Hein Steinhauer, ed., Papers in Austronesian Linguistics, No. 3. Pacific Linguistics A-84:89-114. Canberra: The Australian National University. Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Donohue, Mark. In prep. "Pretenders to the Muna-Buton Group." Manuscript (1994). Friberg, Timothy and Thomas V. Laskowske 1989. "South Sulawesi Languages, 1989." In J. N. Sneddon, ed., Studies in Sulawesi Linguistics, Part I. NUSA 31:1-17. Givón, Talmy, 1984. Syntax: A Functional-Typological Introduction, Volume I. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Grimes, Charles E. and Barbara D. Grimes. 1987. "Languages of South Sulawesi." Pacific Lin- guistics D-78. Canberra: The Australian National University. Hopper, Paul J. and S. A. Thompson. 1980. "Transitivity in Grammar and Discourse." Language 56:251 — 99. Laidig, Wyn D. and Sahabu Dg. Maingak. 1999. "Barang-Barang Phonology: A Preliminary De- scription." In Wyn D. Laidig, ed., Studies in Sulawesi Linguistics, Part VI. NUSA 46:46-83. Mead, David. Forthcoming. "Proto-Celebic Focus Revisited." In Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross, eds., The Historical and Typological Development of Western Austronesian Voice Systems. Pa- cific Linguistics. Canberra: The Australian National University. Noorduyn, J. 1991a. A Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Sulawesi. KITLV Biblio- graphical Series 18. Leiden: KITLV Press. . 1991b. "The Languages of Sulawesi." In Hein Steinhauer, ed., Papers in Austronesian Lin- guistics, No. 1. Pacific Linguistics A-81:137-150. Canberra: The Australian National Univer- sity. Sneddon, J. N. 1993. "The Drift Towards Final Open Syllables in Sulawesi Languages." Oceanic Linguistics 32:1-44.

60 NUSA Vol. 49 (2001)

A PRELIMINARY SKETCH OF THE BOBONGKO LANGUAGE

David Mead SIL International, Dallas, Texas

Heretofore, our information on the small Bobongko language of Sulawesi has been limited to word lists (Adriani 1900; Wumbu, Kadir et al. 1986; Lauder, Ayatrohaedi, et al. 2000) and information that can be gleaned therefrom. The paper is different. Based on a period of fresh research in the Togian Is- lands, I provide the first substantial information about Bobongko grammar. After a brief review of the prior literature and a brief discussion of the classification of Bobongko as a Saluan language, in the remainder of the paper I devote my attention to Bobongko phonology and aspects of its morphosyntax. Particular attention is given to how agent, patient, location, instrument and beneficiary roles are encoded in a system which partly does, and partly does not resemble Philippine focus-type languages. A sample Bobongko text is included. Although it has not been possible to give even weight to every area of Bobongko grammar, hopefully this paper will prove to be a significant addition to our growing understanding of Sulawesi languages.

1 INTRODUCTION The Bobongko language is spoken in the Togian Islands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia (see Map 1). It is estimated there are approximately 1,500 speakers of Bobongko, of whom 1,100 reside in Lembanato village and elsewhere along the shores of Kilat Bay on the north side of Togian Island. Despite the encroach- ment of surrounding languages, the use of Bobongko in this relatively small language community around Kilat Bay remains strong and is encouraged. In the 1960's, a splinter group left Lembanato to settle near Tumbulawa village on the north side of Batu Daka Island. At present this second group reportedly com- prises about one hundred Bobongko families, or four hundred or so additional speakers, though I lack precise information on the strength of Bobongko language use in this second community.1

1 In 1991 — the latest year for which I could obtain government population figures — there were reportedly 857 people living in Tumbulawa village. I do not have information on what other languages are spoken in Tumbulawa village in addition to Bobongko. The language situation on the Togian Islands is complex, and peoples have mixed to such an extent that it would be hazardous to draw language boundaries. Nevertheless, I offer the following comments about other languages spoken in the Togian Islands with the caveat that they all require verification. Hopefully, however, these notes represent improvements over our previous and often sketchy information about language situation in the Togian Islands. Togian. Generally speaking, the islands of Walea Kodi, Malenge, Togian, Batu Daka, and Talatakoh can be reckoned to the Togian language area. However, the Togian language (or more precisely, the Togian dialect of Pamona) is not equally strong in all areas. The Benteng area of southern Togian Island (Benteng, Labiti and Bungayo villages) was mentioned to me as one place where use of Togian remains particularly strong. Saluan. Probably the entire island of Walea Bahi can be reckoned to the Saluan language area. Saluan speakers are live on Talata- koh Island, namely in Bautu, Kalia and Tumotop, but constitute only a minority in said villages. Bajau. Bajau speakers live on Taupan Island, Taoleh Island and in Kabalutan village on southern Talatakoh Island. Gorontalo. Wherever there is a major port, we were told, there you will find Gorontaloese. Gorontalo is spoken (along with other languages, of course) in Dolong and in Wakai, the two subdistrict capitals of the Togian Islands. Bugis. Both Adriani (1914) and Wumbu, Kadir et al. (1986) reported Bugis as a language of the Togian Islands, but the Bugis appear to be represented only by the odd trader who has set up residence with his family here and there across the archipelago. Kaili and standard Pamona. These immigrant groups are represented in considerably larger numbers than the Bugis, but it was difficult to determine precise areas where these two languages are spoken. The Island of Una-una, we were told, was a mixture of Kaili, Pamona and to a lesser extent Togian peoples. (Kaili speakers living in Ketupat village used ledo for `no' and ledo ria `there is not, there is none', suggesting migration from the large Ledo dialect area in the Palu valley.)

61 David Mead

Until now, only three publications have provided information about Bobongko word stock, and virtually nothing about its grammar. Adding somewhat to the confusion, twice in history Bobongko has been misequated with other languages. The material presented herein on Bobongko phonology and grammar is based on a period of fresh research conducted by the author in January 2001, though by way of comparison reference is occasionally made to these other sources. The first to provide solid information about the Bobongko language was the linguist Nicolaus Adriani, who after visiting the Togian Islands the prior year, in 1900 published information on three languages he encountered there: Togian, Bobongko and Bajau. In its day, his article shed a fair amount of light on the language situation. In particular, Adriani was able to show that Bobongko and Togian were not endonyms for the same language, as had generally been supposed up until that time (Riedel 1868; Holle 1898; Bran- des 1898). Rather, he argued, Togian the language of the majority of the islanders was nothing other than a subdialect of Ampana, which in turn was a dialect of Pamona. Bobongko, on the other hand, he identified as a member of the Saluan language family, but "met welke talen het Bobongko'sch nog meer verwant is, kan ik niet bepalen, daar van het taalgebied ten 0. van Tandj. Api mij alleen het Loindangsch bekend is" (with which languages Bobongko is still more closely related, I cannot determine, because of the language area to the east of Tanjung Api only Loindang (= Saluan) is known to me) (Adriani 1900:433-434). driani himself collected a list of eight hundred Bobongko words, which he then drew upon to provide succinct descriptions of Bobongko phonology, pronouns, numerals, deictics, interrogatives and, to a certain extent, verb morphology. Adriani's original wordlist did not survive, but approximately half of it can be reconstructed from his writings. Adriani had also hoped to present a Bobongko text, but he was prevented in this endeavor:

One of the difficulties in our investigations was distinguishing between a person's ethnic heritage on the one hand and their linguistic behavior on the other — a distinction which was certainly sometimes overlooked by the people we questioned. Another factor, for which I have almost no good information, is the apparent growing use of a trade Malay throughout the Togian Islands. One respondent, who lived on Una-una Island until age seventeen when had to evacuate in 1981 under threat of eruption of the island's volcano, told me that he grew up speaking not one of the indigenous languages, but only `bahasa Malayu'. Even in Katupat village, the use of words and phrases such as dorang for `they', kita orang tanggong jawab for `we are responsible', saya punya bapak for `my father' and ada buka nilon for `we're (busy) opening nylon fishing line' confirmed to my ears the use of a trade Malay in this village as well. The pronouns of this trade Malay, according to my same Una-una respondent, are as follows. There is no one second person singular form. The terms ngana, om (or omo) and tanta are informal, whle the terms anda, bapak and ibu are formal.

Singular Plural 1st person Saya Kitorang ngana / anda (to child) 2nd person om — omo / bapak (to man) Kamu tanta / ibu (to woman) 3rd person Dia Dorang

Assuming that this information is correct, then it appears this trade Malay is different from Manado Malay, North Moluccan Malay and Ambonese Malay. I tentatively dub this previously unreported speech variety as Ampana Malay, since it is spoken not only in the Togian Islands but also in the principal city of Ampana on the mainland. Further investigation must reveal whether this Malay variety has an even wider distribution, for example in other parts of the Tomini Bay area of Sulawesi.

62 A prel i mi na r The Togian Islands y Sk et ch

Una-una of th Tanjung Pude 00/.17 e Awo B ~~( ob

Lambanya Kololio ~ on + L9 G gk 0 (\ti

F~ Mal o ~7y ~ ~Luok C 1?-lQ L an ~ ° rongkabu @°,.;) Tutung 0 gua Katupat a Kalia ge

4Z7 Bungayo Kabalutan Tumbulawa

Bomba Bambu 1io olowagu 4 Kulingkinari

v Map 1. The Togian Islands in the Tomini Bay area of Sulawesi. David Mead

Het is mij niet gelukt eene vertelling op te teekenen of een stukje taal machtig tee worden, waaruit ik zekerheid zou kunnen krijgen omtrent het bestaan van tijdvormen in het Bobongko'sch. De waar- schijnlijkheid is er vóór, daar het Loinansch en het Gorontaleesch zulke vormen bezitten. Daar de To Bo- bongko in verkeer met de Togianners de taal dezer laatsten gebruiken en ook mij steeds in het Togiansch antwoordden, bepaalde zich hetgeen ik van hen leeren kon, tot losse woorden. Het volk is in 't algemeen schuw en slechts een paar jonge mannen dorsten dicht bij mij te komen." (I never managed to take down a story or master a bit of language from which I should have been able to ascertain the existence of tense forms in Bobongko. Probably they are to be found there, because Loinan and Gorontalo employ such forms. Because the To Bobongko in traffic with the Togianers use the language of the latter, and also always answered me in Togian, that which I could learn from them was restricted to individuals words. The people in general are shy, and only a couple of young men dared approach me.) (Adriani 1900:459-460) In the years following, little else was said concerning the Bobongko language, with other language map makers (Esser 1938; Salzner 1960) uncritically accepting Adriani's conclusions. When Jim Sneddon was compiling his language map of Sulawesi (Sneddon 1983), he again faced the question which Adriani had left unanswered eight decades earlier: Could the closest relation of Bobongko be indentified? In error, Sneddon equated Bobongko of the Togian Islands with the recently discovered Andio language on the southern coast of the eastern peninsula of Sulawesi (Barr and Barr 1979:36), apparently on two pieces of evidence: (a) the Andio language was also known by the (somewhat derogatory) endonym Bobongko2 and conversely (b) the negative term in Bobongko as spoken in the Togian Islands, given by Adriani (1914:352), was andioo. Independently the Barrs had also reached the same conclusion. It fell to J. Noorduyn (1991) to point out this error. By then, Wumbu, Kadir, et al. (1986) had published 100-word lists of both Andio and Bobongko, by which it could be seen that these were different languages; furthermore, their Bobongko list closely agreed with Adriani's Bobongko data (Noorduyn 1991:99-100, 103). Recently, a 200-word list of Bobongko is to be found among the material compiled by Lauder, Ayatrohaedi, et al. (2000) on languages of Central Sulawesi. To this day, however, mystery surrounds the negative term andioo which Adriani reported for Bo- bongko in 1914. In 1900 Adriani gave the Bobongko negative terms only as imba, mba and imba oo,3 compare Wumbu, Kadir, et al. (1986:80) mba' and Lauder, Ayatrohaedi, et al. (2000:169) mba. The term andioo also could not be confirmed by any of my Bobongko respondents, so it remains unknown whence Adriani produced it fourteen years after his original report. A smaller discrepancy, however, has been cleared up. In 1900 Adriani reported that there were no more than a hundred Bobongko speakers, and wrote that their language was near extinction yet it still spoken today. Although not vouching for the exact numbers, my own informants agreed with this assess- ment: a century ago the Bobongko language was in decline. But as a community the Bobongko people around that time decided that, be they the smallest of groups, they were going to maintain their language just as they have done successfully to the present day.

2 CLASSIFICATION In 1900 Adriani identified Bobongko's closest linguistic neighbor as Saluan, although at the same time he claimed that the two languages differed considerably in their respective word stocks. He supposed that Bobongko differed from Salaun more than Kaili differed from Pamona, and he supported his conjecture

2Although the term `Bobongko' has derogatory connotations in the Andio-speaking area, it has no such overtones in the Togian Is- lands. My Bobongko respondents, in fact, could suggest no other alternative name for their language. 3The Bobongko negative term given by Adriani (1900:430) as imba'mba is best considered a typesetting error (for intended imba, mba).

Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

anecdotally by giving thirty-seven core vocabulary items where the two languages differed. For example (Adriani 1900:431): Bobongko Saluan kereke lepak `armpit' guos bese `tooth' bangkang tahuku `skull' dugu baso `blood' Conversely, he claimed, Bobongko shared a large number of words in common with Gorontalo, and supported this claim by presenting thirty-five sets of supposed cognates. Furthermore, the possibility of (recent) borrowing between the two languages was excluded because of sound changes which had occurred in Gorontalo (Adriani 1900:433). For example: Bobongko Gorontalo gorung hulungo `heavens, sky' dugu duhu `blood' sanggor tanggulo `skull' korongian olongia `headman' daka da'a `big' These twin arguments leave the reader especially the reader with no more knowledge of Saluan than Adriani presents wondering about the basis for his original claim that indeed Bobongko and Saluan are closely related. Figure 1 gives the results of my own lexicostatistical comparison of Bobongko with thirteen surrounding languages and dialects.4 Here I attempt to quantify information which Adriani presented im- pressionistically. Figure 1. Lexical similarity matrix: Bobongko and surrounding languages

Ponosakan 75 Mongondow GORONTALO- 54 58 Bolangitang MONGONDOW 58 60 63 Atinggola 56 60 62 93 Bolango 39 43 48 54 57 Gorontalo 25 28 28 30 30 30 Bobongko SALUAN 20 20 21 20 19 18 53 Saluan 22 22 22 21 21 21 44 62 Andio 23 24 23 20 20 20 39 51 66 Balantak 17 19 19 18 18 18 35 32 33 32 Ampana KAILI- 19 19 17 17 17 18 34 33 35 33 78 Pamona PAMONA 18 20 19 18 19 18 37 35 36 33 74 84 Tojo 19 20 19 18 18 18 34 34 35 32 56 58 60 Kaili

41 am indebted to Michael Martens for supplying me with word lists for Ampana (also known as Taa), standard Pamona, Tojo and Ledo, the first three all dialects of Pamona, and to Bob Busenitz for Balantak (Sulu'bombong village), Saluan (Sampaka' village) and Andio word lists. Gorontalo-Mongondow language data used in this comparison were taken from Merrifield and Salea (1996:149- 170). A comprehensive treatment of the Balantak dialect situation (including Andio as well as some Saluan-speaking areas) may be found in Busenitz (1991).

65 David Mead

It is clear from this matrix that Bobongko, Saluan, Andio and Balantak constitute their own subgroup (hereafter the Saluan language group or Saluan languages), and within that group Bobongko relates most closely with Saluan itself. At the same time, Bobongko scores significantly higher with Gorontalo (thirty percent lexically similar) than do other Saluan languages, whose lexical similarity scores with Gorontalo range from only eighteen to twenty-one percent (similar results obtain with other Gorontalo-Mongondow languages). A lexicostatistical comparison, of course, can provide only a provisional classification. In a forthcoming paper (Mead in progress b), I hope to demonstrate that what may be concluded from lexicostatistics is further confirmed by a consideration of historical sound change. That is to say, Bobongko, Saluan, Andio and Balantak constitute their own subgrouping, and among these four languages, Bobongko has been heavily influenced lexically by Gorontalo.

