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Marxism, Stalinism, and the Juche Speech of 1955: on the Theoretical De-Stalinization of North Korea
Marxism, Stalinism, and the Juche Speech of 1955: On the Theoretical De-Stalinization of North Korea Alzo David-West This essay responds to the argument of Brian Myers that late North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s Juche speech of 1955 is not nationalist (or Stalinist) in any meaningful sense of the term. The author examines the literary formalist method of interpretation that leads Myers to that conclusion, considers the pro- grammatic differences of orthodox Marxism and its development as “Marx- ism-Leninism” under Stalinism, and explains that the North Korean Juche speech is not only nationalist, but also grounded in the Stalinist political tradi- tion inaugurated in the Soviet Union in 1924. Keywords: Juche, Nationalism, North Korean Stalinism, Soviet Stalinism, Socialism in One Country Introduction Brian Myers, a specialist in North Korean literature and advocate of the view that North Korea is not a Stalinist state, has advanced the argument in his Acta Koreana essay, “The Watershed that Wasn’t” (2006), that late North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s Juche speech of 1955, a landmark document of North Korean Stalinism authored two years after the Korean War, “is not nationalist in any meaningful sense of the term” (Myers 2006:89). That proposition has far- reaching historical and theoretical implications. North Korean studies scholars such as Charles K. Armstrong, Adrian Buzo, Seong-Chang Cheong, Andrei N. Lankov, Chong-Sik Lee, and Bala、zs Szalontai have explained that North Korea adhered to the tactically unreformed and unreconstructed model of nationalist The Review of Korean Studies Volume 10 Number 3 (September 2007) : 127-152 © 2007 by the Academy of Korean Studies. -
Nation and Working-Class
NATION AND WORKING-CLASS HEINRICH LAUFENBERG FR ITZ WOLFPH EIM P�ICE MARK 1.20. HAMBURG, END OF JULY, 1920. B U C H V E R L A G W I L L A S C H E K & C o. HA M B U R G 3. :: N E U E R STE f NW E 6 3 • 5. .o arplan rg_J I. Communism is the doctrine of the class struggle of the proletariat within capitalist society. Its goal is the destruction of the capitalist world-system and its replacement by the Commune of the world-economy. Its struggle and mission are international. The very existence of the bourgeoisie and proletariat is determined by the capitalist mode of production. The struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat moves through nations, tearing them apart with the antagonisms between the classes in enemy camps. But as both classes can only exist so long as capitalist society lasts, at the end of their struggle class-antagonisms in every country will be abolished by the victorious proletariat. By smashing the capitalist form of economy and eradicating the capitalist class-society and wage system, the proletariat abolishes the bourgeoisie and, at the same time, itself as a non-propertied class. In doing so, it deprives class-divisions within nations of their foundations. Communist society sets all working members of a people [Volk] alongside one another, free and equal. It arises out of the socialized labor of a classless people, and comes to completion through the federalist integration of the economy of the classless nations [Völker] in the World Commune. -
Generic Institutionalism
Die approbierte Originalversion dieser Dissertation ist an der Hauptbibliothek der Technischen Universität Wien aufgestellt (http://www.ub.tuwien.ac.at). The approved original version of this thesis is available at the main library of the Vienna University of Technology (http://www.ub.tuwien.ac.at/englweb/). D I S S E R T A T I O N Generic Institutionalism Evolution – Institution – Complexity ausgeführt zum Zwecke der Erlangung des akademischen Grades eines Doktor der Sozial- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften (Dr.rer.soc.oec) unter der Leitung und Begutachtung von Univ.Prof.Dr. Gerhard Hanappi University of Technology Vienna, Institute for Mathematical Methods in Economics, Research Group Economics und Prof.Dr. Wolfram Elsner University of Bremen, Institute for Institutional- and Innovation Economics eingereicht an der Technischen Universität Wien Fakultät für Informatik von Mag. Manuel Wäckerle Matr.nr.: 0025397 Wien, am 5.10.2010 Unterschrift (Wäckerle) Unterschrift (Hanappi) Unterschrift (Elsner) ii We‘re all gonna be ... Just dirt in the ground Tom Waits iii Kurzfassung Die vorliegende Dissertation beschäftigt sich mit dem wissenschaftlichen Feld der evolutionären institutionellen Ökonomie. Generell verteidigt sie die Idee eines ‚Generischen Institutionalismus‘, welcher auf folgenden Ebenen wissenschaftstheoretisch kritisch hinterfragt wird: Ontologie, Heuristik und Methodologie. Die ontologische Ebene setzt sich mit der Realität von ökonomischen Einheiten und Prozessen auseinander, wobei in dieser Arbeit soziale Relationen – in Welt, -
Religious Sanctions and Economic Results
