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Fontannikud Enamlaste Võitlussalga Lõhestajaina
Fontannikud enamlaste võitlussalga lõhestajaina Aarne Ruben Selles artiklis on vaatluse all lõhe Eesti kommunistide vahel, mille tekke- aeg ulatub juba I maailmasõja eelsetesse sündmustesse. Lõhe halvendas liikumise juhtide omavahelisi suhteid, raskendas põrandaalust võitlust vabariigi vastu ja seega enamlaste kavatsetud maailmarevolutsiooni- ürituse läbiviimist ning viis lõppkokkuvõttes paradoksaalsel kombel peaaegu kõigi asjaosaliste hävitamiseni peamiselt 1937. aastal. Erinevalt varem kirjutanud autorite käsitlustest pole siinse kirjutise põhirõhk aga mitte kommunistide intriigidel Leningradis ja Moskvas, vaid konspira- tiivses elus, reaalses võitluses Eesti Vabariigi vastu. Põrandaaluste kommunistide heitlust Eesti kaitsepolitseiga iseloo- mustab palju saladusi. Pöördelised hetked, nagu tulevahetus kommu- nistidega Tallinnas Jaama tänaval, Viktor Kingissepa äraandmine ja kättesaamine, Saku Võisilma talu salatrükikoja tabamine 1920. aastal, tulevahetus Kreuksiga ja tema tapmine – kõik need on leidnud oma koha rahva ajaloolises mälus. 2010. aastal ilmunud Reigo Rosenthali ja Marko Tammingu „Sõda pärast rahu. Eesti eriteenistuste vastasseis Nõukogude luure ja põrandaaluste kommunistidega 1920–1924“ ja Olaf Kuuli „Fon- tanka ja Moika vahel. Eesti kommunistide sisetülidest 1919–1938“ ning 2014. aastal ilmunud Jaak Valge „Punased I“ on avanud ajastu põhilisi probleeme.1 On oluline analüüsida Eestimaa Kommunistliku Partei (edaspidi EKP) Venemaa büroo fondis leiduvat kirjavahetust.2 Selles kirjavahetuses 1 Reigo Rosenthal ja Marko Tamming, -
Imperiology and Religion.Indd
10 FROM NATIONAL TERRITORIAL AUTONOMY TO INDEPENDENCE OF ESTONIA: THE WAR AND REVOLUTION 1 IN THE BALTIC REGION, 1914-1917 TIIT ROSENBERG INTRODUCTION Although the interactions between imperial management and nation-building, on which this part of the collection focuses, can be un- derstood from century-long perspectives, one should not ignore the fact that the Russian Empire fell apart not as a consequence of chronological contradictions between imperial and national principles, but rather in a peculiar conjuncture of events caused by World War I and the subse- quent revolutions.2 How were these long-term and conjuncture factors combined to affect Estonians’ quest for autonomy and independence? This chapter is devoted to this very question. From the beginning of the twentieth century, the three major politi- cal actors in the Baltic region, that is, the Baltic German elite, Estonian and Latvian nationals, and the Russian imperial authorities were involved in two serious problems of the region—the agrarian issue and regional self-government. In comparison with the agrarian question, to which policy-makers and intellectuals both in the imperial metropolis and the Baltic region began to pay attention as early as the 1840s, the question of regional self-government was relatively new for contemporaries, and 1 This article has been supported by the Estonian Science Foundation grant No 5710. 2 This point has been stressed by Andreas Kappeler, Russland als Vielvölkerreich: Entstehung, Geschichte, Zerfall (München, 1992), pp. 267-299; Ronald Grigor Suny, The Revenge of the Past. Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union, (Stanford, 1993), pp. -
The Resurrection of Alexander Push Kin John Oliver Killens
New Directions Volume 5 | Issue 2 Article 9 1-1-1978 The Resurrection Of Alexander Push kin John Oliver Killens Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections Recommended Citation Killens, John Oliver (1978) "The Resurrection Of Alexander Push kin," New Directions: Vol. 5: Iss. 2, Article 9. Available at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections/vol5/iss2/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Directions by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TH[ ARTS Essay every one of the courts of Europe, then 28 The Resurrection of of the 19th century? Here is how it came to pass. Peter felt that he had to have at least Alexander Pushkin one for his imperial court. Therefore, In the early part of the 18th century, in By [ohn Oliver Killens he sent the word out to all of his that sprawling subcontinent that took Ambassadors in Europe: To the majority of literate Americans, up one-sixth of the earth's surface, the giants of Russian literature are extending from the edge of Europe "Find me a Negro!" Tolstoy, Gogol, Dostoevsky and thousands of miles eastward across Meanwhile, Turkey and Ethiopia had Turgenev. Nevertheless, 97 years ago, grassy steppes (plains), mountain ranges been at war, and in one of the skirmishes at a Pushkin Memorial in Moscow, and vast frozen stretches of forest, lakes a young African prince had been cap- Dostoevsky said: "No Russian writer and unexplored terrain, was a land tured and brought back to Turkey and was so intimately at one with the known as the Holy Russian Empire, fore- placed in a harem. -
London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government