3 PHONOLOGY 3.1 Phonemes The phonological inventory of Bobongko consists of the five vowels /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, and /u/ and the nineteen consonants shown in Table 1. Table 1. Bobongko Consonant Inventory Labial Apical Palatal Velar Glottal Voiceless Stops P T K ? Voiced Stops b d d3 g

Nasals m n p 13 Fricatives 4) s (h) Lateral 1 Trill r Semivowels (w) j In our data the fricative /h/ and the semivowel /w/ are limited to recent loan words, compare harasia `secret' (< Malay rahasia), mompahang `understand' (< Malay paham), waktu `time' (Malay identical), sawa `wet rice field' (< Malay sawah), and ponggawa `keeper or tamer of wild animals' (compare Malay peng- gawa `commander, leader of a district'). The bilabial fricative /4/ has three allophones, [13], [t], and [h], which are in free variation (that is, the variants appear not to be conditioned by surrounding phonemes). Of these three allophones, however, the voiceless, fricative articulation [4] is strongly preferred in careful speech and from this perspective is considered the basic allophone. Nevertheless, there remains a certain amount of inelegance in classifying both /4/ and /s/ as fricatives, since these phonemes are not parallel in their distribution (see below). I follow the preference of my Bobongko respondents and use f as the orthographic representation for this phoneme; in this respect I differ from Adriani (1900) who chose instead to represent this phoneme orthographically as w. Other orthographic conventions adopted in this paper are as follows: the palatal affricate /d3/ is written as j, the palatal approximant /j/ is written as y, the palatal nasal /j1/ is written as ny, and the velar nasal /rj/ is written as ng. Glottal stop, including those that occur morpheme and word finally, are sym- bolized orthographically by an apostrophe ('). In all other cases phonemic and orthographic representa- tions are identical. Stress in Bobongko is predictably penultimate, with suffixation precipitating stress movement. Corn- pare the two following word pairs:

66 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

duangan [du'aDan] `boat' duanganto [dua'ganto] `our boat' konyuku [ko',puku] `fingernail' konyukuung [kopu'ku:rj] `your fingernail'

3.2 Phonotactics and phoneme distribution Morpheme internally, the only allowable consonant clusters consist of a nasal and a homorganic stop or the fricative s, namely mp, nt, ngk, mb, nd, nj, ngg and ns. Adriani (1900) in fact considered these sequences to be unit phonemes, a position which is not adopted in this paper. Since nasals occur word and thus syllable finally, there is little to be gained by positing eight additional phonemes when such sequences can be parsed as N.C. For example: bombang CVN.CVN `grass' amp as VN.CVC `mat' monsongkili' CVN. CVN. CV. CVC `carry on one's back' kanjiling CVN. CV. CVN `pinky finger' In addition, nasal plus homorganic consonant sequences are nearly non-existent in word initial position, although the exhortative particle mbo'o `come on, let's' and the negative particle mba' are two exceptions in our data. The sound sequence which I write as ns, in 1900 Adriani transcribed nc. This suggests that the phoneme s may have once had an affricate allomorph following n. A certain amount of instability or variation in pronunciation between [ns] and [ntf], likewise involving no phonemic mergers or splits, is also found across dialect areas of Pamona (Michael Martens 2001: pers. comm.). Some recent loan words contain consonant sequences other than a nasal plus homorganic obstruent, but these have not been investigated systematically. Compare here Bobongko sattu `Saturday' (< Malay sattu) and merpati `dove' (Malay identical). In anak uluttuong `first born child', one would suppose either that uluttuong contains two morphemes, or if synchronically mono-morphemic, that the tt sequence appears at what was formerly a morpheme boundary. Consonant sequences other than a nasal plus homorganic obstruent are allowable in the language, but (apart from the just mentioned cases) are limited to morpheme boundaries, particularly between a stem and its suffix or a stem and certain enclitics. See below Sections 4.1 and 4.2.1. With one exception, the fricatives f and h, the semivowel w and the palatal phonemes have not been noted in word final position. The only exception in our data is the verb lumangoy `swim'; in this case penultimate stress assignment on the vowel a indicates that that the final vocoid sequence is to be interpreted as a diphthong and not as a sequence of two vowels (compare Adriani who transcribed lumangoi).5 Examples of other consonants in final position are:

P: dumolop `dive', unap `fish scales', takup `sheath' t: bakat `root', kilit `skin', mongkarut `scratch' k: burotok `mosquito', pepek `frog', soloduk `choke' b: morakob `catch, take hold of, ungkub `lid' d: lombud `dolphin', tingkod `heel', i lafod `ago, in the past'

5This analysis is further confirmed in that the perfective marker -mo has the allomorph -o following lumangoy, viz. lumangoyo `already swam', whereas the non-occurring * lumangoimo would be expected if this verb were indeed vowel-final. See further the description of the -mo/-o allomorphy in Section 4.2.1.

67 David Mead

g: dolag `day, daytime', loog ànt', lindug èarthquake' m: nlonganyam `weave', onom `six', undam `medicine' n: gianan `house', jalan `path', bitu'on `star' ng: ansang `gills (of fish)', biring èar', gogorong `neck' s: gu'os `gums', monggeges `rub', ta'is `rust' 1: akol `sugar palm', dotal `storm', mokujul `blunt, dull' r: marigar `healthy', ngarar `palate', tengker `leg' As is demonstrated by the following minimal pairs, glottal stop contrasts with both null and k in word final position. ue `water' susu `breast' olo `what?' ire' `rattan' susu' `k.o. mollusk' olo' `necklace' bura' `foam' piso' `knife' bolo' `hole' btirak `tree flower' pikok `blind' bolok `buttocks' I particularly mention this contrast, because word final glottal stops went unnoticed by both Adriani (1900) and Lauder, Ayatrohaedi, et al. (2000), and were noted only sporadically in Wumbu, Kadir, et al. (1986). An intriguing question concerns whether glottal stop likewise contrasts with null in word initial position. Unfortunately, I cannot provide a satisfactory answer at this time. Lauder, Ayatrohaedi, et al. (2000) indicate such a contrast in their transcription. However, I was not able to confirm or disprove their data, since the results of their study were unavailable to me at the time I visited the Togian Islands. For my own part, in our data the stems asi' àlso, in addition' and ali-ali `younger sibling' appeared never to be preceded by a glottal stop when following vowel final morphemes, compare aku asi' `me too' and gianan-nu (w)aliali-um (house-GEN ygr.sibling-2sG) `your younger brother's house'. As indicated here, aliali was sometimes even preceded by a transition glide. Compare the parallel case of kutu-nu (')asu' (louse-GEN dog) `flea', in xvhich our respondents articulated a glottal stop between the genitive linker nu and the noun following it, asu. A second piece of evidence may come from reduplication. In ordinary stem reduplication, the first two syllables are reduplicated minus any coda of the second syllable. Compare these unambiguous cases: koledo-ledo' `walk with a limp' manu-manuk `bird' kosungu-sungut `sniffle' Two patterns emerge, however, with stems that are supposedly vowel-initial. On the one hand there are cases of two-syllable reduplication in which no glottal stop occurs between the reduplicating syllables and the stem, such as the above-mentioned ali-ali `younger sibling' as well as ifi-ifi' àll'. On the other hand, there are other cases in which a glottal stop does occur, for example ko'unda-'unda `nodding (one's head)' and usa-'usa'ku Ì myself'. One possible explanation for this contrast is that stems belonging to the former category are (underlying) vowel-initial, while stems belonging to the latter category (underlyingly) begin with a glottal stop. These arguments, however, are not conclusive, and having noted the above cases in this paper I adopt the practice of writing words as if there were no contrast between glottal stop and null word initially. This decision was made for practical reasons, and I leave the theoretical question open for further investigation. All other consonants have been noted in initial position (in our data initial h, w and y are found only in borrowed words).

p: pa'a `thigh', pae `field rice', peta `bird's nest' t: tano' `earth', teeng `tea', tou' `sugar cane'

68 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

k: kaso' `rafter', kilat `lightning', kutu `louse' b: bagang `molar', boborong `drum', buku `bone' d: dafok `sibling-in-law', doluo `two', dula' `spittle' j: janggo' `beard', jolojik èel', juku' `meat' g: giup `wind', golau ègg', gumbang `water jar' m: manuk `chicken', mo'ane `male', mian `person' n: nana' `pus', nipa' `nipa palm', nunu' `banyan tree' ny: nya'u `feces' ng: nganga' `mouth', ngek `seagull', ngungur `nipple' f: fa'e `parrot', fea `hulled rice', fofo' ùncle' s: salo `floor', sirung `shoulderblade', sopun `mucus' h: harasia `secret' 1: lamin òutrigger float', lipol `wall', boa" spider' r: remu' `mud', ron 'leaf', rumere' `boil' w: waktu `time' y: yayu `pestle', yopo òvergrown garden plot'

4 MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX In this preliminary sketch, it has not been possible to give even weight to every area of Bobongko grammar. Herein I concentrate on those aspects about which I feel most confident of our information, namely pronouns and possession (Section 4.1), verb morphology (Section 4.2), certain nonverbal clauses (Section 4.3) and deictics (Section 4.4). Even here, though, I sometimes must acknowledge holes in the data. These limited topics leave much ground uncovered. There is no separate treatment, for example, of noun phrase structure or clausal word order. One reason that I am reluctant to discuss word order is the high proportion of examples which come from elicited material, where somewhat wooden or literal re- sponses are unavoidable. Given the time frame for working in the field, however, it was not possible to proceed in any other way and still cover as much ground. To balance out the presentation, a Bobongko text is included in Section 5. Despite these shortcomings, the following information far surpasses our previous knowledge about the Bobongko language.

4.1 Pronouns and Possession Bobongko independent pronouns and genitive pronominal suffixes are shown in Table 2. There is no third person plural genitive suffix in Bobongko; rather third person plural possession is encoded by nu ara (see below). Table 2. Pronouns and Pronominal Suffixes Independent Genitive is aku -ku 2s oko -um 3s ia -nyo 1pn kita -to 1px kauri -mami 2p komiu -miu 3p ara

69 David Mead

In the first person singular and only in the first person singular, Bobongko speakers make use of two additional pronominal forms, the ùnfocused' agent prefix ku- which appears only in unrealized aspect (discussed in Section4.2.2), and the ùnfocused' patient independent pronoun iyau' (discussed in Section 4.2.6) Possession in Bobongko is indicated in one of two ways. Either the noun is followed by a genitive pronominal suffix, or it is followed by a noun which is linked to the possessum by the genitive linker nu. Ex- amples (1) and (2) illustrate the former, while examples (3) and (4) illustrate the latter. (1) siku-mami elbow-1 pxG òur elbows' (2) sangalu-nyo companion-3sG `his/her friend' (3) sangalu-nu aliali-um companion-GEN younger.sibling-2sG `your younger brother's friend' (4) kuku-nu sapi' taio' tail-GEN cow that.level `that cow's tail' In Bobongko there is no third person plural pronominal suffix. The only means to encode a third person plural possessor is to use nu followed by the independent pronoun ara `they' (5) tadulako-nu ara leader-GEN 3p `their leader (in warfare)' Although Adriani (1900:444) considered the suffix -nyo to be a generalized third person pronoun which was unmarked for singular or plural, I consider this analysis to be incorrect, at least for the present-day language. The suffix -nyo indicates a third person singular possessor, while the periphrastic construction nu ara indicates a third person plural possessor. The genitive pronouns -ku and -to have prenasalized variants respectively -ngku and -nto following vowel-final stems. In addition the pronominal suffixes -ku, -mami and -miu as well as the genitive marker nu have various allomorphs depending on the final consonant of the stem. These allomorphs are given in Table 3. Length mark ( : ) indicates doubling of (viz. complete assimilation to) the stem-final consonant.

70 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

Table 3. Allomorphs of the Genitive Pronominal Suffixes and the Genitive Linker nu. Stem -ku -um -nyo -to -mami -miu Mu Coda 1 sG 2sG 3sG 1pnG 1pxG 2pG GEN -V -ngku -nto -mami -miu nu -p -t -k -b -.0 -um -:ami -niu -d or -nyo -to or or nu -g -ung -mami -miu -s -m -n -ku -ng -1 -u - (m) ami - (m) iu -r u -' -ku -mami -miu It is not possible to illustrate all of the allomorphs shown in Table 3, although a number of them are illustrated incidentally in the examples and the appended text which follow. Note particularly, though, the homophony that exists between the first person singular suffix and the genitive linker following -1, -r and stem-final obstruents. In context the two are distinguished, however, in that the genitive linker must be followed by a possessor, while the first person singular suffix stands alone. Compare example (6a) with (6b). (6) a. tingkod-du ara heel-GEN 3p `their heel' b. tingkod-du heel-1sG `my heel' Only the pronominal suffixes -urn, -nyo and —to, then, have relatively invariant forms. However, in all contexts the suffix —urn can also be articulated as —ung. My own opinion is that Bobongko speakers recognize —urn as the `correct' form of this morpheme, but apart from careful speech they almost invariably pro- nounce it as ung (for consistency I mostly write —um).6 Occasionally doubling of the final stem consonant was also noted preceding —urn/-ung. The provisional analysis adopted here is that such doubling reflects contamination from the —ku and/or nu paradigms, compare i-rakop-pung (RLZD.INV-catch-2sG) `caught by you' next to i-rakop-pu (RLZD.INV-catch-lsG) `caught by me'. Conversely, -urn regularly shortens to -m

6It is possible that a more general drift of velarization of final -m is at work in the language. I myself recorded the following forms, only to have my transcription (show on the left) corrected by Bobongko speakers to the form on the right. undang undam `medicine' onong onom `six' tongkoliling tongkolilim `forgotten' monsolong monsoIorri `think' morikoyong morikoyom `dark' pinggang pinggan `plate' Regarding nasal velarization in other languages of Sulawesi, see Sneddon (1993).

71 David Mead following stems ending in u, for example kutu-m (louse-2sG) `your lice' and bLin]au-m (RLZD.INV:do-2sG) `done by you' (also kutung and binaung). The genitive linker generally occurs whenever one noun is modified by another noun following it. The following are exemplary of the range of meanings where nu occurs. (7) gianan-nu loa' house-GEN spider `spider web' (8) bine'-u pae seedling-GEN rice `rice seedling' (9) juku'-u manuk meat-GEN chicken `chicken meat' (10) mian-nu Australia person-GEN Australia `an Australian' (11) dolag-guaraba'a day-GEN Wednesday `Wednesday' (12) bulu-nu mata hair-GEN eye `eyelashes' Simple juxtaposition of nouns without nu or one of its allomorphs is rare. One such example in our data is kau' apu `firewood'.

4.2 Verb Morphology In a Bobongko verbal clause, the predicate will be associated with one or more arguments. In the following description, I have found it expedient to refer to the following roles: intransitive subject (the single core argument of an intransitive predicate), agent, patient, locative patient, location, instrument and beneficiary. These are the roles which time and again are distinguished morphosyntactically in Bobongko, and by which Bobongko speakers impose linguistic structure in the process of talking about experience. As is developed below, each role can be defined in terms of its encoding possibilities. An agent, for example, is that argument which in active voice has the potential to be realized as a noun phrase or independent pronoun, but which in inverse voice can appear overtly only as a genitive pronoun or a genitive case—marked noun phrase following the verb. These roles, of course, are also not without their semantic correlates in many cases an agent is an instigator who by his action affects some other entity but this aspect of Bo- bongko case roles is assumed rather than investigated in the following presentation.

4.2.1 Intransitive Verbs Intransitive verbs are typically one-argument predicates, though sometimes the intransitive verb also allows an incorporated object or range to be expressed; compare `playing tops' in example (13). The subject may appear as a noun phrase, as an independent pronoun, or be omitted depending on context.

72 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

(13) Sangalu-nyo naraik paki' asi' companion-3sG RLZD:play top also `His friend was playing tops too.' (14) Aku kfum]abut dongataa' mba' ma'efe. 1s UNRZ:run so.that NEG UNRZ:late `I'm running so that I won't be late.' (15) Nako-mo. RLZD:go-PERF `(He) already left.' As these examples illustrate, aspect is also usually marked on the (intransitive) verb. The three aspectual categorizes which have been identified I term realized, unrealized and imperative. The following illustrate various classes of intransitive verbs in realized and unrealized aspect and, as data is available, also in the imperative. In this preliminary report, it has not been possible to illustrate the imperative for every verb (for that matter, from a pragmatic perspective some verbs are not compatible with the imperative). Unrealized Realized Imperative (16) a. marigar (i)narigar `healthy' mabusik (i)nabusik `rotten' matakut (i)natakut `afraid' maboat (i)naboat `heavy' mara (i)nara `ripe' b. modu'ol (i)nodu'ol `sick' molino (i)nolino `calm' (of the sea) mo'oring (i)no'oring `fragrant' molalag (i)nolalag `yellow' modikolom (i)nodikolom `black' mogete' (i)nogete' `skinny' c. mokobongol (i)nokobongol pokobongol `be loud, deafening' mokosolom (i)nokosolom `remember' mokolimbung (i)nokolimbung `become round' d. mimbua' (i)nimbua' `bear fruit' mingkot (i)ningkot `be used up, finished off' mindii' (i)nindii' pindii' `bathe oneself' mintau' (i)nintau' pintau' `descend' mingoap (i)ningoap pingoap `yawn' e. male' (i)nale' `sleep' mate (i)nate pate `die' mako nako `go' f. manimbanat (i)nanimbanat panimbanat `lie down, stretch out' maningkampa' (i)naningkampa' paningkampa' `lie prone' mani'ingkili' (i)nani'ingkili' pani'ingkili' `lie on one's side' mani'impo' ' (i)nani'impo' pani'impo' `sit with knees to one side' As can be seen from the verbs of examples (16), in general intransitive verbs have an m-initial form in unrealized aspect, which alternates with an n-initial form, sometimes preceded by the vowel i, in realized

73 David Mead aspect. The initial vowel i appears to be optional in many if not most contexts, but it is obligatorily absent when the verb is further followed by the perfective marker -mo, thus inara or nara `ripe', but naramo àl- ready ripe' (not *inaramo). The perfective marker itself has the allomorph -mo following vowels and glottal stop, but the allomorph -o following all other consonants, thus iningkot or ningkot ùsed up, finished off' but ningkoto àlready used up' (not * ningkotmo or *iningkoto). There are two subclasses of intransitive verbs which depart from this pattern. The first of these subclasses could be termed underived dynamic intransitive stems. Example (17) illustrates some members of this subclass. Unrealized Realized Imperative (17) gumeleng ginumeleng `laugh' kumabut kinumabut kabut `run' sumurang sinumurang surang `sit' jumolo jinumolo jolo `crawl' umaro (i) numaro aro `shout' lumangoy (i)lumangoy langoy `swim' rumere' (i)rumere' `boil' As may be noted from these forms, underived dynamic stems generally preserve an older state of affairs in which -urn- occurs in unrealized aspect and -inum- occurs in realized aspect. As illustrated by the final two verbs in this set, however, when the stem begins with 1 or r, the pattern in realized aspect instead is for the -urn- form to be prefixed with i-. An initial i marking realized aspect is usually present, but as with the other verbs described above it must be omitted when the verb is followed by the perfective marker. Corn- pare here numaromo àlready shouted' (not *inumaromo), lumangoyo àlready swam' (not *ilumangoyo), and rumere'mo àlready boiled' (not *irumere'mo). No omission or contraction occurs with the infix -inum-, thus ginumelengo àlready laughed', kinumabuto àlready ran', jinumalomo àlready crawled' and the such. The second subclass of verbs could be terms underived stative intransitive stems. As illustrated in example (18), underived stative intransitives follow a pattern nearly identical to that of underived dynamic intransitives, except minus any occurrence of the infix -urn-. Unrealized Realized Imperative (18) daka' dinaka' `big' kojojong kinojojong (no data) `live, reside' pande pinande `smart, intelligent' lolong (i)lolong `slow, dull' (of mind) In all cases for which I have data on imperatives see examples (16) and (17) above the imperative represents an unmarked category of the verb. However, unrealized forms can also be used with imperative force, and this strategy is generally considered more polite than using a straight imperative; corn- pare example (19a) with example (19b). As illustrated in example (20), this holds true not only for intransitives but also for the transitive (and other) verbs discussed below. (19) a. Ne'e mokobongol. don't UNRZ:deafening `(Please) don't be so loud.' (polite request) b. Kabut oko. run 2s `Run, you!' (somewhat coarse request)

74 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

(20) a. Mong-inum ue panas. UNRZ:ACT-drink water hot `(Please) drink some hot water.' (viz. tea, coffee which has just been served) b. Pong-inum. ACT-drink `Drink!' (somewhat coarse request)

4.2.2. Ordinary Transitive Verbs Basic transitive verbs are two-place predicates, and in context occur in one of two voices, which I term active and inverse voice. In this grammar sketch I concentrate on the formal aspects of voice inflection rather than on the pragmatic and syntactic factors which influence voice selection. Nevertheless, even in our preliminary investigations it is apparent that in main clauses active voice is most appropriate when the patient is low in topicality, while inverse voice is most appropriate with topical patients. Doubtless there are also syntactic triggers such as clefting and relativization of agent or patient which require as particular voice; see among others Quick (this volume) regarding Pendau and Zobel (forthcoming) regarding Buol.7 Verb morphology associated with active and inverse voices is shown in Table 4. Table 4. Basic Unrealized Realized Imperative Transitive Verb Morphology Active moN- V noN- V poN- V Inverse o- V -in- V V The nasal coda of moN-/noN-/poN- assimilates to a following stop and the fricative s. Preceding vowels the nasal coda is realized as ng, while preceding 1, r and nasals it has a zero realization (I have no data regarding its realization preceding j, f, h, w, or y). p: mompuri `blow' r. montefa' `forbid' k: mongkaan `eat' b: mombibit `lead by the hand' d: mondasok `load' g: monggeges `rub' s: monsalin `plait' ny: monyaing `chew' 1: moloyog `swallow' r: morongo `hear' a: mongala `take' e: mongepe `feel' is monginum `drink'

Compare here the following contrastive Bobongko data. Misa' gugulang-ku anu nong-kaan lampi'-um, aliali-ngku nong-kaan. NEG older.sibling-lsG REL RLZD.ACT-eat banana-2sG younger.sibling-lsG RLZD.ACT-eat `It wasn't my older brother who ate your bananas, it was my younger brother who ate them.' Misa' dugian-um anu k[in]aan-ku, ungka' lampi'-um. NEG durian-2sG REL RLZD.INV:eat-lsG only banana-2sG `It wasn't your durian that I ate, only your bananas.'

