Cao Đài Journals in Twentieth Century Vietnam
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175 Printing Cosmopolitanism, Challenging Orthodoxies: Cao Đài Journals in Twentieth Century Vietnam Jeremy Jammes Abstract In the first part of the twentieth century, some members of the French- or Chinese-educated but indigenous religious, economic, and political elite in southern Vietnam (Cochin-China) intensively engaged in spirit-medium practices. Many of them set up or joined the new Cao Đài religion and its spirit-medium séances. Integrating in their pantheon religious figures from Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, and even Catholicism, Cao Đài leaders deliberately challenged the orthodoxies at that time, tactically undermining the local religious elites, but also proposing a universal theologi- cal redemption and moral reform through the publication of their new set of spirit medium mes- sages. Very quickly after the creation of Caodaism in 1926, various groups branched off, borrowing and adapting this reformed and orthodox posture within the Cao Đài community itself. While the Cao Đài canon may be well-known to scholars, Cao Đài community journals have yet to be exam- ined in detail, although they often served as incubators for the Cao Đài quest for orthodoxy and a modern path to salvation. Based on archival studies and field research trips to the relevant areas, this paper aims to show how collective and individual actors of these Cao Đài groups have mobi- lised institutional, rhetorical, ideological, media-based, and other resources to assure and legiti- mise their authority. Simultaneously, we will see how the Cao Đài religion emerged from very unique kinds of “redemptive societies,” combining both Western and Eastern esotericism to articu- late new Asian expressions of orthodoxy, universal values, and cosmopolitanism. Keywords: Cochin-China, Cao Đài religion, Caodaism, colonial period, Press, printing culture, spirit-mediumship, orthodoxy Jammes, Jeremy. 2018. “Printing Cosmopolitanism, Challenging Orthodoxies: Cao Đài Journals in Twentieth Century Vietnam.” Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies, 10, pp. 175–209. https:// doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2018-0007 176 Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Introduction1 The researcher’s relationship to orthodoxy and orthopraxy, to the ‘true referent’ (in doctrinal and in practice terms, respectively) is never, and here I follow Michel Foucault (1970), a relation of ‘contemplation’ of this ‘transcendent truth.’ A researcher is not supposed to accept an orthodox or orthopraxical position of a group2 without taking into account so-called ‘heterodox’ and ‘heteropraxical’ variations within the studied group. The production of discourses is a way of imposing meanings; a manner of identi- fying and saying what is true and what is false, what is good and what is wrong, what is superstitious and what is rational, what is orthodox and what is heterodox, what is orthopraxical and what does not follow the prescribed rituals, etc. Moreover, it is a way to share, to distribute responsibility and legacy. Because leadership and charis- matic situations are by definition never stable, there are internal struggles in the whole of the religious landscape in Vietnam between those who are in a position to impose meanings and those who are deprived of such a position. It goes without saying that State-religions relationships, which were often in conflict in twentieth- century Vietnam, intensified the competition within and between the different reli- gious denominations. The colonial support of Catholic people and institutions was in that sense typical of the situation of inter-faith conflict during the colonial period (Morlat 2003; Keith 2012). It is clear that the case of Cao Đài (gāo tái 高臺; literally, ‘high altar’) religion or Caodaism, which appeared in the 1920s during the French colonial period in Cochin- China (Southern Vietnam), perfectly reflects this debate. As an autochthonous religion, Cao Ðài doctrine and political ambitions were first meant to address the Vietnamese people who received the mission to spread syncretistic, humanistic, and millenarian spirit-messages all over the world for the acquisition of merit (according to a Buddhist definition) and less heavy punishments at the time of the Last Judgment (Phán xét cuối cùng; zuìzhōng pànjué 最終判決) and the End of the World (Tận Thế; jǐnshì 盡世). Subsequently, the Cao Đài movement offered a rare case in Vietnam of mass- conversion and disciplinary framework largely in the hands of a group of mediums, thereby transforming the religion as a social protagonist and a decisive mediator in the process of decolonisation (Werner 1981; Blagov 1999; Jammes 2014; Hoskins 2015). In this kind of ideological framework, proselytising (truyền đạo, chuándào 傳道, or truyền giáo, chuánjiào 傳敎) becomes a source of salvation, and printing Cao Đài 1 I am extremely grateful to Lê Anh Dũng, Liam C. Kelley, Nguyễn Tuấn Cường, Shawn F. McHale, John Phan, Janet Hoskins, Nguyên Phi Vân, Lukas Pokorny, and Nickolas Roubekas for their respective encouragments and insights along the writing of this paper. 