London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government Historical Culture, Conflicting Memories and Identities in post-Soviet Estonia Meike Wulf Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD at the University of London London 2005 UMI Number: U213073 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U213073 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Ih c s e s . r. 3 5 o ^ . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract This study investigates the interplay of collective memories and national identity in Estonia, and uses life story interviews with members of the intellectual elite as the primary source. I view collective memory not as a monolithic homogenous unit, but as subdivided into various group memories that can be conflicting. The conflict line between ‘Estonian victims’ and ‘Russian perpetrators* figures prominently in the historical culture of post-Soviet Estonia. However, by setting an ethnic Estonian memory against a ‘Soviet Russian’ memory, the official historical narrative fails to account for the complexity of the various counter-histories and newly emerging identities activated in times of socio-political ‘transition’. -
Michael H. Clemmesen Version 6.10.2013
Michael H. Clemmesen Version 6.10.2013 1 Prologue: The British 1918 path towards some help to Balts. Initial remarks to the intervention and its hesitant and half-hearted character. It mirrored the situation of governments involved in the limited interventions during the last In the conference paper “The 1918-20 International Intervention in the Baltic twenty years. Region. Revisited through the Prism of Recent Experience” published in Baltic Security and Defence Review 2:2011, I outlined a research and book project. The This intervention against Bolshevik Russia and German ambitions would never Entente intervention in the Baltic Provinces and Lithuania from late 1918 to early have been reality without the British decision to send the navy to the Baltic 1920 would be seen through the prism of the Post-Cold War Western experience Provinces. The U.S. would later play its strangely partly independent role, and the with limited interventions, from Croatia and Bosnia to Libya, motivated by the operation would not have ended as it did without a clear a convincing French wish to build peace, reduce suffering and promote just and effective effort. However, the hesitant first step originated in London. government. This first part about the background, discourse and experience of the first four months of Britain’s effort has been prepared to be read as an independent contribution. However, it is also an early version of the first chapters of the book.1 It is important to note – especially for Baltic readers – that the book is not meant to give a balanced description of what we now know happened. -
Stalin General Secretary (Annotated and Highlighted)
Joseph Stalin : General Secretary In 1921 Lenin became concerned with the activities of Alexandra Kollontai and Alexander Shlyapnikov, the leaders of the Workers' Opposition group. In 1921 Kollantai published a pamphlet The Workers' Opposition, where she called for members of the party to be allowed to discuss policy issues and for more political freedom for trade unionists. She also advocated that before the government attempts to "rid Soviet institutions of the bureaucracy that lurks within them, the Party must first rid itself of its own bureaucracy." (49) The group also published a statement on future policy: "A complete change is necessary in the policies of the government. First of all, the workers and peasants need freedom. They don't want to live by the decrees of the Bolsheviks; they want to control their own destinies. Comrades, preserve revolutionary order! Determinedly and in an organized manner demand: liberation of all arrested Socialists and non-partisan working-men; abolition of martial law; freedom of speech, press and assembly for all who labour." (50) At the Tenth Party Congress in April 1922, Lenin proposed a resolution that would ban all factions within the party. He argued that factions within the party were "harmful" and encouraged rebellions such as the Kronstadt Rising. The Party Congress agreed with Lenin and the Workers' Opposition was dissolved. Stalin was appointed as General Secretary and was now given the task of dealing with the "factions and cliques" in the Communist Party. (51) (as a result of his extreme organizational skills) Stalin's main opponents for the future leadership of the party failed to see the importance of this position and actually supported his nomination. -
Volume 66: Number 2, 2020: Summary