75 David Mead

o: mongomong `place in one's mouth' u: mongunsu `carry on one's head' The verb stem penek `climb' is exceptional in that the nasal coda not only assimilates to the following p but replaces it, thus momenek.8 Conversely the verb stem tugal `plant' is odd in that no nasal occurs between the prefix and the stem, thus motugal.9 The following are some examples of transitive verbs in both active and inverse voice. (21) Ne'e-mo mong-ginguli' sumu taio' don't-PERF UNRZ.ACT-say like that.level `Don't talk like that anymore.' (22) Aku ungka' nong-kaan lampi'. 1 s only RLZD.ACT-eat banana `I only ate bananas.' (23) Ia gele' mo-lio kau'. 3s want UNRZ.ACT-seek wood `He wants to fetch wood.' (24) Gunsing bLinJoa. Mosiaa kita minsoop i kantor? key RLZD.INV-carry UNRZ:how? 1pn UNRZ:enter at office `(Someone) has taken the key. How will we get in the office?' (25) Sapi' taio' kana' o-kolot. cow that must UNRZ.INV-slaughter `That cow must be slaughtered.' In inverse voice an overt agent argument must appear in genitive case following the verb (that is, either as a genitive pronoun or else as a noun or noun phrase preceded by the genitive linker nu; see Section 4.1). In this respect agents in inverse voice are comparable to non-focused actors in Philippine-type languages. (26) lain]aan-ku-mo. LZD. INV: eat-1 sG-PERF `I already ate (it).' (27) Oko olo anu kiln]aan-um? 2s what? REL RLZD.INV:eat-2sG `What did you eat?' (28) ...bai i-rakop-pu polisi kang i Ampana. but RLZD.INV-capture-GEN police down.there at Ampana `...but (he) was captured by the police down in Ampana.'

8Compare also Bobongko momekan `fish, angle' next to pekan `fishhook', but in this case it is unclear whether momekan is a transitive or intransitive verb. A pattern of nasal replacement with p-initial stems is also found in Balantak, but on a much broader scale (see Busenitz 1994:2-4). 9There are other cases in which no nasal occurs between the prefix and the stem, including moburi `write', mojanji `promise', motalui `buy' (compare mompotalui `sell'), mogele' `request'. Again, however, it is presently unclear if these are transitive verbs (as their meanings might suggest), or simply intransitives according to their morphosyntactic properties.

76 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

(29) Sangkuka mian anu o-tiang-um? how.many? person REL UNRZ.INV-call-2sG `How many people are you inviting?' An important exception to the pattern described above occurs when the agent is first person singular, and the verb occurs in inverse voice and unrealized aspect. In this case and this case only, the agent is realized not by a genitive suffix, but rather by the agent prefix ku-. Furthermore this prefix occurs in the position normally occupied by o-, the (otherwise) regular marker of unrealized inverse voice. Example (30) gives the inverse voice paradigm for the verb kaan èat', illustrating that an agent prefix is particular to the first person singular, and occurs only in unrealized aspect. (Further examples below illustrate the use of ku- in context.) Realized Unrealized (30) inaan-ku Ì ate (it)' ku-kaan Ì eat (it)' kinaan-um `you ate (it)' o-kaan-um `you eat (it)' kinaan-nyo `he ate (it)' o-kaan-nyo `he eats (it)' kinaan-to `we (incl.) ate (it)' o-kaan-to `we (incl) eat (it)' kinaan-nami `we (excl) ate (it)' o-kaan-nami `we (excl) eat (it)' kinaan-niu `you (pl) ate (it)' o-kaan-niu `you (pl) eat (it)' kinaan-nu ara `they ate (it)' o-kaan-nu ara `they eat (it)'

4.2.3. Locative Patient Table 5 illustrates the verbal paradigm for verbs with a locative patient. Apart from the presence of the suffix -i (or in realized inverse voice the suffix -an), verbal morphology is identical to that of ordinary transitive verbs (see Table 4). Table 5. Transitive Verb Morphology with Locative Patient Unrealized Realized Imperative Active moN- V -i noN- V -i poN- V —i Inverse o- V -i -in- V -an V -i In some respects the suffix combination -i/-an could simply be viewed as an applicative suffix which derives transitive verbs, parallel to Indonesian -i. Some transitive verbs in Bobongko can occur either with or without -i/-an, that is to say, either with an ordinary patient or with a locative patient. As expected, there is a semantic difference between the two encoding possibilities. monsegot `tie up' (package) monsegoti `tie up' (chicken, animal, person) molio `seek' (something) molioi `seek' (someone) motugal `plant' (corn, seed, etc.) motugali `plant' (field) If we extrapolate from present data, however, it would appear that the majority of transitive verb bases belong to only one category or the other. Some examples of transitive verbs which take only a locative patient are mompate'i `kill' rmompate), mongisii `fill' Cmongisi), mongkosolomi `remember, be struck by the thought of (r mongkosolom), mongkamale'i `sleep on' rmongkamale') and mombobali `hit' rmombobal). Examples (31) through (38) exemplify verbs with locative patients.

77 David Mead

(31) Mian nom pate-i sapi'-um nopalai-mo. person RLZD.ACT-kill-LP cow-2sG RLZD:flee-PERF `The person who killed your cow has already fled.' (32) Ne'e male' itina; kokuonmian móng-kamale'-i itina. don't UNRZ:sleep there exist person UNRZ.ACT-sleep.on-LP there `Don't sleep there; there's someone (already) sleeping there.' (33) Ampas anu k[in]amale'-an-um taio' maremu. mat REL RLZD.INV-sleep.on-LP-2sG that.level UNRZ:dirty `That mat you slept on is dirty.' (34) Ka'a-taa' inaut anu t-in]ugal-an-ku bele-nu binte'. this-that garden REL RLZD.INV:plant-LP-lsG with-GEN corn `This is the field that I planted with corn.' (35) Ungka' i-lafod-an-ku. only RLZD.INV-pass-LP-lsG `I just went by (it) (all I did was go past it).' (36) N-umpar-an-nu ara i kalapuang s Lin] ampa-nu ara, RLZD.INV-chase-LP-GEN 3p PN turtle RLZD.INV:get-GEN 3p o pate-i-nu ara. UNRZ.INV-kill-LP-GEN 3p They chased Turtle, they caught (her), they were going to kill (her).' (37) Ne'e pate-i kami! don't kill-LP lsx `Don't kill us!'

(38) Oko ku-bobal-i! 2s UNRZ.INV.1 sA-hit-LP `I will hit you!'

4.2.4 Beneficiary The verbal suffix associated with marking beneficiary in Bobongko is -akon. Examples (39) through (41) illustrate its use The beneficiary may be omitted when known from context, but when it appears overtly it is marked obliquely, that is, as the possessor of the noun stem bele (note bele + nu is sometimes shortened to benu). From this and from the fact that stems marked with -akon still occur with all their other expected morphology, it would appear that the use of -akon alone does not precipitate the inclusion of the beneficiary as a core argument of the predicate; see further Section 4.2.6. (39) Olo anu t fin] utula-kon-nyo bele-um? what? REL RLZD.INV:say-BEN-3sG for-2sG `What did he say to you?' (40) Turung-i aku mom-boa-kon buku ka'a. help-LP 1 s UNRZ.ACT-carry-BEN book this `Help me carry these books (for me)'

78 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

(41) Baako' anu t[in]ai-akon-um bele-ngku nobeak-o. shirt REL RLZD.INV:sew-BEN-2sG for-lsG RLZD:torn-PERF `The shirt which you sewed for me is already torn.' The stem be'i `give' is idiosyncratically shortened to be' when followed by -akon. (42) Kapara-um b jin]e-akon-ku be-nu alialium. machete-2sG RLZD.INV:give-BEN-1sG for-GEN younger.sibling-2sG `I gave your machete to your younger brother.' (43) Ne'e be'-akon be-nu mian. don't give-BEN for-GEN person `Don't give (it) to anyone.' Besides the use of -akon to signal the presence of a beneficiary as described above, this suffix also occurs as a fixed element of certain transitive verb stems such as mombatakon `throw away', mondabu'akon `drop', mombotuakon `break (rope)' and mongkamburakon `pour out (as rice from one container to another), sow, scatter (grain)'. These verbs pattern like ordinary transitive predicates with agent and patient arguments, and bele is not used. (44) Bfin]atakon-nu ara aku. RLZD. INV: throw. away-GEN 3p 1 p `They threw me out.' That -akon should have two separate uses in Bobongko is unsurprising, since a similar functional split has been documented in other Sulawesi languages (Mead 1998:249 ff.).

4. 2.5. Instrument and Location Instruments are typically treated as oblique arguments. Like beneficiaries, they appear as the possessor of the noun bele, but in this case -akon does not co-occur on the verb. The presence of an instrument precipi- tates no change in the form of the verb. (45) Kolot-o sapi' ka'a bele-nu kapara anu malanit ka'a. slaughter-PERF cow this with-GEN machete REL UNRZ:sharp this `Slaughter the cow with this sharp machete.' (46) B f in]obal-an-ku be-nu kau' bai is nopalai. RLZD.INV:hit-LP-1sG with-GEN wood but 3s RLZD:flee `I hit (it) (the rat) with a piece of wood, but it got away.' The stem bele in fact is rather wide ranging in its functions. Besides its use with instrument and beneficiary roles as noted above, I have also noted its use in encoding accompaniment as in (47), purpose as in (48), and causee as in (49). (47) Dadapii aku mai bele-ung. tomorrow 1 s hither with-2sG `Tomorrow I'll come with you.' (48) Samba'an sapi' anu kfin]olot bele-nu nom-baroa'. one cow . REL RLZD.INV:slaughter for-GEN RLZD.ACT-celebrate `One cow was slaughtered for the feast.'

David Mead

(49) Aku mom pia foto anu pfin]o pia-um l s UNRZ.ACT-see photograph REL RLZD.INV:CAUS-see-2sG bele-ngku nabongi. for-lsG yesterday Ì want to see the photograph which you showed to me yesterday.' Oblique locations that is, locations which have not been incorporated as locative patients as described above are introduced by the preposition i. The preposition is readily but not always omitted, however, when the preceding word ends in i, compare example (53) with example (91) below. (50) I dabuolot i jalan, kokuon ajaran nate. at middle at road exist horse RLZD:dead `There's a dead horse in the middle of the road.' (51) Aku vale' i gianan-u alialingu piri piri. is RLZD:sleep at house-GEN younger.sibling-1sG REDP-night Ì slept at my younger brother's house last night.' (52) Naikuka oko nontoka iruka i lipu ka'a? when.past? 2s rlzd:arrive here at village this `When did you arrive here at the village?' (53) Aku nontoka kang-ngai Ampana nabongi. is RLZD:arrive down.there-hither Ampana yesterday Ì arrived from Ampana yesterday.'

4.2.6 Other Inverse Constructions The above notwithstanding, there are also special inverse constructions with allow for a beneficiary, instrument or location to be focused. The morphology associated with these other constructions is given in Table 6. Two things are of note in this table: these forms do not have corresponding active forms, and all involve the use of the prefix poN-. In these two respects, these verb forms agree with certain applicative constructions that are found in Pendau; nevertheless, a comparison with Figure 5 in Quick (this volume) reveals there are also significant differences between the two languages. Table 6. Other Inverse Constructions Unrealized Realized Instrument focus poN- V pinoN- V Location focus poN- V -an pinoN- V —an Beneficiary focus (no data) pinoN- V —akonan Although the poN- which marks these other inverse focus constructions bears some resemblance to the poN- which marks active voice, the two prefixes are kept formally distinct in that the realized form of the former is pinoN- while the realized form of the latter in noN-. Likewise the unrealized form of the inverse focus marker is simply poN-, while that of the active voice prefix is moN-. In addition, inverse forms are often followed by a genitive pronominal suffix or a noun in genitive case, while this is never true of active forms. I begin with instrument, since I have the most complete information for the instrument focus inverse construction. Compare the ordinary transitive construction in example (54) (realized verb form kinolot)

80 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language with the instrument focus construction in (55) (realized verb form pinongkolot). (Because of the frame used to elicit these verb forms, many of the following examples have a formulaic sameness about them.)

(54) Sapi' ningkot-o kLin]olot. cow RLZD:finished-PERF RLZD.INV:slaugher `The cow has been slaughtered.'

(55) Ka'a-mo kapara anu pLin]ong-kolot-tu. this-PERF machete REL RLZD.INV:FOC-slaughter-lsG `Here is the machete I slaughtered (it) with.'

Instrument focus is also compatible with the presence of a locative patient. When poN- is present at the beginning of the verb stem, however, the locative patient suffix -an is no longer used in realized aspect; rather the locative patient suffix -i occurs in its stead. Compare the use of -an in example (56a) with the use of -i in example (56b), even though both verbs occur in realized aspect.

(56) a. B[in]obal-an-ku be-nu kau'. RLZD.INV: hit-LP-1 sG with-GEN wood `I hit (it) with (a piece of) wood.' b. Ka'a-mo taa' kau' p(in]om-bobal-i-ngku. this-PERF that wood RLZD.INV:FOC-hit-LP-lsG `Here is the wood I hit (it) with.' In unrealized aspect the first person singular agent prefix may be used as usual, compare examples (57) and (58).

(57) Ka'a-mo kapara anu ku-pong-kolot napi' ka'a. this-PERF machete REL UNRZ.INV. l sA-FOC-slaughter- cow this `Here is the machete with which I will slaughter the cow.'

(58) Ka'a-mo taa' kau' ku-pom-bobal-i bo ia dangko' this-PERF that wood UNRZ.INV-FOC-hit-LP and 3s still mintoka mule'. UNRZ:come again `Here is the wood I will hit (it) with if it still comes again.'

In other persons and numbers, however, the prefix o- (the ordinary marker of unrealized aspect) does not occur, compare example (59). In this case there is no overt marker of unrealized aspect; rather, one might say unrealized aspect is indicated simply by the absence of the infix -in-.

(59) Ka'a kau' anu pom-bobal-i-nyo ara. this wood REL FOC-hit-LP-3sG 3p `This is the wood he will hit them with.' The formal differences between patient and instrument inverse constructions are laid out in Table 7, wherein for simplicity I illustrate with only singular agent forms. The first two rows illustrate a verb with an ordinary patient; the second two rows illustrate a verb with a locative patient.

