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Elecciones, Poder Y Antipoder En La República Democrática Del Congo (1960-2019): El Voto De Lo “Invisibilizado”1

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Elecciones, Poder Y Antipoder En La República Democrática Del Congo (1960-2019): El Voto De Lo “Invisibilizado”1 ESTUDIOS DE ASIA Y ÁFRICA, VOL. 55, NÚM. 3 (173), 2020, PP. 507-542 ISSN 0185-0164 e-ISSN 2448-654X https://doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v55i3.2616 Elecciones, poder y antipoder en la República Democrática del Congo (1960-2019): el voto de lo “invisibilizado”1 Elections, power and anti-power in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (1960-2019): The vote of the “invisible” MARCO ANTONIO REYES LUGARDO Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México-Cuautepec, México Resumen: Análisis del avance de la razón universal de carácter meto- nímico y su inherente y constante lógica de producción de binomios y dicotomías capaces de producir repetidamente fronteras de carácter abisal que definen las zonas de no existencia, lugares de aquello que es definido como verdadero o ininteligible. Estos límites de pensamiento abisal o fronteras del no ser han sobrevivido a los procesos indepen- dentistas de África en general, y en particular al proceso de liberación nacional de la República Democrática del Congo. La persistencia de estas líneas abisales implica que las utopías de emancipación han perdido su potencial de liberación o que incluso han terminado por Recepción: 12 de febrero de 2020. / Aceptación: 12 de marzo de 2020. 1 Estas páginas hubiesen sido imposibles sin el apoyo y la generosidad del señor Mwangu Moses Joseph y del personal de la Kampala Capital City Authority Library, en Uganda. Mi eterno agradecimiento. D.R. © 2020. Estudios de Asia y África Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivar (CC BY-NC-ND) 4.0 Internacional [507] 0507-0542-REYES.indd 507 08/07/2020 10:29:22 a.m. 508 ESTUDIOS DE ASIA Y ÁFRICA, VOL. 55, NÚM. 3 (173), 2020, PP. 507-542 convertirse en la contracara del pensamiento abisal. ¿Hay, entonces, más allá de lo que este pensamiento abisal determina como existente o no existente, alguna posibilidad de identificar fórmulas de antipoder cuyos términos de emancipación, subjetivación o instrumentalización escapen a la lógica del pensamiento abisal? Palabras clave: emancipación; antipoder; matriz de poder colo- nial; instrumentalización del sujeto; colonialidad global. Abstract: This article analyzes the advance of metonymic universal reason and its inherent logic of production of binomials and dichoto- mies that can constantly produce abyssal boundaries that define zones of non-existence; places defined as true or unintelligible. These abys- sal lines or borders of non-existence have survived the independence processes in Africa, and particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s national liberation. The persistence of these borders imply that the emancipation utopias have lost their potential for liberation, becoming the flipside of abyssal thinking. Beyond this abyssal thinking’s definition of what does or does not exist, is it possible to identify anti-power formulas whose terms of emancipa- tion, subjectivation or instrumentalization can overcome abyssal thinking? Keywords: emancipation; anti-power; colonial power matrix; instrumentalization of the subject; global coloniality. Introducción Las últimas elecciones presidenciales en la República Demo- crática del Congo estaban oficialmente programadas para lle- varse a cabo el 17 de noviembre de 2016. La negativa del expre- sidente Joseph Kabila —quien llegó a la Presidencia congolesa en 2001 como consecuencia del asesinato de su padre Laurent Kabila— a abandonar el cargo al final de su segundo y último mandato constitucional reactivó el uso de un antiguo térmi- no de hace más de medio siglo que aludía a las “patologías” de los presidentes africanos. “Crisis del Congo” fue una expresión https://doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v55i3.2616 0507-0542-REYES.indd 508 08/07/2020 10:29:22 a.m. REYES: ELECCIONES, PODER Y ANTIPODER EN LA REPÚBLICA… 509 que se empleó en enero de 1961, días antes del asesinato de Patrice Emmery Lumumba, y se refería a “desviaciones” res- pecto de un comportamiento considerado “normal”.2 La deno- minada “crisis del Congo” forma parte de la construcción de una geocultura biológica, evolucionista, lineal, que hace posi- ble no sólo definir los “obstáculos que deben ser removidos tan pronto como sea posible” (Wallerstein, 1993, p. 213), sino también garantizar las condiciones de legitimación de inter- venciones remediales. A finales de la década de 1990, Immanuel Wallerstein (1996) advertía no sólo de los cambios hegemónicos en el sistema- mundo capitalista moderno, sino también acerca de la antigüe- dad y la persistencia de una geocultura cuyo funcionamiento requería la producción y el consumo de imágenes de carácter negativo sobre el continente africano, el modo habitual en que los europeos han