2 In the religious field, orthopraxy refers to a practice or a behaviour that follows the prescribed rites of a religion, whereas orthodoxy concerns with doctrine, dogma, or theology. Jammes, Jeremy (2018) 177 Printing Cosmopolitanism, Challenging Orthodoxies: Cao Đài Journals in Twentieth Century Vietnam spirit-messages and exegesis come to be a major missionary activity.While the Cao Đài canon may be well-known to scholars, Cao Đài community journals have yet to be examined in detail, although they often served as incubators for a definition of Caodaism and a modern path to salvation. Following the work of Elisabeth L. Eisenstein (1983: 51-57), these journals can be approached in their capacity and role into the standardisation of Cao Đài vocabularies, rituals, canonical texts, exegesis, stories, and history. Similar efforts and processes of uniformisation affected Cao Đài architecture, costumes, and ritual practices, but these ramifications of standardisation would go beyond the limit of this paper. At an early stage of my research, I felt that the Cao Đài journals—and their idioms, that is, the French language and quốc ngữ (romanised Vietnamese)—were formative of the Cao Đài discourse on orthodoxy and I thought it deserved more attention. In this paper, I question how a community of Cao Đài exegetes, journalists, and publishers can emerge from a series of books, journals, and spirit-medium texts, along with ‘an imagined readership,’ and all together create and make sense of a heterodox imagined community by challenging some orthodoxies. The following peripheral Cao Đài people and groups were connected through print during the French colonial period and, with the emerging public sphere, formed a “visible invisibility” (Anderson 1983: 44)—the embryo of the religious imagined community of the Cao Đài religion from the 1920s to the 1950s. This paper is an exploratory research, largely inspired by my fieldwork data (1996–2014) and readings on the interaction between Print and Power3 in the coloni- al Vietnamese context in general, and the Cao Đài religion in particular. By 1920, in Indochina, modern print technology had replaced the old and slow woodblock way of disseminating ideas and beliefs. This technological shift accompanied a remarkable transformation of print culture and helped engender the rise of a public sphere of debate and exchange. […] Between 1922 and 1940 alone, French source state that Vietnamese published 13,381 different books and tracts. […] From 1918 to 1939, at least 163 Vietnamese-language periodicals appeared in Saigon. Thirty-seven appeared in 1938 alone (McHale 2004: 18). Based on archival studies (especially private and temple libraries) and field research trips to the relevant areas, this paper aims to show how collective and individual actors of these Cao Đài groups—and especially some Cao Đài exegetes with a jour- 3 I quote here the title of Shawn McHale’s book (2004). My research was also inspired by the works of David Marr (1981), Nguyễn Văn Ký (1995), and Philippe Peycam (1999) in Vietnam; Benedict Anderson (1983) in Indonesia and Thailand; and, of course, by Elisabeth L. Eisenstein (1979 and 1983), Roger Chartier (1990), and the School of Annales for the history of the ‘book’ during the French Revolution. 178 Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies nalistic style—have mobilised institutional, rhetorical, ideological, media-based, and other resources to assure and legitimise their authority. Setting the Scene: Cao Đài Multi-Polarity I have been conducting research on Cao Đài history, exegesis, spirit-medium rituals, and (auto)biographies for the last twenty years, and first began to be concerned about the topic of this paper in the late 1990s after reading a French article in the nascent Revue Caodaïste (Caodaist Journal) of August 1930 (No. 2, pp. 10-15).4 The paper entitled “Why I am a Caodaist” (“Pourquoi je suis caodaïste”) was written by a fifty- odd years-old man, Lê Thanh Vân, recently converted to the Cao Đài religion. This six-page article, constructed as an autobiography, describes in French a ‘rational conversion’ of a believer in the Cao Ðài religion. The four sub-sections of the paper—“What I was before my conversion”; “My conversion”; “Spiritism in the Orient”; “Two revealing spirit-messages”—designate spirit-mediumship at the core of the liminal process of conversion. Recognising his former selfishness (p. 11) that pushed him to punctually search for luck in popular Sino-Vietnamese religions (for instance, at the Minh Sư Jade Emperor pagoda of Dakao, then at the Black Lady pagoda in Tây Ninh), the author points out the identity issue he faced before conversion just as other Vietnamese trained under French education system did—“neither Westerners, neither Asians” (p. 11). He claims that his conversion helped to bridge his Eastern and Western education. A friend of two Viet- namese who received Cao Đài spirit-messages from Western spiritism séances in late 1925, the author sees in the Cao Đài spirit-mediumship (that he called “Oriental spirit- ism”) a tool to revitalise and engage in the world the Asian religious values (Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism): “Spiritism is for the Annamites a means rather than an end” (p.