8 l David Mead

Table 7. Comparison of Patient and Instrument Inverse Constructions Unrealized Realized Inverse ku-kolot Ì slaughter' kinolot-tu Ì slaughtered' sapi' anu... o-kolot-um `you slaughter' kinolot-um `you slaughtered' `the cow which...' o-kolot-nyo `he slaughters' kinolot-nyo `he slaughtered' Inverse Instrument Focus ku-pong-kolot Ì slaughter' pinong-kolot-tu Ì slaughtered' kapara anu... pong-kolot-um `you slaughter' pingong-kolot-um `you slaugh- 'the machete w/ pong-kolot-nyo `he slaughters' tered' which...' pinong-kolot-nyo `he slaughtered' Inverse ku-segot-i Ì tie up' sinegot-an-ku Ì tied up' sapi' anu... o-segot-i-um `you tie up' sinegot-an-um `you tied up' `the cow which...' o-segot-i-nyo `he ties up' sinegot-an-nyo `he tied up' Inverse Instrument Focus ku-pon-segot-i Ì tie up' pinon-segot-i-ngku Ì tied up' randang anu... pon-segot-i-um `you tie up' pinon-segot-i-um `you tied up' `the cord with which...' _ pon-segot-i-nyo `he ties up' pinon-segot-i-nyo `he tied up' Finally, in these alternative invoice constructions, there are two choices for encoding a first person singular patient. Either the regular independent pronoun aku may be used, or else the special form iyau' may be used. The form iyau' could be considered a non-focused patient pronoun.10 Special forms do not exist for any other persons or numbers, only for the first person singular patient. (60) Ka'a kau' anu pom-bobal-i-nyo iyau' (or: aku). this wood REL FOC-hit-LP-3sG 1 sP 1 s `This is the wood he will hit me with.' Compare the unacceptability of iyau' to encode patient in an ordinary inverse construction: (61) O-bobal-i-nyo aku (*iyau') UNRZ.INV:hit-LP-3sG 1 s 1 sP `He will hit me.' Similarly, it is also possible to focus on the location, though I have fewer examples of this construction. Compare the following three examples illustrating the verb monguna' `place, stow'. In example (62c) the location is focused. (62) a. Una-'akon kacamata-ngku. stow-BEN eyeglasses-1sG `Put my glasses away.' b. N-una'-ku-mo kacamata RLZD.INV-stow-lsG-PERF eyeglasses Ì've put the eyeglasses away.' c. Lamari p Lin] ong-una'-an-ku. cabinet RLZD.INV:FOC-stow-LOC-1sG `The cabinet is where I put them.'

10For completeness it would nice to know how a first person singular patient would be realized in active voice. In main clauses, however, pronominal patients are normally compatible only with inverse voice.

82 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

Whereas the locative patient marker -an alternates with -i (see above Section 4.2.3) it would appear that in location focus constructions the prefix poN- is paired with -an regardless of aspect, compare example (63). (63) Lamari pong-una'-an-nyo. cabinet FOC-stow-LOC-3sG `The cabinet is where he will put (them).' For that matter, the verb monguna' can also be constructed with a locative patient. The cabinet of example (63) is a focused location, but the basket of example (64) is constructed as a locative patient; note the differences in verb form (64) Saidi'-je karanji taio' o-'una'-i-nu ara dugian. directly-near.future basket that.level RLZD.INV-stow-LP-GEN 3p durian `In just a bit they will load the basket with durian.' A single location focus construction occurs in the appended text, based on the transitive verb mompo- bakas `release, set free'. By way of comparison I repeat it here in example (65). (65) Lipu-lipu i inde boi mama' p f in]om pobakas-an-niu iyau' REDP-village PN mother and father RLZD.INV:FOC-release-LOC-2pG 1sP `The village of Mother and Father is where you have released me.' It would appear that in Bobongko beneficiaries can also be focused, in which case the verb takes poN-, -akon and -an, but as potential evidence I can produce only a single example, shown in (66). (66) Aliali-um anu p(in]om-be'-akon-an-ku kapara-um. younger.sibling-2sG REL RLZD.INV:FOC-give-BEN-LOC-1sG machete-2sG `It was your younger brother to whom I gave your machete.' Compare example (67) in which the beneficiary is not focused. (67) Kapara-um b[in]e'-akon-ku be-nu aliali-um. machete-2sG RLZD.INV:give-BEN-lsG for-GEN younger.sibling-2sG `Your machete I gave to your younger brother.'

4.3 Non-verbal Clauses Having discussed verbal clauses and the various focus constructions associated with Bobongko verbs, I now turn to certain clausal constructions which do not make use of a verbal predicate. Classification and identification in Bobongko are encoded through simple juxtaposition of two nominal constituents. The negator in this construction, equivalent to Malay bukan, is misa'. (68) Aku mian-nu Amerika. 1 s person-GEN Amerika `I am an American.' (69) Taio' misa' gianan-ku. that.level NEG house-1sG `That is not my house.' The existential particle in Bobongko is kokuon. The negator for existence is mba'oo. (70) Kokuon loog. exist ant `There are ants (here).'

83 David Mead

(71) Mba'oo kokuon gura'-miu? NEG exist sugar-2pG `Do you not have any sugar?' (literally, Does your sugar not exist?) The particle kokuon is also used to encode location. The standard negator mba' is used to negate location. (72) Ia kokuon iruka. 3s exist here `He is here.' (73) Mian anu ku-kamako-i mba' kokuon i gianan. person REL UNRZ.INV.1 sA-visit-PL NEG exist at home `The person I planned to visit wasn't home.' Location, however, can also be encoded simply by juxtaposing a nominal element with a prepositional phrase or deictic adverb. (74) Kaide' kukis. Mbo'o kita mong-kaan. here cookies let's 1pn UNRZ.ACT-eat `Here are some cookies. Let's eat.' Another, apparently secondary use of kokuon is in yes-no interrogatives. In example (75) kokuon could still be interpreted as having its existential function, but in example (76) it cannot. (75) Kokuon mian nong-kaan dugian iruka narutu? exist person RLZD.ACT-eat durian here near.past `Was there someone eating durian here earlier?' (76) Kokuon oko nong-kaan lampi' anu in-una'-ku iruka? exist 2s RLZD.ACT-eat banana REL RLZD.INV-store-lsG here `Did you eat the bananas I left here?'

4.4 Deictics Table 8 illustrates deictic forms which occurred in our data, arranged into a semblance of order. An empty square indicates a lack of data, and should not be taken to mean that the form does not occur. I am confident of the distal terms. There appear to be two sets of medial terms, of which the taa' series may refer to objects near the hearer. The table presents deictics in their full forms. The long vowel as of taa', takaang and related forms is often shortened to a. Likewise, in context the initial i of ikaang, ikio', ikita', etc. is often omitted. Table 8. Bobongko Deictics Deictic Adverbs Deictic Adjectives Deictic Pronouns Deictic Presentatives Proximal iruka' ka'a ka'amo kaide' ika'a Medial taa' antaa' itina' katina' Distal higher ikita' taita' antaita' taita'mo Level ikio' taio' antaio' taio'mo lower ikaang takaang antakaang takaangmo

84 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

Of the three proximal deictic adverbs given in Table 8, iruka' indicates a general location àround here somewhere', often implying that, when a particular object is under consideration, it is present but out of sight. The adverb kaide' on the other hand has the opposite import, `(right) here in sight'. How ika'a differs from either of these is presently unknown. As their name implies, deictic adjectives mostly appear as noun modifiers, where they occur last in the noun phrase. Compare the following examples. (77) ajaran taa' horse that `that horse' (78) I lipu ka'a at village this ìn this village' (79) sapi'-um taio' cow-2sG that.level `that cow of yours' (80) ampas anu k(in]omale'-an-um taio' mat REL RLZD.INV:sleep.on-LP-2sG that.level `that mat which you were sleeping on' Deictic adjectives can also be used independently, that is they can fill the same positions as do ordinary noun phrases. See example (81) immediately below, as well as example (69) above. (81) Taio' p(in]okopian-ku-mo nabongi sa-mparu. that.level RLZD.INV:repair-lsG-PERF yesterday one-night Ì fixed that (my fence) the day before yesterday. As illustrated in example (82), however, it is also possible for a deictic pronoun to be used in this context. Deictic pronouns are identical to deictic adjectives plus the prefix an- (a reduced form of the relative clause marker anu). Deictic pronouns have only an independent use, and are not used as noun modifiers. (82) Antaio' ku pokopian je dadapii. that.one.level UNRZ.INV.1 sAG-repair-near. future tomorrow Ì'll fix that tomorrow.' Deictic presentatives are used to bring an object present in the speech situation into the hearer's awareness. Next to ka'amo also occur the periphrastic constructions ka'amo taa and ka'a taa' in the same meaning. (83) Ka'a-mo kapara-um. this-PERF machete-2sG `Here is your machete.' (84) Ka'a-mo taa' kau' p(in]om-bobal-i-ngku. this-PERF that wood RLZD:FOC-hit-LP-lsG `Here is the wood that I hit it with.'

David Mead

In addition to the above mentioned forms, Bobongko has two other forms which could be considered deictic elements: the interrogative iaa and the directional mai. As a noun modifier iaa usually translates into English as `which?', but in other contexts as `where?'11 (85) Lampi' iaa anu lain]aan-um narutu? banana where? REL RLZD.INV:eat-2sG near.past `Which bananas did you just eat?' (86) Antaa' iaa o-ala-um? that.one where? UNRZ.INV-take-2sG `Which of those will you take?' (87) Iaa kapara-ngku? where? machete-lsG `Where is my machete?' Bobongko has one directional particle, mai (allomorphs nai following n and ngai following ng). Al- though the basic sense of mai could be described as `hither', in actuality its uses are broader than this; furthermore there is apparently no corresponding directional particle meaning `thither'. In our data, mai dis- tributes in one of three positions. On the one hand it appears as a post-verbal satellite, as in examples (88) and (89). (88) Dabu'akon-o mai asi. drop-PERF hither also Drop some here too. (89) Judi nontoka mai aide' p fin] enek-nyo so RLZD:come hither monkey RLZD.INV:climb-3sG So Monkey came and climbed it. It is also found following deictic adverbs where it imparts the sense of `from'. (90) Binte' ka'a kita' mai Australia. corn this up.there hither Australia 'This corn is from Australia.' (91) Ia nopalai kio' mai i kampung taio'. 3s RLZD:flee there.level hither at village that.level 'He fled from that village.' (92) Oko nontoka kio' iaa mai? 2s RLZD:come there.level where? Hither 'Where did you come from?' Finally, in a very few cases mai appears to be used as an independent verb. (93) Mai mom-boa-kon juku'. hither UNRZ.ACT-carry-BEN meat `Come bring some meat (for me).'

11 For the record, the other content interrogatives of Bobongko are free `who?', olo `what?', sangkuka `how many?', naikuka `when? (asking about the past), torikuka 'when? (asking about the future), mongkuka 'do what?', mosiaa `how?' and baikade `why?'.

86 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

5 SAMPLE TEXT: MONKEY AND TURTLE The following text12 was told by Nurlan Andy Massa, age 43, in Lembanato village in January 2001 Tran- scription, glossing and free translation are by David Mead. The audio, recording from which this text was transcribed has been archived in digital format at the Language and Culture Archives of SIL International, Dallas, Texas. (1) I ande' boi kalapuang nosangalu. PN monkey and turtle RLZD:be.friends Monkey and Turtle were friends. (2) Jadi no-sangalu ka'a, no-tugal lampi'. so RLZD:be.friends this RLZD:ACT-plant banana So they being friends, they planted bananas. (3) Bagitu mo-tugal lampi' ka'a, like.that UNRZ:ACT-plant banana this When they were planting bananas, nako nom-bungko' sama-sama, RLZD:go RLZD:ACT-dig.up together they went and dug up (a banana plant) together, anu i kalapuang pu'un-nyo, REL PN turtle trunk-3sG Turtle's was the trunk, anu i ande' tu'-nyo. REL PN monkey top-3sG Monkey's was the top. (4) Jadi bagitu t jin]uga1, so like.that RLZD.INV:plant So when it was planted. nimbua' mai, RLZD:bear.fruit hither it was fruiting out, anu i ande' inate, REL PN monkey RLZD:die Monkey's died, anu i kalapuang inimbua' k[in]opian sampe inara. REL PN turtle RLZD:bear.fruit RLZD:good until RLZD:ripe Turtle's fruited well until it was ripe.

12Six instances of repaired speech have not been noted in this transcribed version: Sentence (1). boi `and'. In the glossing this word is treated as monomorphemic, but it could possibly be parsed as bo `and' followed by the personal name marker i. Sentence (3). anu i `that of'. Here and in the following sentence the full form is transcribed. In the original, spoken version our story- teller contracted these two words to /ane/. Sentence (6). nara `forced, finally, in the end' is possibly nothing other than a special use of the verb mara `ripe'. In penek-kakon-nai, the doubling of the final k of penek is unexplained. Sentence (10). koi `say', possibly contains the personal name marker i. See comment above (sentence 1) regarding boi. Sentence (25). o-po'ipit `squeezed', more specifically, `squeezed or stuffed into a crack'.

87 David Mead

(5) Jadi bagitu mong-ala-mo bua'-nyo, so like.that UNRZ:AF-fetch-PERF fruit-3sG so when she was about to get the fruit,

i kalapuang o-penek tingka-tingkayang mba' poko'ala, PN turtle UNRZ.INV-climb REDP-on.back NEG able Turtle was climbing on her back, she was not able,

o- penek ingki -'ingkili' mba' poko 'ala, UNRZ.INV-climb REDP-on.side NEG able she was climbing on her side she was not able,

o penek kampa-kampa' mba' poko'ala. UNRZ.INV-climb REDP-on.stomach NEG able she was climbing on her stomach she was not able.

(6) Nara is nako non-tiang i ande'. forced 3s RLZD:go RLZD:ACT-invite PN monkey She was forced to go call Monkey.

(7) Kon-nyo, "Ande', penek-kakon-nai pe'e lampi'-ku. " say-3sG monkey climb-BEN-hither INCOMP banana-lsG She said, "Monkey, please climb up for my bananas."

(8) Jadi nontoka mai ande' p Lin] enek-nyo. so RLZD:come hither monkey RLZD.INV:climb-3sG So Monkey came and climbed it.

(9) Bagitu p [in] enek-nyo, like.that RLZD.INV:climb-3sG When he had climbed it

17 kon-nyo, "Ne pe'e, da-ku-tontan-i. say-3sG don't-INCOMP still-UNRZ.INV.1 sA-taste-LP he said, "Patience, I'm still tasting it first."

(10) Koi kalapuang, "Dabu'akon-o mai asi. " say turtle drop-PERF hither also Said Turtle, "Drop some hither too."

(11) Kon-nyo, "Ne pe'e, da-o-tontan-i. " say-3sG don't-INCOMP still-UNRZ.INV-taste-LP he said, "Patience, it's still being tasted."

(12) Sampe iningkot bua'-u lampi' kLin]aan-nyo terns. until RLZD.finished fruit-GEN banana RLZD.INV:eat-3sG continually Until the bananas were finished off he ate them continuously.

(13) Bagitu, ningkot -o k fin] aan-nyo, like.that RLZD:finished-PERF RLZD.INV:eat-3sG When he had finished eating them,

88 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

kon-nyo, "Buka payung-ung. " say-3sG open headcloth-3sG he said, "Open your headcloth." (14) Bagitu b fin]uka i kalapuang, like.that RLZD.INV:open PN turtle When Turtle had opened her headcloth d fin]abu'akon-nyo mai ungka' nya'u-nyo. RLZD.GF:drop-3sG hither only feces-3sG he dropped only his feces. (15) Terpaksa, i kalapuang ka'a, no-lio Jaya as.a.result PN turtle this RLZD:ACT-seek method As a result, Turtle sought some way o-pate-i-nyo i ande'. UNRZ.INV-kill-LP-3sG PN monkey to kill Monkey.

(16) PKin]ate-an-nyo, n-alap-akon-nyo polau, RLZD.INV:die-LP-3sG RLZD.INV-fetch-BEN-3sG stake She killed him, she fetched stakes for him bo to' e tLin]a'an-an-nyo polau i ande'. and afterward RLZD.INV:set-LP-3sG stake PN monkey and then she set them for Monkey.

(17) Ningkot t[in]a'an-an-nyo polau, RLZD:finished RLZD.INV:set-LP-3sG stake Having finished setting the stakes, i-laya'-an-nyo mule' i ande' no-menek RLZD.INV-call-LP-3sG again PN monkey RLZD:ACT-climb She called Monkey again (and) he climbed. (18) Bagitu no-menek, nanabu' i ande'. like.that RLZD:ACT-climb RLZD:fall PN monkey When he climbed, Monkey fell. (19) Na-nabu' i ande', RLZD:fall PN monkey (When) Monkey fell, tLin]unu-nyo, b fin] au-nyo bubudon. RLZD.INV:burn-3sG RLZD.INV:make-3sG lime she burned him, she made lime. (20) BLin]oa-kon-nyo bele-nu sangalu-nyo, anu to-pomangan. RLZD.INV:bring-BEN-3sG for-GEN companion-3sG REL person-chew.betel She brought it for his companions, who were betel chewers.

89 David Mead

(21) PKin]omangan-nyo, ningkot-o nomangan ara, RLZD.INV:chew.betel-3sG RLZD:finished-PERF RLZD:chew.betel 3p (When) he had chewed it, (when) they had finished chewing,

grin]eleng-an-nyo i kalapuang. RLZD.INV:laugh-LP-3sG PN turtle turtle laughed at them. (22) Koi kalapuang, say turtle Said turtle,

"Buku-buku-mo-nu sangalu-miu, k(in]aan-niu. " REDP-bone-PERF-GEN companion-2pG RLZD.INV:eat-2pG "You ate your companion's bones."

(23) Jadi terpaksa karena sanga-sangalu-nu ande' narutu, so as.a.result because REDP-companion-GEN monkey just.then So as a result, because the monkey's companions

k [in] osolom-an-nyo "Mungkin ungka' RLZD.INV:remember-LP-3sG perhaps only were struck by the thought, "Perhaps it was only

buku-nu sangalu-ngku ka'a k [in] aan-nami," bone-GEN companion-lsG this RLZD.INV:eat-lpxG my companion's bones that we ate,"

n-umpar -an-nu ara i kalapuang. RLZD.INV-chase-LP-GEN 3p PN turtle they chased the turtle.

(24) N-umpar -an-nu ara i kalapuang, RLZD.INV-chase-LP-GEN 3p PN turtle They chased the turtle,

s fin] ampa-nu ara, o pate-i -nu ara. RLZD.INV:get-GEN 3p UNRZ.INV-kill-LP-GEN 3p they caught her, they were going to kill her.

(25) Sadangkan i kalapuang ka'a mogele - gele' ampung, although PN turtle this UNRZ:ACT-REDP-request forgiveness Although Turtle asked forgiveness,

"Ah, mba', " kon-nu ara, oh NEG say-GEN 3p "Oh no," they said,

"Pomura-nyo o-boa o po'ipit. " better-3sG UNRZ:INV-bring UNRZ.INV-squeeze "It's better she be brought and squeezed."