descrito a África durante cinco siglos por lo menos. Nos encontramos, entonces, en una época en la que somos testigos del reutilizamiento de viejos términos de carac- terísticas geoculturales. Esto obliga a pensar que, a lo largo del periodo colonial y de las décadas posteriores a los procesos de independencias africanas, se han preservado las descripciones o las representaciones negativas sobre el continente africano, sin importar los cambios en los liderazgos o las diversas hegemo- nías por las cuales ha transitado el sistema-mundo moderno y capitalista. La continuidad de esta geocultura permite también considerar que los modelos o utopías emancipadoras que han inspirado los movimientos sociales en el continente africano, desde sus procesos de independencia, han dejado intacta la estructura o matriz de poder colonial, lo que ha permitido que viejas representaciones sean recicladas o reutilizadas seis décadas más tarde. 2 El documento emitido por la Special National Intelligence Estimate (1961), denominado “Main elements in the Congo situation”, señala numerosos elementos por corregir para aliviar la “crisis”; a saber: “No hay gobierno central efectivo en el Congo”, “la anarquía florece en la superficie”, “la continua crisis política no puede evitar tener efectos serios en los sectores modernos de la economía”. https://doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v55i3.2616 0507-0542-REYES.indd 509 08/07/2020 10:29:22 a.m. 510 ESTUDIOS DE ASIA Y ÁFRICA, VOL. 55, NÚM. 3 (173), 2020, PP. 507-542 Estas páginas intentan demostrar que, a lo largo de los úl- timos 50 años, la razón universal-metonímica3 ha sido capaz de imponer tanto los términos de subjetivación de las diversas emancipaciones como sus respectivos horizontes de llegada. La permanencia de esta geocultura hegemónica y de sus respectivas representaciones para el caso del continente africano obliga a pensar que las ciencias sociales han planteado interrogantes poco profundas a “problemas fuertes” que tácitamente han ter- minado por admitir la presencia de un “colonialismo sin fin” o incluso de un “capitalismo sin final” (Santos, 2014), términos muy convenientes para una “razón perezosa” que no va más allá de los límites establecidos por la propia regulación social y política. Dicho de otro modo, los análisis que hemos realizado sobre África, y en especial respecto a la República Democrá- tica del Congo, han planteado sólo “preguntas débiles” a pro- blemas fuertes, asumiendo que los paradigmas hegemónicos pueden resolver la enorme variedad o complejidad de las in- terrogantes. Por el contrario, para hallar las respuestas a “pre- guntas fuertes” tendrían que interrogar el paradigma societal y epistemológico que ha dado forma a nuestro horizonte de posi- bilidades, y por medio del cual decidimos cuáles opciones son posibles y cuáles son inimaginables (Santos, 2014, p. 43). 3 Para Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2002, p. 239), la “razón metonímica” es una versión de la razón indolente que se reivindica a sí misma como la única for- ma de racionalidad y que, por lo mismo, no muestra interés en reconocer las partes o, en último caso, las usa como meras materias primas. Para la razón metonímica no pueden existir las partes fuera de su relación con la totalidad. Es, por tanto, inadmisi- ble que alguna de las partes tenga vida propia más allá de la que le ha sido conferida. La razón indolente, en su variante metonímica, es capaz de convertir sus respectivos intereses en conocimientos verdaderos. Al ocultar su lugar de enunciación, la ra- zón indolente esconde sus respectivos intereses y los presenta como conocimientos objetivos, libres de valores y válidos universalmente. Para la razón indolente resulta imposible separar la verdad de sus intereses, pues su objetivo fundamental es produ- cir y reproducir las condiciones de existencia o inexistencia, fabulaciones, yacimien- tos terminológicos para el funcionamiento de una verdad universal, excluyente y única, donde el todo habla por las partes, incluso a través de las mismas partes. Estas últimas existen si y sólo si aceptan los términos de enunciación sobre los cuales se erige el todo. https://doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v55i3.2616 0507-0542-REYES.indd 510 08/07/2020 10:29:22 a.m. REYES: ELECCIONES, PODER Y ANTIPODER EN LA REPÚBLICA… 511 Esta sociología de las ausencias (Santos, 2002) o de todo aquello visible que ha sido invisibilizado, que existe porque no existe, de lo que ha sido reprimido, requiere invertir los términos epistémicos y de subjetivación (assujettissement), pues es un primer paso para voltear el mundo de cabeza, invertir la polaridad a fin de abrir un nuevo horizonte de visibilidad que haga posible advertir no sólo las luchas de quienes están repri- midos, sino también la pelea de lo que se encuentra reprimido (Holloway, Matamoros y Tischler, 2009, p. 19). En suma, las siguientes interrogantes acompañan el análisis del presente trabajo: las crisis y constantes deposiciones
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