International Affairs: Volume 66: Number 2, 2020: Summary. Sergey Lavrov Turns 70. International Affairs Editorial Board and Staff Members. Dear Sergey Viktorovich, Staff members of the International Affairs journal are sending their sincere, heartfelt wishes on your birthday. We are genuinely proud of the fact that for many years (far from the easiest ones in the history of Russia and humankind), the International Affairs Board has been headed by a Russian politician and statesman such as you. Your diplomatic talent, reinforced by your professionalism, will to victory and sometimes unconventional decisions, give confidence that Russia will pass through this zone of turbulence, the times of arbitrary rules, not international laws, and the sanctions chaos in international relations and will emerge as a model of stability and a sought-after world arbiter. We are grateful that, despite your superhuman schedule of meetings and trips, addressing priority international issues in real time and sometimes actually saving the world, you find an opportunity to get your articles published in our journal and become involved in our projects. This is very important to us. We hope that this will continue to be the case in the future. We wish you good health, well-being and many more years at the service of our Motherland. To Provide Strategic Stability and Form a Just World Order. Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation. DEAR FRIENDS, Let me extend my heartfelt wishes on your professional holiday, Diplomats’ Day. Russian diplomats have always resolutely and consistently defended the interests of our Fatherland. While continuing the glorious traditions of our predecessors, you carry out your duty with honor and deal with challenging and responsible foreign policy tasks. -
THE Bolsheviks' Destruction of the Russian Constituent Assembly and the Making of the FIRST COMMUNI
57 DOI: https://doi.org/10.31577/SPS.2019-2.4 Pieter C. van DUin - ZUZana POLÁČKOvÁ1 Pieter C. van Duin, University of Leiden, Leiden, Holandské kráľovstvo Zuzana Poláčková, Historický ústav SAV, Bratislava THE BIG BANG OF COMMUNISM: THE BOLsheviKs’ DestrUCtiOn Of the rUssian COnstitUent assemBLy anD the maKing OF THE FIRST COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP (NOVEMBER 1917-JANUARY 1918) This essay examines the suppression by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 of Russia’s first democrati- cally elected parliament, the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, and the various steps taken and argu- ments used by them during the preceding weeks to achieve this goal. Although Lenin and his Bolshevik party had never intended to tolerate the emergence of the Constituent Assembly as a competing political institution to their so-called Soviet democracy, they had to take care to present their repressive interven- tion as a rational and inevitable act from a revolutionary point of view. This crucial historical episode reveals the true character of the communist movement and communist ideology, which developed into one of the most dangerous threats to European democracy. There were several socialist parties in Rus- sia who tried to fight the Bolsheviks and to present a democratic-socialist alternative, in particular the moderate (‘Right’) wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. The last section of this essay pays some additional attention to Viktor Chernov, a leader of the democratic group of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the President of the Constituent Assembly. In 1921 he fled to Czechoslovakia, where he lived until 1929. Key words. Communism; Bolshevism; democracy; Russia; Socialist-Revolutionaries; Viktor Chernov The Bolshevik seizure of power in Petrograd on 7 November 1917 (25 October on the Old Russian calendar), known among faithful communists as the ‘Great October Revolution’, was shocking to most non-Bolsheviks and even to some Bolshevik party members themselves. -
Bajo El Signo Del Escorpión
Por Juri Lina Bajo el Signo del Escorpión pg. 1 de 360 - 27 de septiembre de 2008 Por Juri Lina pg. 2 de 360 - 27 de septiembre de 2008 Por Juri Lina PRESENTACION Juri Lina's Book "Under the Sign of the Scorpion" is a tremendously important book, self-published in the English language in Sweden by the courageous author. Jüri Lina, has been banned through out the U.S.A. and Canada. Publishers and bookstores alike are so frightened by the subject matter they shrink away and hide. But now, braving government disapproval and persecution by groups that do not want the documented information in Under the Sign of the Scorpion to see the light of day, Texe Marrs and Power of Prophecy are pleased to offer Mr. Lina's outstanding book. Lina's book reveals what the secret societies and the authorities are desperate to keep hidden—how Jewish Illuminati revolutionaries in the United States, Britain, and Germany—including Marx, Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin—conspired to overthrow the Czar of Russia. It details also how these monsters succeeded in bringing the bloody reign of Illuministic Communism to the Soviet Empire and to half the world's population. Under the Sign of the Scorpion reveals the whole, sinister, previously untold story of how a tiny band of Masonic Jewish thugs inspired by Satan, funded by Illuminati bigwigs, and emboldened by their Talmudic hatred were able to starve, bludgeon, imprison and massacre over 30 million human victims with millions more suffering in Soviet Gulag concentration camps. Fuhrer Adolf Hitler got his idea for Nazi concentration camps from these same Bolshevik Communist butchers. -
Stalin's Baku Curve: a Detonating Mixture of Crime and Revolution