(26) "Eh," kon-nyo, "bo o po'ipit -tiu, eh say-3sG and UNRZ.INV-squeeze-2pG "Eh," she said, "if you squeeze me,

90 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

aku noko-damping butong-ku ka'a, 1 s RLZD:APT-flat body-1 sG this me, this body of mine can become flat karena p Lin] o'ipit i inde boi mama'." because RLZD.INV:squeeze PN mother and father from being squeezed by Mother and Father."

(27) "Ah, o-boa mimenek kita' mai tu'-u kau' oh UNRZ.INV-bring UNRZ:climb up. there hither top-GEN tree "Well, we will bring her up to the top of a tree

bo o-dabu'akon." and UNRZ.INV-drop and drop her."

(28) "Eh, bo o-boa-miu mimenek aku, eh and UNRZ:INV-bring-2pG UNRZ:climb is "Eh, if you carry me up

noko-limbung butong-ku ka'a RLZD:APT-round body-1sG this this body of mine can become round bai b fin] oa i inde boi mama' nimenek." because RLZD.INV:bring PN mother and father RLZD:climb from being carried up by Mother and Father."

(29) Jadi mosiaa, o -bau-akon ia? so how? UNRZ.INV-do-BEN 3s So, what was to be done with her?

(30) Kon-nu ara, "Pomura-nyo, batakon-o ikio i ue." say-GEN 3p better-3sG throw.away-PERF there at water They said, "Rather, throw her into the water."

(31) "Sadangkan o-batakon ikio i ue, " kon-nyo, although UNRZ:INV-throw over.there at water say-3sG "Although you throw me into the water," she said,

"aku noko-kudamol kilit-tu." 1 s RLZD:APT-thick skin-1 sG "me, my skin can become thick."

(32) B[in]atakon-nu ara ikio i , ue, RLZD. INV: throw. away-GEN 3p over.there at water They threw her into the water

"Mba', kano batakon-o." NEG must throw.away-PERF (saying) "No, we must throw her away."

91 David Mead

(33) Bagitu b f in]atakon, komingkot-tu ingguli'on-nyo like.that RLZD.INV:throw.away end-GEN story-3sG When they had thrown her away, the end of her saying was,

"Lipu-lipu i inde boi mama' pLin]om pobakas-an-niu iyau'." REDP-village PN mother and father RLZD.INV:FOC-release-LOC-2pG 1sP "The village of Mother and Father is where you have released me."

(34) Ningkot-o. RLZD:finished-PERF That's all.

92 Apreliminary Sketch of the Bobongko Language

APPENDIX: List of Abbreviations Pronouns: 1 s first person singular 1 pn first person plural inclusive 1 px first person plural exclusive 2s second person singular 2p second person plural 3s third person singular 3p third person plural G genitive (suffix) A non-focused agent (prefix) P non-focused patient (independent pronoun) Other:

ACT active voice APT aptatitve BEN beneficiary CAUS causative prefix FOC focus prefix (instrument, location and beneficiary focus only) GEN genitive linker INCOMP incompletive marker INV inverse voice LOC location focus suffix LP locative patient suffix NEG negator PERF perfective PN personal name marker REL relative clause marker REDP reduplication RLZD realized aspect UNRZ unrealized aspect

REFERENCES

Adriani, N. 1900. "De Talen der Togian-Eilanden". Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 42:428-490, 539-566. Adriani, N. (with Alb. C. Kruyt) 1914. De Bare'e-sprekende Toradja's van Midden Celebes, vol. 3: Taal- en Letterkundige Schets der Bare'e-taal en Overzicht van het Taalgebied Celebes—Zuid-Halmahera. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij. Barr, Donald F. and Sharon G. Barr (with C. Salombe). 1979. Languages of Central Sulawesi: Checklist, Pre- liminary Classification, Language Maps, Wordlists. Ujung Pandang: Hasanuddin University and the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Brandes, J. L. A. 1894. "Toelichting tot de Schetstaalkaart van Celebes Samengesteld door den Heer K. F. Holle". Notulen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 32:xv-xxxiv.

93 David Mead

Busenitz, Robert L. 1991. "Lexicostatistic and Sociolinguistic Survey of Balantak and Andio". In Timothy Friberg, ed., More Sulawesi Sociolinguistic Surveys, 1987-1991. Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures, Vol 11, ppl-17. Ujung Pandang: Ujung Pandang: Hasanuddin University and the Sum- mer Institute of Linguistics. . 1994. "Marking Focus in Balantak". In René van den Berg, ed., Studies in Sulawesi Linguistics, Part 3. NUSA 36:1-15. Esser, S. J. 1938. "Talen". Atlas van Tropisch Nederland, sheet 9b. Batavia: Topografische Dienst/Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap. Holle, K. F. 1894. Schets-taalkaart van Celebes 1:2000000, naar Gegevens van Amtenaren van Binnenlandsch Bestuur, met Medewerking van Dr. J. L. A. Brandes, Mr. Dr. J. C. G. Jonker and van het Topografisch Bu- reau te Batavia. Lauder, Multamia R. M. T., Ayatrohaedi, Frans Asisi Datang, Hans Lapoliwa, Buha Aritonang, Ferry Feiri- zal, Sugiyono, Non Martis, Wati Kurniawati, and Hidayatul Astar . 2000. Penelitian Kekerabatan dan Pemetaan Bahasa-bahasa Daerah di Indonesia: Propinsi Sulawesi Ten- gah. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa. Mead, David. 1998. Proto-Bungku-Tolaki: Reconstruction of its Phonology and Aspects of its Morphosyn- tax. Ph. D. dissertation. Rice University, Austin, Texas. In progress a. "A Brief Bobongko Lexicon". To appear in SIL Electronic Data Series. In progress b. "Historical sound change in the Saluan languages of eastern Sulawesi". Paper to be presented at the Ninth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Canberra, 8-11 Janu- ary, 2002. Merrifield, Scott and Martinus Salea. 1996. North Sulawesi Language Survey. (Summer Institute of Linguis- tics Publications in Sociolinguistics, Vol. 1.) Dallas: SIL. Noorduyn, J. 1991. A Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Sulawesi. Bibliographic Series, 18. Lei- den: KITLV Press. Riedel, J. G. F. 1868. Bijdrage tot de Kennis der Talen en Dialekten, Voorkomende op de Eilanden Luzon of Lesong, Panai of Ilong-Ilong, Balangingi, Solog, Sangi, alsmede op Noord- en Midden-Celebes. Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 33/2.) Batavia: Lange. Salzner, Richard. 1960. Sprachenatlas des Indopazifischen Raumes. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Sneddon, J. N. (compiler) . 1983. "Northern Celebes (Sulawesi)". In Stephen A. Wurm and Shiro Hattori, eds., Language Atlas of the Pacific Area, Part 2: Japan Area, Taiwan (Formosa), Philippines, Mainland and Insular South-east Asia. Pacific Linguistics C-67: Map 43. Canberra: The Australian National Uni- versity. Sneddon, J. N. 1993. "The Drift Towards Final Open Syllables in Sulawesi Languages". Oceanic Linguistics 32:1-44. Wumbu, Indra Bangsawan, Amir Kadir, Nooral Baso and Sy. Maranua. 1986. Inventarisasi Bahasa Daerah di Propinsi Sulawesi Tengah. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa. Zobel, Erik. Forthcoming. "Buol". In Nikolaus Himmelmann and Sander Adelaar, eds., The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. Curzon Press.

94 NUSA Vol. 49 (2001)

APPLICATIVES AND DOUBLE OBJECTS IN PENDAU

Philip A. Quick SIL International, Dallas, Texas And Australian National University, Canberra

Applicatives typically increase the valency of a clause by licensing or `applying' a new non- actor argument to the clause. In a ditransitive clause this new argument becomes the `second object', thus resulting in a double object construction. This paper describes four applicative constructions signaled either with -i or -a' and with or without a prefix stem former pV(C)- : directional goal (-i), benefactive (-a'), directional locative (pV(C)-/-i), and instrument (pV(C)-/-a'). The first two applicatives are found on two contrasting transitive constructions: active voice and inverse voice. The latter two applicatives, those which require the stem former prefix, only occur in the inverse voice construction. This is a second kind of applicativization which could be called `second object applicativization', or promotion to primary object position which in the inverse construction is the grammatical subject. Other topics examined are idiosyncratic applicatives, semantically increased transitivity, various word orders that are possible with double object constructions, and combinations of causative and applicative affixes.

1 INTRODUCTION Causatives and applicatives both typically increase the transitivity of a verb by adding one argument to its valency creating transitive verbs from an intransitive verb root, and ditransitive verbs from a monotransitive verb root (Katamba 1993:270-272, Payne 1997:186-191). The difference between causatives and applicatives is the fact that the causative introduces a new Actor argument and the applicative licenses or `applies' a new non-Actor argument. Pendaul has two applicative suffixes which can be added to intransitives and transitives, increasing their valency. Figure 1 summarizes the applicatives and their functions. These are the transitivizer -a' (TZ) and the directional-i (DIR). Semantic Roles of Applied Suffix Argument Goal Directional (DIR) -i Locative Benefactive Transitivizer (TZ) -a' ( Instrument Figure 1. Applicatives and Their Basic Functions

1 Pendau is a small Western Austronesian language in the Tomini-Tolitoli group of about 3000-5000 speakers who live in Central Sulawesi. Thanks go especially to the panel members of my dissertation for discussion and comments and feedback of earlier por- tions of this paper: Avery Andrews, John Bowden, Nikolaus Himmelmann, Andrew Pawley, and Darrell Tryon. One early version of this paper was presented in the RSPAS seminar series, and I want to thank feedback from those participants and others including Mark Donohue, Andrew Ingram, Thomas Payne, and Marten Steer. Thanks also to David Mead for editorial help.

95 Philip A. Quick

Important background on the Pendau grammar is presented in Section 2. After this necessary preliminary discussion I deal with the purely syntactic valencyaffecting uses first (Section 3-4), then other uses (Section 5). Like other transitives and ditransitives in Pendau, most applicative forms occur in both active and inverse constructions (Section 3). However, a few applicative forms only occur in the inverse construction (Section 4). Word order variations are discussed in Section 6, and Section 7 concludes the paper with a short discussion of causative and applicative combinations.

2. GRAMMATICAL BACKGROUND 2.1 Active Voice and Inverse Voice Transitive verbs can be inflected in either active voice or inverse voice without a change in transitivity.2 Examples (1) and (2) contrast the nong- and the ni- transitive verb forms. The verbs in these sentences can be interpreted as primary transitive verbs (Andrews 1985), and they represent active voiceand inverse voice clause constructions respectively. Transitive clauses which have an agent (A) and a patient (P) argument such as these can be considered to be prototypical transitive constructions (i.e. primary transitive verbs).3 In the free translation the capitalized NP indicates the pivot or subject in Pendau. The two differences in (1)-(2) are the difference in the verbal prefix and the different case marker on the post-verbal arguments (see Quick 1997, in prep. for the full discussion of these as active voice and inverse voice respectively). Compare examples (1)-(2) with Figure 2 which clearly shows inverse voice results from the realignment of the macro roles. (capital letters in the English translation indicate the grammatical subject or pivot in Pendau).4 Active Voice Subject V Object actor role Undergoer role Inverse Voice Subject V Object undergoer role Actor role Figure 2. Macro Role Realignment (1) Siama'u nonuju siina'u. si = ama ='u n-pong-tuju si = ina ='u PN/AB = father =1 SG/GE RE-SF/PT-send PN/AB = mother =1 SG/GE Pivot = A non-pivot = P `MY FATHER sent my mother.'

2Note that there is not a corollary `benefactive focus' in Pendau, since benefactives can appear in either active voice or inverse voice, and the recipient becomes the pivot in inverse voice just as would any other monotransitive P argument. 'However, note that some verbs have a stem former which already fills the prefix prerequisite, cf. e.g. `gabu, pogabu' `cook', and therefore it is only the benefactive suffix that is added which turns the verb construction into instrument focus in combination with the appropriate word order. Contrast this with the factive nipogutua' `make, create (IV/RE), in (18), which has the same affix combination but is a benefactive construction . Technically the verb form in example (18) is ambiguous between a benefactive formed verb and an instrument formed verb clause. However, even though the pivot argument is omitted, context and elicitation showed that this example is in fact a benefactive clause. • 'The identification of subject is based on a methodological procedure which requires identifying the pivot first in two clauses of the same sentence (for the mechanics of this procedure see Quick in prep.). The pivot is introduced in Section 2.2. The use of the term `pivot' in this paper reflects this preliminary procedure when it is used before identifying the grammatical subject in Pendau. For purposes of understanding this paper the terms `pivot' and `grammatical subject' may be understood to mean the same thing. This however does not mean they are the same thing, since the pivot could be understood to reflect the etic reality and the grammatical subject to reflect the emic reality.

96 Aplicative and Double Objects in Pendu

(2) Siama'u nituju niina'u. si = ama = 'u ni-tuju ni = ina = 'u PN/AB = father =1 SG/GE IV/RE-send PN/GE = mother =1 SG/GE Pivot =P Non-pivot = A `My mother sent MY FATHER.' The transitive clauses are contrasted with intransitive clauses in examples (3) and (4). (3) SiYusup neriing. si= Yusup n-pe-riing PN/AB = Joseph RE-SF/DY-bathe Pivot= SA `Joseph bathed.' (4) SiYusup nanabu. si = Yusup no-nabu PN/AB = Joseph ST/RE-fall Pivot= S . `Joseph fell (down).'

2.2 Pivot, Core Arguments, and Case This section introduces the basic concepts of `pivot, `core arguments' and `case' in Pendau. All clauses in Pendau single out one nominal phrase as the pivot, see Figure 3.5 Intransitive clauses have a single argument which is identified symbolically as S (single argument), and is always the pivot. In transitive clauses there are always at least two core arguments. At least two core arguments in a transitive clause can always be correlated with a prototypical agent (A) and a prototypical patient (P). Only one core argument can be selected or marked by the syntax as the pivot, although it can be either the A or the P argument (or a third core argument such as Recipient, Instrument, or Locative). Basic Clause Core Non-Core Pivot Non-pivot Transitive NP V NP Intransitive NP V Oblique NP Figure 3. Typical Verbal Clause Structures in Pendau6 The pivotin Pendau can be linked to the focused argument in Philippine-type languages (Dixon and Aikhenvald 1997, Foley and Van Valin 1985:305, Himmelmann in prep.a and in prep.b, Ross 1995)7 , although the pivot concept has been applied more broadly than focus and allows a language description to be applied to a wide variety of structural relations.

5 Foley and Van Valin (1985:305) define pivot as, "A pivot is any NP type to which a particular grammatical process is sensitive, either as controller or as target." In Pendau the same arguments for identifying the grammatical subject relation are used to identify the pivot in clauses such as relative clauses (see Quick in prep.). I assume in this section for sake of simplicity that once the pivot has been identified in clauses such as relative clauses, I can therefore use the notion pivot for all other verbal clauses which pattern in the same way as for example the relative clause (except that the relative marker is not there, etc.). Additional word order evidence for citing these as the pivots is presented in Quick in prep. This only demonstrates SVO and SV word orders. VOS and VS word orders also occurs, see Quick forthcoming, in prep. for more details. 'Also see Barr 1988a, 1988b, 1995 for a description of Da'a (Kailisub-group) as a two-focus language of Central Sulawesi.

Philip A. Quick

The occurrence of two or more transitive clause types in Pendau presents the same kind of problem that has been encountered in Philippine-type languages8 (and Western Austronesian languages in general). The Philippine type systems have provided an ongoing debate concerning competing analyses (e.g. actor focus, goal focus, instrument focus, locative focus, versus active as opposed to various passive types versus ergativity, etc.).9 The pivot is assumed to be equivalent to the subject in this paper, although the terms each reflect a different stage of procedural analysis (see Quick in prep.). What is clear in Pendau is that the pivot is indicated by the word order and that the verbal prefix designates which argument (or macro role) is linked to the pivot (see Quick in prep.). Different linguistic theories agree that there are two important contrasting zones (or layers) in a clause (Figure 3).10 One is the core zone where core argumentsof the clausal predicate appear and are necessary.11 The second zone is the non-core zone which is usually an optional feature of clause constructions. Non-core arguments that occur in this zone are often referred to as oblique nominal phrases, and are usually optional or supplementary to the clausal predicate (although even in Pendau there are some exceptions).12 Turning now to noun phrases, Pendau has two pronoun sets and a noun phrase marking system as seen in Figure 4. Noun phrases are either common nouns or proper nouns. There are two sets of pronouns and noun phrase markers, which I will refer to as absolute and genitive. The distribution of the absolute and genitive NPs in Pendau is different from the expected traditional usage. Genitive NPs are used in two distinct syntactic positions (Figure 4): 1) genitive noun phrases, and 2) the A argument of inverse voice.13 Absolute NPs (note that this is not absolutive) are used in all other core argument positions (i.e. "elsewhere"), including second objects of ditransitive clauses (except instrumental NPs), the objects of prepositional phrases, and in both argument positions of equative clauses and copula clauses.

Absolute Genitive14 Instrument SG. 1 a'u ='u ('u-, no'u-) 2 00 =mu (mu-) 3 io =mu (mu-) PL. 1 INC ito =to OM Os 1 EX ami mami 2 emu miu 3 jimo nijimo Proper Nouns si= n1= Common Nouns 0 / (u=)nu= nu= nu= Figure 4. The Core Case System in Pendau: Pronouns and Noun Phrase Markers

8Dixon (1994:179) states in a footnote that "Tagalog and other languages of the Philippines subgroup of Austronesian are not easily characterizable in terms of the accusative/parameter." In fact later Dixon and Aikhenvald (1997) call Philippine-type languages argument focusing, and clearly cites them as languages with two basic transitive clauses (which cannot therefore be analyzable as accusative or ergative types). 9For reviews see Kroeger (1993), Matsuda (1988) and Shibatani, ed. (1988). 10For example see Tagmemics (Pike and Pike 1982), Lexical Functional Grammar (Manning 1996:4), Role and Reference Grammar (Van Valin and LaPolla 1997, Foley and Van Valin 1984), and the core versus non-core layers are presented as a general principle in Andrews (1985:80ff.). 11Core arguments may be `covert' or omitted when they are recoverable from the context. 12Directional verbs sometimes subcategorize a prepositional phrase as if it were a core argument. In these exceptions then there is functionally no difference between core and non-core arguments. However the difference between core and non-core is based on prototypical patterns not the exceptions. 13See the discussion on grammatical object in Quick in prep. for the linguistic rationale for marking the genitive and A of inverse with the same set. "The genitive pronoun set also includes the fronted pronouns 'u- and mu- for 1st and 2nd person respectively, effectively becoming verbal prefixes. The genitive pronoun set is a mixed set, some are enclitics, and some are free words (distinguishable by phonological criteria).