Religions 2012, 3, 739–762; doi:10.3390/rel3030739 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article Transfer of Labour Time on the World Market: Religious Sanctions and Economic Results Jørgen Sandemose Department of Philosophy, Classics, History of Art and Ideas, University of Oslo, PO Box 1020, Blindern, Oslo 0315, Norway; E-Mail: [email protected] Received: 18 June 2012; in revised form: 7 August 2012 / Accepted: 10 August 2012 / Published: 21 August 2012 Abstract: This paper investigates the extent to which a term like ―globalization‖, especially in its sense of implying the existence of a system, or of dominant features favouring development towards some system, is adaptable to a theory of a world economy which is to take due notice of the structure of the exchange value of commodities on the world market. A leading idea is that religious outlooks, in the way they were conceptualized by Karl Marx, have a strong bearing upon the difference in labour intensities in countries contributing to the world market, and thereby upon the differences in international values and prices. These differences are expressed in a scale-based, rigid structure on the world market itself—a structure which gives us the fundamental reason why certain specific countries or areas may get steadily poorer in relative terms, while others may constantly get relatively richer through the same mechanism. Consequently, when (as it is done here) religion is taken to express the quintessence of the cultural level of societies, it can be said that the comparative study of religions gives us a key to the understanding of crucial economic differences between nations. -
Teaching the Empire: Education and State Loyalty in Late Habsburg Austria
Purdue University Purdue e-Pubs Purdue University Press Book Previews Purdue University Press 5-2020 Teaching the Empire: Education and State Loyalty in Late Habsburg Austria Scott O. Moore Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/purduepress_previews Part of the Cultural History Commons, and the European History Commons This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. TEACHING THE EMPIRE Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, founding editor Paul Hanebrink, editor Maureen Healy, editor Howard Louthan, editor Dominique Reill, editor Daniel L. Unowsky, editor Nancy M. Wingfield, editor The demise of the Communist Bloc a quarter century ago exposed the need for greater understanding of the broad stretch of Europe that lies between Germany and Russia. For four decades the Purdue University Press series in Central European Studies has enriched our knowledge of the region by producing scholarly monographs, advanced surveys, and select collections of the highest quality. Since its founding, the series has been the only English-language series devoted primarily to the lands and peoples of the Habsburg Empire, its successor states, and those areas lying along its immediate periphery. Among its broad range of international scholars are several authors whose engagement in public policy reflects the pressing challenges that confront the successor states. Indeed, salient issues such as democratization, -
"The National Question" Reconsidered
From an Ecological Perspective: "The National Question" Reconsidered Jeremy Brecher NINETEEN-EIGHTY-SIX MARK ED THE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY of a general strike throughout the United States for the eight hour day, best remembered today for the trial and judicial murder of the Haymarket Martyrs. That event came to be commemorated in the world-wide holiday May Day celebrating the international solidarity of labor. One hundred years later, May Day was barely acknowledged in North America, while in Moscow's Red Square tanks paraded and jet fighters screamed overhead. Similar celebrations occurred in the Soviet-dominated countries of Eastern Europe and in the anti-Soviet and mutually hostile Communist countries of Asia. The festival of international solidarity has been transformed into a celebration of national power. Yet the insubstantiality of national boundaries was well demonstrated on last year's May Day , not by workers of all lands joining in The Internationale, but by a cloud of radioactive dust circling the globe, carrying the message "Chernobyl is everywhere." It is in this context that I want to reconsider what radicals once called " the national question. " The problems of nationality, nationalism, and the nation state have proved over the past century to be the greatest stumbling blocks to the aspirations for a better world expressed in socialist, anarchist, communist, and related radical movements. Class has not so far proved to be a unifying bond which overcomes the conflicts among different peoples. Nor has the liberation of one people from oppression by another ensured pro-social behavior op the part of the formerly oppressed once in power. -
Internationalism and Nationalism
1952 Speeches/Documents Title: Internationalism and Nationalism Author: Liu Shaoqi Date: Source:. Foreign Languages Press, 1952 Description:. written in 1948, published in 1952 Introduction The revolution concerning the Communist Party of Yugoslavia adopted by the Information Bureau of the Communist Workers' Parties of Bulgaria, Rumania, Hungary, Poland the U.S.S.R., France, Czechoslovakia and Italy condemned the anti-Soviet position of the Tito clique - renegades of the proletariat. The resolution pointed out that this anti-Soviet position of the Tito clique proceeds from the nationalistic programme of the bourgeoisie and is leading to a betrayal of the cause of international unity of the working people and to a nationalist position. The resolution stated: “Such a nationalist position can only lead to Yugoslavia's denegation into an ordinary bourgeois republic, to the loss of its independence and to its transformation into a colony of the imperialist countries.” The resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Yugoslav Party also pointed out that the Tito clique, because of its betrayal of a series of fundamental viewpoints of Marxism -Leninism, had fallen into the mire of bourgeois nationalism and bourgeois parties.. At the same time, our Central Committee pointed out that by passing this resolution, the Information Bureau was “fulfilling its obligations to the cause of preserving world peace and democracy, and of defending the people of Yugoslavia from the deception and aggression of American imperialism.” What, then, is bourgeois nationalism? What is the relation between Marxism-Leninism and the national question? Why is it that the anti-Soviet position of the Tito clique will make Yugoslavia a prey to the deception and aggression of American imperialism, and forfeit her independence, thereby transforming her into a colony of imperialism? The purpose of this article is to answer these questions. -
