David Turton, Julia González Ethnic Diversity in Europe: Challenges to the Nation State HumanitarianNet Thematic Network on Humanitarian Development Studies Ethnic Diversity in Europe: Challenges to the Nation State Ethnic Diversity in Europe: Challenges to the Nation State Edited by David Turton Julia González University of Oxford University of Deusto 2000 University of Deusto Bilbao Work done by HumanitarianNet and the European Module: Migration Cultural Identity and Territory in Europe, financed by DGXXII and edited by the University of Deusto No part of this publication, including the cover design, may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form or by and means, whether electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, recording or photocopying, without prior permission or the publishers. Publication printed in ecological paper Illustration of front page: Xabi Otero © Universidad de Deusto Apartado 1 - 48080 Bilbao I.S.B.N.: 84-7485-712-0 Depósito legal: BI - 2.874-00 Impreso en España/Printed in Spain Contents Preface . 9 Introduction David Turton (University of Oxford) and Julia González (University of Deusto) . 11 Turkey’s Kurdish problem from an international legal perspective Berdal Aral (University of Kirikkale) . 27 Plurality, conflict and the search for solutions: the Basque case Xabier Etxeberria Mauleon (University of Deusto) . 55 Plurality and nationalist conflict in the Basque country José Ramón Recalde (University of Deusto) . 65 Northern Ireland: the Belfast Agreement as a model for conflict resolution? Stephen Ryan (University of Ulster) . 73 Multiculturalism and cities in Europe: Nürnberg, Germany Wolfgang Bosswick (University of Bamberg) . 83 Immigrants in the Netherlands, past and present Antoon Hoogveld (Catholic University, Nijmegan). 103 Mazara del Vallo: the most Arab city in Italy Enzo Pace (University of Padua) . 111 From place to place: consequences of displacement for forced migrants Brigitte Piquard (Catholic University, Louvain) . 119 8 ETHNIC DIVERSITY IN EUROPE: CHALLENGES TO THE NATION STATE Multicultural and pluralist societies: concepts and models Kirsti Hakinnen (University of Jyvaskyla) . 131 Developing security and democracy amongst European cultures in conflict: reflections on the role of the OSCE in Bosnia and Herzegovina Robert Hudson (University of Derby) . 139 Preface This book has been published within the framework of “Hu- manitarianNet”, the Thematic Network on Humanitarian Development Studies, which was established in 1995 with the support of the European Commission. HumanitarianNet is a network of 80 universities, 6 research centres and 9 international organizations. Its purpose is to improve the work of universities in the field of “humanitarian development”, including teaching, research, fieldwork, discussion and dissemination. Humanitarian development is conceptualised as an academic field which brings together a range of interrelated disciplines, within both the sciences and humanities, to analyse the underlying causes of humanitarian crises and formulate strategies for rehabilitation and development. This is the second in a trilogy of books jointly produced by a subgroup of HumanitarianNet, Migration, Multiculturality and Ethnic Minorities, and the European Module on Migration, Cultural Identities and Territory in Europe. The first book, Cultural Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Europe (ed. D. Turton and J. González) was published in 1999. The third (Diversity in the City) will be published at the beginning of next year. We should like to record our thanks to Mrs. Margaret Okole, of the Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford, for her meticulous and skilful copy-editing and to Ms. Almudena Garrido of the University of Deusto, who compiled the papers and coordinated the whole exercise. We are also grateful to Mr. Robert Alcock who translated the articles by Prof. Recalde and Prof. Etxeberria. Introduction by David Turton and Julia González The contributors to this book discuss two sources of ethnic diversity in modern European states, “immigrant minorities” and “indigenous minorities”. Immigrant minorities are “culturally and ethnically distinct communities ...which have resulted from post-World War II movements of economic migrants, refugees and asylum seekers and which represent a challenge to traditional notions of ‘nation building’ through the increasing homogenisation of a culturally diverse population” (TURTON and GONZÁLEZ, 1999, p. 10). The chapters by Pace, Hoogveld, and Bosswick deal with immigrant minorities in Italy, the Netherlands and Germany respectively. “Indigenous minorities” are “localised and territorialised identities, based on long-standing and/or deliberately constructed ethnic and cultural