98 Aplicative and Double Objects in Pendu

The manner of grouping S, A, and P is often used to determine the grammatical subject in many languages. The S/A grouping is generally known as nominative-accusative, and the S/P grouping is generally known as absolutive-ergative type languages (Dixon 1994 and Payne 1997). However, this presents a dilemma in analyzing Pendau since there are two basic transitive clauses in Pendau and both S/A and S/P groupings occur. Although nominative has often been used for the cognate case forms in other Western Austronesian languages (e.g. Tagalog in Kroeger 1993, Tombonuo in Clayre 1996 and Chamorro in Cooreman 1983:432) it would be misleading to use the same terminology for the situation in Pendau. This is because a) one NP marking set, here called `absolute', carries very little information about case (since word order handles this in Pendau without ambiguity), and b) the distinction within each set could be looked at as working functionally more as an article opposition, i.e. it is between common nouns and proper nouns. Therefore the term absolute has been adopted (following a suggestion from Avery Andrews, personal communication) for identifying the noun phrase marking case (or article) that appears in every other possible position except for the genitive case and its corresponding use to mark agent of the inverse voice. In fact there is a precedent for the use of absolute in Turkish.15 The simplest form of a noun, with no suffixes, is termed the absolute case; it is used not only for the nominative and vocative but also for the indefinite accusative. (Lewis 1967:28) Finally, also shown in Figure 4 is the instrument case marker nu. Instruments are marked by nu when they are not the pivot of the clause. Although nu appears on one hand to be preposition-like, it behaves more like a core argument (second object marker) than an oblique argument marker. Andrews (1985:128-130) discusses the ambiguous status of instrument and second objects in general. The grounds for interpreting the instrumental marker nu as a core argument are threefold (see Quick in prep. for further details): 1) causativization requires a third argument to be a core argument, and there are cases in which this third argument is the instrument marked by nu, 2) the semantics of some verbs such as sambale `slaughter, butcher' imply that there is a third argument although it does not seem to be required, and 3) the use of nu as a core argument marker for inverse agents shows by analogy that it is reasonable to assume it can also be used to mark the core argument of another role.

2.3 Introduction to Ditransitives in the Inverse Voice Ditransitives may also occur in the inverse voice construction, as shown in (5)-(8). The first thing one should notice is that the non-A arguments take the same case marking as they would take in active voice, whether absolute (e.g. (5)- (7)) or instrumental as in (8). Example (5), shows a `give' clause (bagi `give' always requires one of the two applicative suffixes, as in (5) and (10)),16 (6) shows the applicative -a' as a benefactive construction (compare to(5)), (7) shows a causative construction, and finally (8) shows an instrument clause with the NP marked with nu. (5) A'u sura nibagii nuodo ulinyo. a`u sura ni-bagi-i nu= odo uli = nyo 1SG/AB only IV/RE-give-DIR CN/GE=monkey skin = 3sg/ge P =Pivot A 2nd Object Recipient Agent Theme `The monkey only gave ME its skin (banana peeling)' [EN97-003.13]

'5Garvin (1958) describes the two pronoun sets in Kutenai as Absolute and Obviative; in later literature on Kutenai (e.g. Dryer 1994) the terms Proximate and Obviative are used respectively. 16Although there are a few exceptions, these appear to be cases where the directional suffix —i has been absorbed into the homorganic final vowel —i of the stem bagi `give.'

99 Philip A. Quick

(6) Io niolia'o'u yea. io ni-oli-a'= 'u yea 3SG/AB IV/RE-buy-TZ =1 SG/GE rice P = Pivot A 2"d Object Object Agent Theme `I bought HIM/HER rice.' [EN97-003.58]

(7) Tagu= 'u ni-pa-inang ni =rapi = 'u loka uo. tagu='u ni-pa-inang ni=rapi= 'u loka 'uo friend =1 sg/ge IV/RE-CAUS-eat PN/GE = spouse =1 SG/GE banana yonder P =Pivot A 2nd Object Causee Causer Causand `My spouse fed MY FRIEND that banana.' [EN97-003.30]

(8) Japing uo nisambale niYusup nupiso

japing 'uo ni-sambale ni = Yusup nu=piso yonder IV/RE-butcher PN/GE =Joseph INSTR = machete cow P=Pivot A 2nd Object Recipient Agent Instrument `Joseph butchered THAT COW with the machete.' [EN97-002.35] Secondly, note that when the constructions in (5)-(8) are compared to the examples in Section 3.1.1 the second object remains the final core argument in both active and inverse voice constructions, but in contrast to those examples which are in the active voice the 1st object has become the pivot. Since this first object can be considered to be the P argument (or undergoer, it is no different than monotransitive inverse voice constructions in which the P argument is the pivot. So all of these types of ditransitives (including the -a' applicativefunction in the same way in either the active voice or the inverse voice constructions. 17

3 APPLICATIVES THAT OCCUR IN BOTH ACTIVE AND INVERSE CONSTRUCTIONS This section discusses applicatives which may occur in both active and inverse clause constructions. Section 3.1 presents the benefactive applicative and Section 3.2 the directional goal applicative.

3.1 The Benefactive Applicative -a' Benefactive clauses by definition require three arguments, so the applicative —a' does not form transitive benefactive clauses from intransitive clauses (although the —a' can function as a causative to form transitives from some intransitive verbs, see Quick forthcoming).

3.1.1 Benefactive Applicative in the Active Voice Ditransitive clauses have three core arguments. The normal word order for ditransitive clauses is for the third argument to follow the linear sequence of the A and P arguments (last position of all core arguments), as in (9)-(11). The third argument is usually a theme, causand, or instrument. Exceptions to this word order will be discussed later, but elicitation shows that the third argument can be in several

17The fact that -a' is a causative on inherent intransitives and an applicative on inherent monotransitives demonstrates that active voice and inverse verbal constructions are both transitive because both increase valency in the same way. Active voice with the -a' creates a benefactive construction which is ditransitive. If the inverse voiceconstruction was inherently intransitive then the affixation of the -a' should produce a causative construction that is monotransitive, but in fact it parallels the active voice construction and produces a benefactive ditransitive construction.

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other positions (not all are normally found in texts though) as long as the relative ordering of the A and P is not violated (Section 6). (See Quick 1999b, in prep., and forthcoming.) Examples (9)-(11) illustrate the transitivizer -a' as a benefactive applicative, and shows that the primary object and secondary object of all ditransitives (except for non-subject instrument noun phrases) are marked by the absolute case (zero marking for common nouns).18 (9) A'u mongolia' io yea. a'u m-pong-oli-a' io yea 1SG/AB IR-SF/PT-buy-TZ 3SG/AB rice A=Pivot P 2nd Object Agent Recipient Theme `I will buy him/her rice.' [EN97-003.58] (10) A'u mombagia' 00 bulaan a'u m-pong-bagi-a' 'oo bulaan 1 SG/AB IR-SF/PT-give-TZ 2SG/AB Gold `I will give you gold.' [mdtext20.txt 245] (11) Jimo meloloa' ami bau nudagat. jimo m-pe-lolo-a' 'ami bau nu = dagat 3PL/AB IR-SF/DY-look-TZ 1PL.EXC/AB Ish CN/GE = ocean `THEY are looking for ocean fish for us (exc.).'

3.1.2 Benefactive Applicative In The Inverse Construction Example (12)-(14) demonstrate the three arguments in benefactive applicatives in the inverse construction. These examples annotate the arguments for recipient, agent and theme. (12) Io niolia'o'u yea. io ni-oli-a'='u yea 3SG/AB IV/RE-buy-TZ =1 SG/GE rice P =Pivot A 2" Object Recipient Agent Theme `I bought HIM/HER rice.' [EN97-003.58] (13) Maala a'u roolia' miu kaeng salana? ma-ala a'u ro-oli-a' miu kaeng salana UD/IR-may 1SG/AB IV/IR-buy-TZ 1 PL.EXC/GE cloth pants P =Pivot A 2"d Object Recipient Agent Theme `May I buy you (hon. pl. for sg.) cloth pants?' [king.pin 135] (14) Tarus siKatira nipogutua' nijimo bongkarang. tarus si =K ni po1 -gutu-a' nijimo bongkarang continue PN/AB =K. IV/RE-SF/FA-make-TZ 3PL/GE garden. hut P =Pivot A 2"d Object Recipient Agent Theme `Then they made a garden hut for Katira.' [katira.int 010]

d 18See Andrews 1985 and Dryer 1986 for a discussion of 1' and 2n objects (or as primary and secondary objects in the latter article).

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Examples (15)-(16) illustrate that the recipient may be covert. (15) Nibagia' nigiban pepitu karung moje. ni-bagi-a' ni =gibang pepitu karun moje IV/RE-give-TZ PN/GE=water.monitor seven sack more `The water monitor gave (him) seven more sacks.' (16) Paey nialapa' nuponungaonyo ogo. paey ni-alap-a' nu = ponungao =nyo ogo and. then IV/RE-get-TZ CN/GE = nephew/niece = 3SG/GE water `And then the nephew got water (for the horse).' [horse.pin 950] Example (17) illustrates that the agent may be covert. (17) Jimo uo nisambalea'omo manu' sensiama. jImo 'uo ni-sambale-a'=mo manu' sensiama 3PL/AB yonder IV/RE-butcher-TZ = COMP chicken Male `(They) butchered a rooster for them.' or: `(They) butchered them a rooster.' Example (18) illustrates the use of the factive verb gutu `make, create' which requires the stem formerpo,- in the inverse voiceconstruction (see Quick 1999b, in prep. on verb classes and their stem formers). In (18) we see the use of the benefactive -a' on a factive verb in inverse voice. The argument piso `machete' can be omitted since it is clear in the context that the topic is the machete. (18) Nipogutua'onyo luntong. ni-pol-gutu-a'=nyo luntong IV/RE-SF/FA-make-TZ=3SG/GE wood.handle `He created a wood handle (for the machete).' [asu2.pin 130],

3.1.3 enefactives and Causatives with Oblique sono `with' as a Core Argument This section shows some data in which an apparent core argument is marked by the oblique comitative sono `with, to, together'. This is contrary to what is expected in clauses with applicatives and causatives. Examples (19)-(20) show that the comitative sono `with, to, together' can occur in one of two word order positions that the secondary object would normally occur in. Also notice that the semantic role of the sono phrase here is the recipient. The recipient is normally understood to be the first object in benefactive constructions which do not use sono. (19) Ula uo nombagia' doi' sono langkai uo. ula 'uo n-pong-bagi-a' doi' sono langkai 'uo snake yonder RE-SF/PT-give-TZ money COM male yonder `That snake gave the money to that man.' [mdtext2l.txt 022] (20) Nibagia'onyo sono juragang loka uo. ni-bagi-a'=onyo sono juragang loka 'uo IV/RE-give-TZ = 3SG/GE COM captain banana yonder `He gave the captain the bananas.' `He gave the captain the bananas.' or: `He gave the bananas to the captain' [mdtextl5.txt 018]

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Examples (21)-(22) also show the causee in the expected second object position (normally the causand position) marked with the oblique comitative sono `with, together, to'. Example (23) shows that the same verb construction as in (22) does not require the comitative sono. (21) Taros nipoitoa' nuodo uo taros ni po1 -ito-a' nu =odo 'uo continue IV/RE-CAUS-look-TZ CN/GE = monkey yonder urang Uo sono bakaka. urang Uo sono bakaka shrimp yonder COM kingfisher `And continuing on the monkey showed the shrimp to the kingfisher.' [EN97-004.38] (22) Odo uo mompoitoa' urang sono bakaka (uo). odo uo m pong poi-ito-a' urang sono bakaka 'uo monkey yonder IR-SF/PT-CAUS-look-TZ shrimp with kingfisher yonder `That monkey will show the shrimp to the kingfisher.' [EN97-004.38] (23) Taros nipoitoa' niYusup tarus ni poi-ito-a' ni= Yusup continue IV/RE-CAUS-look-TZ PN/GE = Joseph siama ni=Lori gambar uo. siama ni=Lori gambar 'uo father PN/GE = Lori picture yonder `Continuing on Joseph showed Lori's father that picture.' [EN97-004.39] More data and research will be necessary in order to determine if the sono is really a core argument. It can be tentatively concluded that the sono marks a dative-like grammatical relation in certain applicative and causative constructions. In these cases it may be the semantic goal of the second object (Andrews 1985).

3.2 The Directional Goal Applicative —i on Inverse Voice Ditransitives When the directional suffix -i is productive it has the A move towards the P, or do something within or approaching the spatial confines of the P (also see Section 4.3). A verb with the suffix -i allows the agent to participate in a locative or otherwise deictic sense of the verb with the P which would not otherwise be allowable except with an oblique argument. Evans (in prep.) states about the cognate -Ci in Ledo (Kaili): "Syntactically it increases the valency by raising an oblique object to direct object. Semantically it means to apply that activity to a certain place." See Section 5.1 for discussion and examples in which the —i increases semantic transitivity but there is no increase in valency. Example (24) shows that the verb bagi `give' requires three arguments. The semantic roles are annotated below each argument. (24) A 'u sura nibagi nuodo ulinyo. a'u sura ni-bagi-i nu=odo uli = nyo 1SG/AB only IV/RE-give-DIR CN/GE = monkey skin = 3SG/GE P=Pivot A 2nd Object Recipient Agent Theme `The monkey only gave ME its skin (banana peeling)' [EN97-003.13] Example (25) illustrates the verb nabu `drop' used here with only one overt argument (recipient). The addressee/agent is implied by the imperati :' construction (but referred to with the vocative tagu `friend')

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and the banana (second object/theme) that is requested to be dropped from the tree is obvious from the story's context. (25) Tagu, a'u nabui nyau mai! tagu a'u nabu-i nyau mai friend/VOC 1SG/AB drop-DIR go. down come `Friend, drop it (=banana) down here to ME!' (the turtle speaking to the monkey in the banana tree) [ceku0l . jdb 031]

4 APPLICATIVES THAT OCCUR ONLY IN INVERSE CONSTRUCTIONS 4.1 Introduction This section describes a second kind of applicativization which could be called `second object applicativization', or promotion to primary object position which in the inverse construction is the grammatical subject.19. The nature of this applicative is different to the previous applicatives since the latter only occur in the inverse voice construction. To form this second type of applicative, the same two suffix applicatives -i and -a' are used in combination with the stem former pV(C)-. Figure 5 illustrates how the word formation works. When the —a' suffix is used an instrument is the pivot as in (26), and with the use of the —i suffix a locative noun phrase is the pivot as in (27). (26) Piso uo niponyambalea' niYusup japing uo. piso 'uo ni-pong-sambale-a' ni = Yusup japing 'uo machete yonder IV/RE-SF-butcher-TZ PN/GE =Joseph cow yonder INSTR=Pivot A P Instrument Provider Recipient `Joseph used THE MACHETE to butcher the cow.' (27) Junjung uo niponyambale nikai japing uo. junjung 'uo ni-pong-sambale-i ni = kai japing 'uo house yonder IV/RE-SF-butcher-DIR PN/GE = grandfather cow yonder LOC =Pivot A P Locative Provider Recipient `The grandfather butchered the cow AT/BY THE YONDER HOUSE.' Structurally Pendau is quite similar to Indonesian in many aspects of its grammar. However, the constructions which raise instrument and locative noun phrases to subject position are an important exception to this similarity. These constructions have more in common with the `instrument focus' and `locative focus' constructions found in Philippine-type languages.20 Subject RE/IR Stem Former BASE Applicative Locative ni-/ro- pV(C)- BASE -i Instrumental -a' Figure 5. Instrumental and Locative Applicative Formation

19 The primary object is not identical to the grammatical relation object. The primary object in ditransitives can be either a grammatical subject or a grammatical object in Pendau (see Quick in prep.). It is unfortunate that the term `object' has so many uses in linguistics. 20Note that there is not a corollary `benefactive focus' in Pendau, since benefactives can appear in either active voice or inverse voice, and the recipient becomes the pivot in inverse voice just as would any other monotransitive P argument.

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4.2 The Instrumental Applicative -a' This section demonstrates that the instrument noun phrase can become the subjectof the clause via applicativization. When the instrument noun phrase becomes pivot through applicativization it is not normally indicated by any case marker. When the instrument noun phrase is not the pivot it obligatorily takes the case marker nu=. The pivot status of the instrument is indicated by word order (i.e. occurrence in the preverbal argument position), and is morphologically marked on the verb by the combination of a prefix and the benefactive -a'. The prefix can vary depending on which root is taking instrument focus. The prefix is normally a stem former from one of the verb classes, abbreviated here as pV(C)-.21 Example (28) is from a folktale about a man who is looking for a blacksmith. He finds the blacksmith and asks him to make a machete from his axe (i.e. by forging it). (28) Baliungo'u mupogutua'omo piso. baliung='u mu pot-guru-a'=mo piso axe =1 SG/GE 2SG.IV/IR-SF/FA/INSTR-make-TZ = COMP machete `You make machetes for me by using my AXE .' Example (29) shows that the pivot instrument noun phrase can be implied from the context. The noun doi' `money' is in parentheses because elicitation shows that this is what could fit here in the story's context. (29) (Doi') upongongkosa' unga'u doi' 'u-pong-ongkos-a' unga = 'u money 1SG.IV/IR-SF/PT/INSTR-cost-TZ child =1 SG/GE `I will use (the MONEY) to pay for my child.' Examples (30)-(32) illustrate the instrument in the preverbal position with the A and the P arguments in postverbal positions with three different verbs. (30) paey uram uo nirembasa'onyo unga. paey uram 'uo ni-rembas-a'=nyo unga and. then medicine yonder IV/RE-hit-TZ = 3SG/GE child `...and then he applied the MEDICINE on the child.' (31) Batu niporampaa'o'u io. batu ni gong-rampa-a'='u io rock IV/RE- 3SG/AB SF/PT/INSTR- throw-TZ =1 SG/GE `He threw a ROCK at me.' (32) Piso uo niponyambalea' niYusup japing uo. piso 'uo ni-pong-sambale-a' ni = Yusup japing 'uo machete yonder IV/RE-SF/PT/INSTR-butcher-TZ PN/GE =Joseph cow yonder `Joseph used the MACHETE to butcher the cow.'