Stalin’s Baku Curve: A Detonating Mixture of Crime and Revolution by Fuad Akhundov A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Education Leadership Higher and Adult Education, OISE University of Toronto © Copyright by Fuad Akhundov 2016 Stalin’s Baku Curve: A Detonating Mixture of Crime and Revolution Fuad Akhundov Master of Arts in Education Leadership Higher and Adult Education, OISE University of Toronto 2016 Abstract The Stalin’s Baku Curve, a Detonating Mix of Crime and Revolution presents a brief insight into the early period of activities of one of the most ominous political figures of the 20th century – Joseph Stalin. The major emphasis of the work is made on Stalin’s period in Baku in 1902-1910. A rapidly growing industrial hub providing almost half of the world’s crude oil, Baku was in the meantime a brewery of revolutionary ideas. Heavily imbued with crime, corruption and ethnic tensions, the whole environment provided an excellent opportunity for Stalin to undergo his “revolutionary universities” through extortion, racketeering, revolutionary propaganda and substantial incarceration in Baku’s famous Bailov prison. Along with this, the Baku period brought Stalin into close contact with the then Russian secret police, Okhranka. This left an indelible imprint on Stalin’s character and ruling style as an irremovable leader of the Soviet empire for almost three decades. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work became possible due to the tremendous input of several scholars whom I want to hereby recognize. The first person I owe the paper Stalin’s Baku Curve, a Detonating Mix of Crime and Revolution to is Simon Sebag Montefiore, an indefatigable researcher of former Soviet and pre-Soviet history whom I had a pleasure of working with in Baku back in 1995. -
Chronology of Stalin's Life
Chronology of Stalin's Life ('Old Style' to February 1918) 1879 9 Dec Born in Gori. 1888 Sept Enters clerical elementary school in Gori. 1894 Sept Enters theological seminary in Tbilisi. 1899 May Expelled from seminary. 1900 Apr Addresses worker demonstration near Tbilisi. 1902 Apr Arrested in Batumi following worker demonstration of which he was an organizer. 1903 July-Aug Appearance of Lenin's Bolshevik faction at the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party (Stalin not present). 1904 Jan Escapes from place of exile in Siberia and returns to underground revolutionary work in Transcaucasia. 1905 Revolution, reaching peak in Oct-Dec. threatens the survival of the tsarist government. Stalin marries Ekaterina Svanidze. Dec Attends Bolshevik conference. also attended by Lenin, in Tammerfors, Finland. 1906 Apr Attends 'Unity' congress of party in Stockholm. 1907 Mar Birth of first child, Yakov. Apr Publishes first substantial piece of writing, 'Anarchism or Socialism?' Apr-May Attends party congress in London. Jun Moves operations to Baku. Oct Death of his wife, Ekaterina. 1908 Mar Arrested in Baku. 317 318 Chronology of Stalin's Life 1909 June Escapes from place of exile, Solvychegodsk, returns to underground in Baku. 1910 Mar Arrested and jailed. Oct Returned to exile in Solvychegodsk. 1911 June Police permit his legal residence in Vologda. Sept Illegally goes to St Petersburg but is arrested and returned to Vologda. 1912 Jan Bolshevik conference in Prague at which Lenin attempts to establish his control of party; Stalin not present but soon after is co-opted to new Central Committee. Apr Illegally moves to St Petersburg, but is arrested there. -
Soviet Crackdown
CONFLICT IN THE SOVIET UNION Black January in Azerbaidzhan Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (formerly Helsinki Watch) The InterInter----RepublicRepublic Memorial Society CONFLICT IN THE SOVIET UNION Black January in Azerbaidzhan Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (formerly Helsinki Watch) The InterInter----RepublicRepublic Memorial Society Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright (c) May 1991 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN: 1-56432-027-8 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 91-72672 Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (formerly Helsinki Watch) Human Rights Watch/Helsinki was established in 1978 to monitor and promote domestic and international compliance with the human rights provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords. It is affiliated with the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which is based in Vienna, Austria. Jeri Laber is the executive director; Lois Whitman is the deputy director; Holly Cartner and Julie Mertus are counsel; Erika Dailey, Rachel Denber, Ivana Nizich and Christopher Panico are research associates; Christina Derry, Ivan Lupis, Alexander Petrov and Isabelle Tin-Aung are associates; ðeljka MarkiÉ and Vlatka MiheliÉ are consultants. Jonathan Fanton is the chair of the advisory committee and Alice Henkin is vice chair. International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Helsinki Watch is an affiliate of the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, a human rights organization that links Helsinki Committees in the following countries of Europe and North America: Austria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, England, the Federal Republic of Germany, Finland, France, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, the Soviet Union, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United States, Yugoslavia.