distinctions, which threaten... the constitutional structure and external boundaries of existing nation-states” (TURTON and GONZÁLEZ, op. cit., p. 11). Exam- ples of indigenous minorities discussed in this book are Kurds (Aral), Basques (Etxeberria and Recalde) and Northern Irish Catholics (Ryan). Two of the chapters deal with more theoretical and conceptual issues: Piquard discusses (with reference to Afghan refugees in Pakistan) the significance of space and “belonging” to the process of “self- identification” and Hakinnen reviews various “models” that have been proposed of plural and multicultural societies, and considers their relevance to immigration policy in Finland. Finally, Hudson discusses the role of a supra-national organisation, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), in conflict prevention and peace building in the successor states of the Former Yugoslavia. In this introduction we shall concentrate on the sources of ethnic diversity in Europe and on the policy responses of European states, with reference to the particular cases of indigenous and immigrant minorities discussed in the chapters that follow. 12 ETHNIC DIVERSITY IN EUROPE: CHALLENGES TO THE NATION STATE The recent history of migration to Western Europe There is no doubt that ethnic diversity has increased significantly within European countries since the Second World War, nor that the main reason for this has been increased rates of immigration. Between 1945 and the early 1970s this increase was fuelled by the demand for unskilled labour in the rapidly expanding industrialised countries of Western Europe. Simplifying greatly, we can say that labour migration to Western Europe during this period took two main forms: government sponsored “guest-worker” schemes and the spontaneous immigration of “colonial workers” to the former colonial powers. The classic case of an organised “guest-worker” system is, of course, the Federal Republic of Germany, where the number of foreign workers (coming from Italy, Greece, Turkey, Morocco, Portugal, Tunisia and Yugoslavia) rose from 95,000 in 1956 to 2.6 million in 1973 (CASTLES and MILLER, 1998, p. 71). Labour migration from former colonies was particularly significant for Britain and France. In Britain, the population originating from former colonies in the Caribbean, India, Pakistan and Africa increased from less than a quarter of a million in 1951 to one and a half million in 1981. By 1970 France had a population of over 800,000 originating from its former North African colonies alone. With the recession in the world economy of the early 1970s, labour migration to Western Europe virtually ceased (Germany stopped the recruitment of foreign workers in 1973), but the conditions which were to lead to the creation of permanent “immigrant” minorities in these countries were already in place. These conditions were, first the tendency of labour migrants to establish themselves as long term residents through family reunion; and, second, the policies adopted by receiving countries in response to this (largely unforeseen) phenom- enon, which led to the economic, political and/or legal marginalisation of immigrants and people of immigrant origin. Thus in Germany, while the number of foreign men in the population remained roughly constant during the late seventies, the number of foreign women increased by 12 % between 1974 and 1981, and the number of foreign children grew by 52 % (CASTLES, BOOTH and WALLACE, 1984, p. 102). As Bosswick points out in his contribution to this book, because of Germany’s restrictive naturalisation law (based on the ideal of an ethnically homogeneous nation), “the number of naturalisations during the first half of the nineties was exceeded by the number of foreign children born in Germany by more than 80 %, thus resulting in a foreign population which would grow even at zero net immigration levels”. In the Netherlands, family reunion was the main source of INTRODUCTION 13 growth in the Turkish and Moroccan populations during the 1980s. Hoogveld (in this book) tells us that, in 1989, 25 % of Turkish immigrants and 60 % of Moroccans came to the Netherlands to join their families and that a further 40 % of Turkish and 30 % of Moroccans came to join a spouse. Two other trends in immigration to Western Europe in the 1980s and 1990s should be noted. First, and as mentioned again by Hoogveld for the Netherlands, there has been an increase in those seeking political asylum. This is clearly a reflection of the protracted civil conflicts which erupted in various parts of the world during these years, and particularly following the end of the Cold War. But it is also a reflection of the obstacles which have been placed in the way of legal migration to the countries of the European Union, and which have led those