21 However, note that some verbs have a stem former which already fills the prefix prerequisite, cf. e.g. `gabu, pogabu' `cook', and therefore it is only the benefactive suffix that is added which turns the verb construction into instrument focus in combination with the appropriate word order. Contrast this with the factive nipogutua' `make, create (IV/RE), in (18), which has the same affix combination but is a benefactive construction . Technically the verb form in example (18) is ambiguous between a benefactive formed verb and an instrument formed verb clause. However, even though the pivot argument is omitted, context and elicitation showed that this example is in fact a benefactive clause.

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Example (33) shows that the instrument case marker nu= may appear optionally (at least in an elicitation session). However my language assistant suggested that this sentence would be better without the nu particle.22 (33) Nipongkologa' niDesmon ayu uo (nu)sensar uo ni pong-'olog-a' ni =Desmon 'ayu uo nu = sensar 'uo IV/RE-SF-cut-TZ PN/GE = Desmon wood yonder (INSTR) = chainsaw yonder `Desmon used a CHAINSAW to cut that wood.' Examples (34)-(35) contrast pivot and non-pivot instrument noun phrases and the use and non-use of the pot- prefix. (34) Paee rosunung nijimo nuuram. paee ro-sunung nijimo nu = uram rice IV/IR-burn 3PL/GE INSTR=medicine `They burned (or smoked) the RICE with medicine.' (35) Uram roposununa' nijimo paee. uram ro po1-sunung-a' nijimo paee medicine IV/IR-INSTR-burn-TZ 3PL/GE rice `They burned (or smoked) the rice with MEDICINE.' Example (36) illustrates an instrument noun phrase pivot which uses the active voice stem former pong- prefix. (36) Doi' molua ropongolia' . nijimo gulang o pita nilon. doi' mo-luar ro-pong-oli-a' nijimo gulang o pita nilon money UD/IR-want IV/IR-SF/PT-buy-TZ 3PL/GE rope and ribbon nylon `They wanted to buy rope and fishing line with (their) MONEY.' Example (37) demonstrates that reciprocal and instrumental affixes can combine in the same verb. (37) Ogo uo niposiponuana nijimo api uo. ogo 'uo ni posi pong-tuang-a' nijimo api 'uo water yonder IV/RE-MUT-SF/PT-pour-TZ 3PL/GE fire Yonder `Together they poured WATER on the fire.' (It is implied that water is taken from one place or container)

4.2.1 The `what' Test in Applicative Instrument Clauses Previous sections have described several Pendau applicative constructions including benefactive (Section 3.1), directional (Section 3.2), and instrument (Section 4.2). The last applicative construction resembles the Philippine instrument focus. This section will briefly look at how using the content question sapa `what' in elicitation highlights the word order position of instrument NPs in instrumental applicativization (I will look only at the canonical SVO word order; see Quick in prep. for discussion of interrogatives). There are two reasons for using the `what' test: Using sapa `what' in the instrument position reveals that it is a semantic rather than a grammatical prohibition on the use of atypical objects as an instrument It demonstrates that the NP in the preverbal word order position is assigned instrument status from the verb's applicative construction.

22This suggests that when the non-pivot instrument noun phrase marker is used it is a core argument.

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In applicativized instrument clauses the instrument NP is placed in the subject position. This is illustrated in example (38). (38) Sensar uo nipongkologa niDesmon ay uo. sensar 'uo ni gong-'olog-a' ni=Desmon 'ayu 'uo chainsaw yonder IV/RE-SF/PT-cut-TZ PN/GE-Desmon wood yonder `Desmon used a CHAINSAW to cut that wood.' Example (39) shows that the instrument and the P argument cannot simply reverse word positions (although the instrument can be in the word final position if it is also marked with the instrument case marker nu=; also note that ayu `wood' can be the subject in a simple two argument inverse voice construction). (39) *Ayu uo nipongkologa' niDesmon sensa uo. 'ayu 'uo ni-pong-'olog-a' ni=Desmon sensar 'uo wood yonder IV/RE-SF/PT-cut-TZ PN/GE = Desmon sensar 'uo `*Desmon used WOOD to cut that chainsaw.' In example (40) (a modification of example (38)) sensar `chainsaw' is substituted by the question word sapa `what'. This results in a well formed sentence. However if the same construction as (39) is used, substituting ayu `wood' with sapa `what', as in (41) then the sentence is accepted with some reticence. If (39) is again used substituting sensar `chainsaw' with sapa `what', as in (42), this again is accepted with some reservation. Although the use of the question word what transforms these into grammatically acceptable clauses, they are semantically strange because it is not normal to cut a chainsaw, nor is it normally possible to cut something with wood. These examples further demonstrate that the NP in the preverbal position is both the instrument and the pivot (or "instrument focus"). (40) Sapa nipongkologa niDesmo ayu uo? sapa ni-pong-'olog-a' ni=Desmon 'ayu 'uo 'uo IV/RE-SF/PT-cut-TZ PN/GE = Desmon wood yonder `WHAT did Desmon use to cut that wood with?' [EN97-004.45] (41) !Sapa nipongkologa' niDesmon sensar uo? sapa ni-pong-'olog-a' ni=Desmon sensar 'uo what IV/RE-SF/PT-cut-TZ PN/GE-Desmon chainsaw yonder `WHAT did Desmon use to cut the chainsaw?' (42) !Ayu uo nispongkologa' niDesmon sapa? 'ayu 'uo ni gong-'olog-a' ni=Desmon sapa wood yonder IV/RE-SF/PT-cut-TZ PN/GE-Desmon what `What did Desmon cut with the WOOD?' (That is by using the wood)

4.2.2 Instrument Applicative with Stem Stacking on Causative Prefix Examples (43)-(44) differ only in word order, specifically in which NP is in pivot position. The causative prefix serves a double function when the instrument noun phrase is the pivot. First it is used to mark the derivational lexeme `feed' derived from `eat', as in (43), and secondly to mark instrument in combination with the benefactive suffix-a' (44). (43) Bau uo uipainangoto nuupang. bau 'uo ni pa-inang= to nu = upang fish Yonder IV/RE-CAUS-eat =1 PL/GE INSTR = bait `We used the bait to feed the FISH.'

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(44) Upang uo nipainana'oto bau uo. upang 'uo ni-pa-inang-a'= to bau 'uo bait yonder IV/RE-CAUS/SF-eat-TZ =1 PL/GE fish yonder `We used the BAIT to feed the fish.'

4.3 The Locative Applicative —i An oblique locative NP can become the pivot of the clause via applicativization, as in (45). When this happens it would seem that there are three core arguments in the clause construction regardless of the normal oblique function. (45) Ribongkarongo'u niponyoputi'u. ri = bongkarong='u ni pong-soput-i ='u LOC =hut =1 SG/GE IV/RE-SF/PT-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE `I shot (it) AT/BESIDE MY HUT.' Examples (46)-(47) show the contrast between the applicative used in (46) and the promotional use of the locative noun phrase used as the pivot/subject in (47). In (46) the directional -i forms a lexical derivational meaning, while in (47) the suffix combines with the stem former to promote a former prepositional phrase to subject. (46) Tavala ni'omuni nikai ribuut. tavala ni-'omung-i ni=kai ri = bunt spear IV/RE-carry-DIR PN/GE = grandfather LOC = mountain `The grandfather held THE SPEAR on the mountain.' (47) Buut nipongkomun nika tavala. buut ni-pong-'omung-i ni=kai tavala mountain IV/RE-SF/PT-carry-DIR PN/GE = grandfather spear `The grandfather carried the spear TO THE MOUNTAIN.' Example (48) contrasts the verb guntung `light' in a basic inverse construction with the applicativized locative noun phrase in (49). Example (50) contrasts the verb alap `get, take' in a basic inverse construction with the applicativized locative noun phrase in (51). (48) Palan niguntuni nikai rijunjung. palan ni-guntung-i ni=kai ri =junjung lantern IV/RE-light-DIR PN/GE = grandfather LOC =house `The grandfather lit THE LANTERN at/in the house.' (49) Junjung nipeguntuni nikai palan. junjung ni-pe-guntung-i ni=kai palan house IV/RE-SF/DY-light-DIR PN/GE = grandfather lantern `The grandfather lit the lantern AT/IN THE HOUSE.' (50) Bau uo nialap nikai ripayangan. bau 'uo ni-alap ni=kai ri=payangan Fish Yonder IV/RE-take PN/GE = grandfather LOC = boat `The grandfather took THE FISH in the boat.' (51) Payangan nipangalapi nikai bau uo. payangan ni-pong-alap-i ni=kai bau 'uo boat IV/RE-SF/PT-take-DIR PN/GE = grandfather fish yonder `The grandfather took the fish IN THE BOAT.'

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Example (52) illustrates the verb sambale `butcher, slaughter' with the locative applicative construction. Example (53) contains a locative marked by the oblique ri that has been applicativized as subject. (52) Junjung uo ni-ponyambale-i nikai japing uo. junjung 'uo ni-pong-sambael-i ni = kai japing 'uo house Yonder IV/E-SF/PT-butcher-LOC PN/GE = grandfather cow yonder `The grandfather butchered the cow AT/BY THE YONDER HOUSE.' (53) Risabata oanong roong loka nipodulininyo ri = so-bata oanong roong loka ni po1 -duling-i = nyo LOC = ONE-side right leaf banana IV/RE-SF/POS-LOC = 3SG/GE ndau diang seide nesia. ndau diang so-ide n-pe-sia NEG EXIS ONE-small RE-SF/DY-tear `THE BANANA LEAF ON THE RIGHT SIDE of where she had slept was not torn at all.' [fktale0l.txt 023]

5 OTHER FUNCTIONS OF THE DIRECTIONAL APPLICATIVE -1 The suffix -i has at least four known functions in Pendau. Some of these are clearly applicativesome seem marginally applicative and others appear to be idiosyncratic occurrences.23 These functions are: 1) directional-goal applicative (creating monotransitives and ditransitives), 2) directional-locative applicative (only in inverse voice3) a directional that increases semantic transitivity, and 4) always associated with some verbs in the inverse voice clause construction (which may or may not be applicative). The first two were discussed in Section 3.2 and Section 4.3, and the latter two are discussed in Section 5.1-2 below.

5.1 Semantic Transitivity Increasing Function of the Directional Suffix -i This section treats the use of -i as a means to increasing semantic transitivity (see Section 3.2 and Section 4.3 for the use of -i for semantic and valency increase). Examples (54)-(57) illustrate minimal pairs ontrasting active voice and inverse voice. It is important to understand that the -i suffix consistently changes the lexeme from 'omung `carry, take' to 'omun-i `touch, hold' in either voice.24 (54) A'u mongkomung bau rijunjung. a'u m-pong-'omung bau ri=junjung 1SG/AB IR-SF/PT-carry ish LOC =house `I will carry the fish to my house.' (55) A'u mongkomuni bau ri=junjung a'u m-pong-'omung-i bau ri=junjung 1SG/AB IR-SF/PT-carry-DIR fish LOC = house `I will hold the fish at my house.'

23In Indonesian grammars, the cognate suffix -i is called the locative suffix. As in Indonesian, Pendau -i has a low degree of produc- tivity (when it does not co-occur with the stem former pV(C)-). Many of the various occurrences on verbs are idiosyncratic and do not have a directional (or `locative') applicative function at all. 'There is some support for the notion that there is a semantic increase in transitivity in examples such as (55) and (57). Mosel and Reinig (2000) suggest a similar notion for Teop. When the applicative ni is added to a verb it creates transitive verbs from intransitive verbs, but for transitive verbs it increases the semantic transitivity. For example, the Samoan word ato `touch something' ato ni becomes `hold onto something', and the Teop word rahi `pull (a string, fishing line, haul (a canoe) becomes rahi ni `catch (fish with a fishing line)'.

109 Philip A. Quick

(56) Bau uo ni'omungo'u rijunjung. bau 'uo ni-'omung= 'u ri=junjung fish Yonder IV/RE-carry =1 SG/GE at = house Ì carried THAT FISH to my house.' (57) Bau uo ni'omuni'u rijunjung. bau 'uo ni- 'omung-i= 'u ri=junjung fish Yonder IV/R-carry-DIR =1 SG/GE LOC = house Ì held THAT FISH at my house.' Example (58) shows that the use -i with the verb 'olog `cut' appears to actually mean `cut into' (the —i does not require the instrument noun phrase see Quick in prep. for discussion on instrument noun phrases). (58) SiDesmon nongkologi ayu uo nusensar. si =Desmon n-pong-'olog-i 'ayu 'uo nu = sensar PN/AB-Desmon RE-SF/PT-cut-DIR wood yonder INSTR=chainsaw `DESMON cut into the wood with the chainsaw.' The word pate `kill' takes the directional suffix -i as shown in (59) and in (60) (although it is not inherently required as with some verbs such as rembas `hit' in the inverse voice form, see below, Section 5.2). Example (60) also contrasts the first word raga `chase' with the later two verbs which both take the suffix -i, but it is difficult to understand why the first verb does not also take this directional suffix. (59) Sirapinyo langka moo nipate nutoo naate. si = rapi =nyo langka moo ni-pate-i nu =too no-ate PN/AB = spouse = 3SG/GE male this IV/R-kill-DIR CN/GE = person ST/RE-die À person killed THIS MAN'S WIFE dead.' (60) Oo uraga, ulavai paey upatei. 'oo 'u-raga 'u-lava-i paey 'u-pate-i 2SG/AB 1SG.IV/IR-chase 1SG.IV/IR-obstruct-DIR and. then 1SG.IV/IR-kill-DIR Ì will chase YOU, corner YOU, and then I will kill YOU.' Example (61) illustrates the directional verb mene' `go up'.25 Directional verbs are marginal transitive verbs since they may subcategorize a prepositional phrase (see Quick in prep.) or have a syntactic object. So if the directional verb pene' were considered to be derived from an intransitive verb then this example could be considered to be a real applicative derivation. This example demonstrates the thin line between semantic transitivity and syntactic transitivity with the use of -i. (61) Nipene'inyo taipang uo. ni-pene'-i=nyo taipang 'uo IV/RE-go. up-DIR = 3SG/GE mango. tree yonder `He climbed up the YONDER MANGO TREE.'

5.2 Appearance of -i Required in Inverse Voice but not Allowed in Active Voice Examples (62)-(64) show that the directional -i suffix is only used in the inverse voice form with rembas `hit', and that the lexical meaning of rembas `hit' is unchanged in the different voices.

25Here the p substitutes for the m like it would with the floating autosegments, possibly a special stem formation in which case this could be considered to be a locative applicativesee Quick in prep.

110 Aplicative and Double Objects in Pendu

(62) A'u morembas tagu'u. a'u m pong-rembas tagu = 'u 1SG/AB IR-SF/PT-hit friend =1 SG/GE `I will hit my friend.' [EN97-003.55] (63) *A'u mo-rembas-i tagu='u. (64) Tagu'u nirembasi'u. tagu = 'u ni-rembas-i = 'u friend=1 SG/GE IV/RE-hit-DIR =1 SG/GE `I hit MY FRIEND.' [EN97-003.55]

(65) Tagu = 'u ni-rembas = o'u.

6 WORD ORDER VARIATIONS IN APPLICATIVE DITRANSITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 6.1 Postverbal Word Order Variations in Active Voice Constructions This section demonstrates postverbal word order possibilities in active voice constructions. Word order is free in the sense that the secondary object can float anywhere after the verb, but the P and A arguments must always have the sequence PA postverbally (see Quick in prep. for discussion of grammatical relations including the secondary object). Examples (66)-(68) show that the secondary object yea `rice' can vary its position. It moves from right to left in these examples and appears in bold font. Example (69) illustrates that if the other two words change their relative position then the meaning of the clause must change. (66) Nongolia' io a'u yea. n-pong-oli-a' io a'u yea RE-SF/PT-buy-TZ 3SG/AB 1SG/AB Rice Ì bought him rice.' [EN97-002.32] (67) Nongolia' io yea a'u. n-pong-oli-a' io yea aù RE-SF/PT-buy-TZ 3SG/AB rice 1 SG/AB Ì bought him rice' [EN97-002.31]

(68) Nongolia' yea io a'u. n-pong-oli-a' yea io a'u RE-SF/PT-buy-TZ rice 3SG/AB 1SG/AB `I bought him rice.' [EN97-002.31] (69) Nongolia' a'u io yea. n pong-oli-a' a'u io yea RE-SF/PT-buy-TZ 1SG/AB 3SG/AB Rice `HE bought me rice.' [EN97-002.31]

6.2 Word Order Possibilities in Inverse Voice Constructions This section illustrates the word order possibilities for the locative noun phrase, instrument noun phrase, and 2nd object Since the locative noun phrase can also occur as the pivot, this gives the locative the highest number of word order possibilities of the three. Regardless of the pivot in a ditransitive clause the A and P arguments must always maintain their relative linear position. The annotated list of word orders in Figures 6-7 demonstrates that the P and the locative NP (LOC) can be in any order relative to each other, but the ordering of the A and P must never

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Philip A. Quick

change. These examples represent the A as an enclitic to the V in the inverse voice constructions. A P argument could never occur between an A and the verb.26 Figure 6 sums up the word positions that occur when the subject occurs postverbally, and Figure 7 sums up the word order positions that occur when the subject occurs preverbally. To sum up both of these Figures, any oblique or second object can appear in virtually any word order position whether it is a pivot or not.27 Abbreviations used in Figures 6-7: SF =stem former pV(C)-, DIR=directional applicative suffix -i, TZ = transitivizer as applicative suffix -a', 02=Secondary Object (theme in these examples). Note also that the subscripted abbreviations indicate affixes. Postverbal Subject in Inverse Voice Verb Object Subject

SFVDIR A LOC SFVDIR A P LOC SFVDIR A LOC P

VTZ 02 A P VTZ A 02 P VTZ A P 02

P SF VDIR A (nu=)INSTR Figure 6. Word Order Possibilities in Inverse Voice Constructions with Postverbal Subject

The word order possibilities for locative NPs as sketched in Figures 6-7 are given in examples (70)- (83) below. In example (70) the locative noun phrase is in the first word order position, (i.e. . it is topicalized) but it is clearly not the selected argument (i.e. the pivot/subject) since it is in an active voice construction clause. In (71) the locative noun phrase is again in the first word order position but it is clearly the selected argument although it still has the locative proclitic ri (this will be demonstrated in a series of examples below after these two examples). (70) RiMalawa, a'u monyoput odo moo. ri=Malawa a'u m-pong-soput odo moo LOC = Malawa 1 SG/AB IR-SF/PT-shoot monkey this `At Malawa, I will shoot a monkey.' (71) RiMalawa roponyoput'u odo moo. ri=Malawa ro pong-soput='u odo moo LOC = Malawa IV/IR-SF/PT-shoot =1 SG/GE monkey this `I will shoot a monkey AT/IN MALAWA.'

26Note that this annotated list is not comprehensive, but it does illustrate the majority of word order possibilities. 27There are a few apparent restrictions. Also note that not all obliques have been confirmed to come between the inverse voice verb and A argument. However this is also the least natural of all possible positions when a non-A NP does occur there.

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Aplicative and Double Objects in Pendu

Preverbal Subject in Inverse Voice Subject Verb Object LOC SFVDIR A P LOC P SFVDIR *p SFVDIR A *p SFVDIR A LOC P VDIR A LOC P VDIR A INSTR LOC VDIR A *INSTR V A P P VTZ A 02 LOC P VTZ A 02s

Preverbal Subject in Active Voice A V P INSTR A VTZ P 02 INSTR A V INSTR P LOC A V P

Figure 7. Word Order Possibilities in Inverse Voice Constructions with Preverbal Subject Contrasted with Some Active Voice Constructions with Preverbal Subject (the asterisk and shading means that grammatical construction is not possible; a comma means that entry is topicalized) The series of examples in (72)-(80) shows a number of contrasts and varying word order positions in which the locative noun phrase can and cannot occur. Example (74) highlights the option of putting in the P argument directly preceding the verb. However, since the combination of the stem formerpv(C)- and the directional-i require the `oblique' NP to be the pivot this word order position does not identify it as the pivot (although the word order given in this elicited example probably does not occur in any text). (72) Ribongkarango'u rasa uo niponyoputi'u. ri =bongkarang= 'u rusa 'uo nipong-soput-i = 'u LOC =hut =1 SG/GE deer yonder IV/RE-SF-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE `I shot the deer AT/BESIDE MY HUT.' The ungrammatical examples in (73)-(74) conclusively show that when the combination of the pV(C)- prefix (SF) and the -i directionalsuffix raise the oblique argument to core argumentstatus, as in (72), the P argument is NOT the selected argument. Example (74) illustrates that when the P argument is the only core argument preceding the pV(C)- stem former and the directional -i it cannot be the pivotExample (75) illustrates conversely that the P argument must be the pivot when the pV(C)- stem is not used and there is a directional suffix -i. Note that in (75) the suffix -i does not appear to have any necessary function. See Section 5.2 for the discussion on the range of uses and idiosyncrasies of -i. (73) Rusa uo niponyoputi'u. rusa 'uo ni-pong-soput-i = 'u deer yonder IV/RE-SF-shoot-DIR-1SG/GE (74) `Rusa uo niponyoputi'u ribongkarang. rusa uo ni-pong-soput-i = 'u ri =bongkarang deer yonder IV/RE-SF-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE LOC =hut

113 Philip A. Quick

(75) Rusa uo nisoputi'u riMalawa. rusa 'uo ni-soput-i= 'u ri =Malawa deer yonder IV/RE-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE LOC = Malawa Ì shot THE DEER at Malawa.' Examples (76) and (77) illustrate that the P argument does not need to be overt, and that the locative noun phrase can occur preverbally or postverbally. Examples (78) and (79) add the P argument after the verb and show the same preverbal and postverbal positions of the locative argument. Example (80) illustrates the use of the same locative phrase in the active voice construction. (76) Ribongkarango'u niponyoputi'u. ri = bongkarang= 'u LOC= hut =1 SG/GE IV/RE-SF-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE Ì shot (it) AT/BESIDE MY HUT.' (77) Niponyoputi'u ribongkarango'u. ni-pong-soput-i= 'u ri = bongkarang= 'u AV/RE-SF-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE LOC =hut =1 SG/GE Ì shot (it) AT/BESIDE MY HUT.' (78) Niponyoputi'u rusa uo ribongkarango'u. ni gong-soput= i= 'u rusa 'uo ri = bongkarang= 'u IV/RE-SF-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE deer yonder LOC =hut =1 SG/GE Ì shot (the) yonder deer AT/BESIDE THE HUT.' (79) Niponyoputi'u ribongkarango'u rusa uo. ni-pong-soput-i= 'u ri = bongkarang= 'u rusa 'uo IV/RE-ST-shoot-DIR =1 SG/GE LOC =hut =1 SG/GE deer yonder Ì shot (the) yonder deer AT/BESIDE THE HUT.'

(80) A'u monyoputi riMalawa. a'u mong-soput-i ri = Malawa 1SG/AB AV/IR-shoot-DIR LOC=Malawa Ì will shoot (it) at Malawa.' Examples (81)-(83) below show the locative noun phrase occupying various positions in a benefactive construction. These examples contrast the use of the P argument as a pivot with the locative noun phrase as a pivot in the previous series of examples. (81) Rusa uo nsoputa'o'u jimo riMalawa. rasa 'uo ni-soput-a'='u jimo ri=Malawa deer yonder IV/RE-shoot-TZ =1 SG/GE 3PL/AB LOC = Malawa Ì shot THE YONDER DEER for them at Malawa.' (82) RiMalawa rusa uo Nisoputa'o'u jimo. ri=Malawa rusa 'uo Ni-soput-a' = 'u jimo LOC = Malawa deer yonder IV/RE-shoot-TZ =1 SG/GE 3PL/AB Ì shot THE YONDER DEER for them at Malawa.' (83) Rusa uo riMalawa Nisoputa'o'u jimo. rusa 'uo ri=Malawa ni-soput-a'= 'u jimo deer yonder LOC = Malawa IV/RE-shoot-TZ =1 SG/GE 3PL/AB Ì shot THE YONDER DEER for them at Malawa.'

114 Aplicative and Double Objects in Pendu

7 COMBINATIONS OF APPLICATIVES AND CAUSATIVES This section briefly discusses the combination of the applicative -a' in the same word with a morphological poi-. Example (84) illustrates the transitivizer -a' functioning in an active voice clause as a benefactive applicative. Example (85) shows that the same sentence structure minus the applicative and using the causative poi- is ungrammatical. However, in examples such as (86)-(87), a combination of both of these affixes appears in the same morphological verb. Example (88) contrasts with (85), and demonstrates that it is possible to have the causative in other contexts. (84) A'u Mongkomuna Jimo pu'ot uo. a'u m pong-'omung-a' Jimo pu'ot 'uo 1SG/AB IR-SF/PT-carry-TZ 3PL/AB seine.net yonder `I will carry that seine nèt to/for them.' [EN97-003.37] (85) *A'u mom po-'omung jimo pu'ot uo. (86) Nipo'itoa' nijimo moje sakarung pu'ot. ni-po3-'oto-a' nijimo moj so-karung pu'ot IV/RE-CAUS-look-TZ 3PL/GE again ONE-sack seine.net `They again showed (someone) one bag filled with a seine net.' [jptext4.doc] (87) Jimo Nompoinuna'omo am ogo moonda'. jimo n-pong-po3-inung-a'=mo 'ami ogo mo-onda' 3PL/AB RE-SF/PT-CAUS-drink-TZ =COMP 1 PL. EXC/AB water ST/IR-hot `THEY gave us hot water.' [EN97-003.29] (88) Jimo nompoinungomo ami ogo moonda'. jimo n-pong-po3-inung=mo 'ami ogo mo-onda 3PL/AB RE-SF/PT-CAUS-drink=COMP 1PL.EXC/AB water ST/IR-hot `THEY gave us hot water.' [EN97-003.29] Examples such as (86)-(87) present a possible problem. These verb constructions have both a causative prefix and an applicative suffix, either one of which is sufficient to create a ditransitive from a monotransitive clause. This dual affixation of valency changing affixes poses several questions: Do these affixes somehow combine to create something new? Does one of the affixes become neutralized? Or do the semantics of causative and benefactive blur and become merged Donohue (in prep.) provides a solution to this morphology mismatch by demonstrating that the causative arguments are higher up the semantic/thematic hierarchy than applicatives28, and that causatives may extend into the normal morphological territory of applicatives. Compare for example the discussion on causatives in Quick (in prep.) in which the -a' functions as a causative and in Section 3-4 in which the -a' functions as an applicative. This hierarchy explains the double function of -a' as occurring in part of the Pendau grammar as a causative and in another part of the grammar as an applicative. Donohue's work would also suggest that data which has both morphologically marked causative and applicative marking simultaneously may be interpreted as neutralizing or overriding the functidn of the non-causative applicative.

Donohue (forthcoming 3) quotes Bresnan and Kanerva (1989) with one version of a thematic hierarchy as: agent > bene ficiary > goal/experiencer > instrument > theme/patient > locati ve .

115 Philip A. Quick

APPENDIX: ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS

1 PL. EXC first person plural exclusive INC Inclusive 1PL.INC first person plural inclusive INSTR Instrument 1SG.IV first person singular inverse voice IR Irrealis 1SG first person singular LCM Locomotion (Verb Class V) 2SG.IV second person singular inverse voice LOC Locative preposition 2SG second person singular MUT Mutual Activity 3SG third person singular NEG Negative 2PL second person plural NV Non-volitional aspect 3PL third person plural ONE numeral one prefix A Agent-like Argument P Patient-like Argument AB Absolute Case PN Proper Noun Marker APPL Applicative POS Positional (Verb Class VI) AVP, PVA various constituent order sequences PT Primary Transitive (Verb Class I) CAUS Causative PV(C)- Augmented stem former (SF) prefix type CLSF Classifier RE Realis CN Common Noun Marker RED Reduplication CAUS Causative REL Relic form, e.g. —in- CONT Continuative Aspect REQ Requestive COM Comitative RM Relative Clause Marker COMP Completive Aspect SA Intransitive subject = Transitive A DE Denominal (Verb Class IV) Sp Intransitive subject = Transitive P DIR Directional SF Stem Prefix Former DUR Durative aspect SG Singular DY Dynamic Verb (Verb Class III) ST Stative Verb (Verb Class VII) EXCL Exclusive TZ Transitivizer EXIS Existential UD UnDetermined Prefix FA Factive (Verb Class II) V Verb GE Genitive Case VOC, V Vocative HPS Harmonic Prefix Set clitic boundary

Interlinear Conventions

Interlinear glossing uses three lines followed by a free translation. The first line uses the language orthography. Proclitics and enclitics are written together with their host word. Word initial glottal stops are not written, however word initial glottal stops will be written when a clitic or affix moves the glottal to a medial position. The second line shows formative boundaries and gives the underlying forms. The third line gives the English gloss or technical abbreviation for grammatical categories. As usual the gloss is often a shorthand for a variety of other possible glosses, so that in the free translation there may be a difference in meaning either due to the context, the change due to a derived meaning from other affixes, or because it cannot be conveyed in a sensible way in English. My general rule of thumb for the free translation is normally oriented towards meaning based translation theory, however, because of the special nature of interlinearizing constraints, sometimes a more literal translation is given to help understand the Pendau structure. Another important note is that in some of the examples capital letters in

116 Aplicative and Double Objects in Pendu

the English translation are used to indicate what the grammatical subject in Pendau actually is. This follows the practice used by some linguists for Philippine languages. Also note that it is necessary to distinguish three homophonous po- formatives: poi -, Stem Former, pot- Stative Causative (HPS), po3- Generic Causative.

REFERENCES

Andrews, Avery. 1985. "The Major Functions of the Noun Phrase." In T. Shopen, ed., Language Typology and Syntactic Description: Clause Structure, Vol. I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barr, Donald. 1988a. "Da'a Verbal Affixes and Clitics." In Hein Steinhauer, ed., Papers in Western Austrone- sian Linguistics, No. 4. Pacific Linguistics A-79:11-49. Canberra: The Australian National University. . 1988b. "Focus and mood in Da'a discourse." In Hein Steinhauer, ed., Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics, No. 4. Pacific Linguistics A-79:77-129. Canberra: The Australian National University. . 1995. "Da'a Introduction." In Darrell Tryon, ed., Comparative Austronesian Dictionary. Trends in Lin- guistics, Documentation 10. Series eds. Werner Winter and Richard Rhodes. Part 1, Fascicle 1. pp. 529-537. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Bresnan, Joan and Jonni Kanerva, 1989. "Locative Inversion in Chichewa: A Case Study of Factorization in Grammar." Linguistic Inquiry 21:1-50. Clayre, Beatrice, 1996. "The Changing Face of Focus in the Languages of Borneo." In Hein Steinhauer, ed., Papers in Western Austronesian Linguistics, No. 3. Pacific Linguistics A-84:33-50. Canberra: The Aus- tralian National University. Cooreman, A., 1983. "Topic Continuity and the Voicing System of an Ergative Language: Chamorro." In Talmy Givón, ed,. Topic Continuity in Discourse: A Quantitative Cross-Language Study. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Comrie, Bernard, 1989. Language Universals and Linguistic Typology. [Second Edition] . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dixon, R. M. W., 1979. Ergativity. Language 55/1:59-138. . 1994. Ergativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dixon, R. M. W. and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, 1997. "A Typology of Argument-Determined Construc- tions." In John Haiman, Joan Bybee and Sandra Thompson, eds. Essays on Language Function and Language Type. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Donohue, Mark In prep. "Hierarchies in Argument Structure Increasing Processes: Ranking Causative and Applicative." Manuscript (2000). Dryer, Matthew S., 1986. "Primary Objects, Secondary Objects, and Antidative." Language 62/4:808-845. . 1994. "The Discourse Function of the Kutenai Inverse." In Talmy Givón, ed., Voice and Inversion. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Evans, Donna, In prep. A Grammar of the Ledo Language. Manuscript (1999). Foley, William A. and Robert Van Valin, 1984. Functional Syntax and Universal Grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . 1985. "Information Packaging in the Clause." In T. Shopen, ed., Clause Structure, Vol. I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Garvin, Paul, 1958. A descriptive technique for the treatment of meaning. Language, 34:1-32. Himmelmann, Nikolaus P., In prep. a. Voice in Western Austronesian: An Update. To be published, Pacific Linguistics.) . In prep. b. Voice in Two Sulawesi Languages. To be published, Pacific Linguistics)

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Himmelmann, Nikolaus P., compiler. Forthcoming. Sourcebook on Tomini-Tolitoli languages. To be published, Pacific Linguistics. Katamba, Francis, 1993. Morphology. London: MacMillan Press. Kroeger, Paul R., 1993. Phrase Structure and Grammatical Relations in Tagalog. Stanford, California: CSLI Publications. Lewis, G.L., 1967. Turkish grammar. London: Oxford University Press. Manning, Christopher D., 1996. Ergativity Argument Structure and Grammatical Relations. Stanford, Califor- nia: CSLI Publications. Matsuda French, Koleen. 1988. "The Focus System in Philippine Languages: A Historical Overview." Phil- ippine Journal of Linguistics 18/19:1-29. Mosel, Ulrike and Jessika Reinig. 2000. "Valence Changing Clitics and Incorporated Prepositions in Teop." In Marian Klamer, ed., Proceedings of AFLA 7, The Seventh Meeting of the Austronesian Formal Linguis- tics Association. Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Department of Linguistics. pp. 133-140. Payne, Thomas. 1997. Describing Morphosyntax: A Guide for Field Linguists. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press. Pike, Kenneth L., and Evelyn G. Pike, 1977. Grammatical Analysis. [1982 revised edition] . Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Quick, Philip. 1997. "Active and Inverse Voice Selection Criteria in Pendau, a Western Austronesian Lan- guage." In Cecilia Odé and Wim Stokhof, eds., Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi B.V. . 1999a. "Sekilas Tata Bahasa Pendau." In Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, ed., Panorama Bahasa Nusan- tara, pp. 1-44. Jakarta: Referensia. . 1999b. "A Panoramic View of 17 pV(C)- Formatives in Pendau Distinguished by the Paradigmatic Landscape." In Wyn D. Laidig, ed., Studies in Sulawesi Linguistics, Part VI. NUSA 46:95-117. Forthcoming. "A Sketch of the Primary Transitive Verbs in Pendau." In Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross, eds., The Historical and Typological Development of Western Austronesian Voice Systems. Pacific Linguistics. Canberra: The Australian National University. In prep. A Grammar of the Pendau Language. PhD dissertation. Canberra: The Australian National Univer- sity. Ross, Malcolm. 1995. "Reconstructing Proto-Austronesian Verbal Morphology: Evidence from Taiwan." In Dahan Ho, ed., Papers for an International Symposium on Austronesian. Institute of History and Phi- lology, Academia Sinica, Nankang, Tipei, Taiwan, ROC. pp. 727-791. Shibatani, Masayoshi, ed., 1988. Passive and Voice. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Van Valin, Robert D. and Randy J. LaPolla. 1997. Syntax: Structure, Meaning and Function. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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