Turkey's Return to the Muslim Balkans by Kerem Öktem
New Islamic actors after the Wahhabi intermezzo: Turkey’s return to the Muslim Balkans By Kerem Öktem European Studies Centre, University of Oxford December 2010 New Islamic actors after the Wahhabi intermezzo: Turkey’s return to the Muslim Balkans | Kerem Öktem |Oxford| 2010 New Islamic actors after the Wahhabi intermezzo: Turkey’s return to the Muslim Balkans1 By Kerem Öktem St Antony's College, University of Oxford [email protected] Introduction The horrific events of 9/11 solidified Western popular interest in Islamic radicalism2, empow- ered particular discourses on religion as an all-encompassing identity (cf. Sen 2006) and cre- ated new bodies of research. International organizations, governments, academic institutions and independent research centres became keen on supporting a wide range of scholarly explor- ations of interfaith understanding—issues of identity and Muslim minority politics. Thus, a great many journal articles and edited volumes on Islam in Australia (e.g. Dunn 2004, 2005), Europe (e.g. Nielsen 2004; Hunter 2002), Canada (e.g. Isin and Semiatiki 2002) and the United States (Metcalf 1996) were published mainly by experts on the Middle East, theologians, po- litical scientists, human geographers and anthropologists. Simultaneously, security analysts and think-tankers produced numerous studies on the threat of Islamic terrorism, focusing on the activities of Osama Bin Laden and Al-Qaida. It was in this context that a new body of neocon- 1 Paper first presented at the international workshop ‘After the Wahabi Mirage: Islam, politics and international networks in the Balkans’ at the European Studies Centre, University of Oxford in June 2010. -
Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Class Struggle: a Critical Analysis of Mainstream and Marxist Theories of Nationalism and National Movements
NATIONALISM, ETHNIC CONFLICT, AND CLASS STRUGGLE: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF MAINSTREAM AND MARXIST THEORIES OF NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL MOVEMENTS Berch Berberoglu Department of Sociology University of Nevada, Reno Introduction The resurgence of nationalism and ethnonationalist con ict in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its associated Eastern European states in their transition from a form of socialism to a market- oriented direction led by bourgeois forces allied with world capitalism during the decade of the 1990s, has prompted a new round of discus- sion and debate on the origins and development of nationalism and the nation-state that has implications for contemporary nationalism and nationalist movements in the world today. This discussion and debate has been framed within the context of classical and contemporary social theory addressing the nature and role of the state and nation, as well as class and ethnicity, in an attempt to understand the relationship between these phenomena as part of an analysis of the development and transformation of society and social relations in the late twentieth century. This paper provides a critical analysis of classical and contemporary mainstream and Marxist theories of the nation, nationalism, and eth- nic con ict. After an examination of select classical bourgeois statements on the nature of the nation and nationalism, I provide a critique of contemporary bourgeois and neo-Marxist formulations and adopt a class analysis approach informed by historical materialism to explain the class nature and dynamics of nationalism and ethnonational con ict. Critical Sociology 26,3 206 berch berberoglu Mainstream Theories of the Nation and Nationalism Conventional social theories on the nature and sources of national- ism and ethnic con ict cover a time span encompassing classical to con- temporary statements that provide a conservative perspective to the analysis of ethnonational phenomena that have taken center stage in the late twentieth century. -
No. 32, January-February, 2011
January-February 2011 No. 32 The $2 €2 Internationalist From Resistance to Counteroffensive to the Struggle for Workers Power FocalFocal PointPoint Europe:Europe: CapitalismCapitalism inin Crisis,Crisis, ClassClass StruggleStruggle EruptsErupts Claude Platiau/Reuters Greece on the Razor’s Edge. 16 France: Worker-Student Upsurge. 51-64 Australia $2, Brazil R$3, Britain £1.50, U.S. War on North Korea Never Ended. 39 Canada $2, Europe €2, India Rs. 50, Japan ¥200, Mexico $10, Philippines 50 p, Mobilize Against Attacks on Muslims . 81 S. Africa R10, S. Korea 2,000 won 2 The Internationalist January-February 2011 In this issue... Denounce FBI Raids on Leftist Antiwar Order Now! and Solidarity Activists ............................ 4 This bulletin contains the Focal Point Europe: Capitalism in analysis by Karl Marx of Crisis, Class Struggle Erupts ................. 5 slavery under capitalism and his key writings on Fury of Student Revolt Shakes Up Britain ... 8 the second American Revolution. The new Greece on the Razor’s Edge ..................... 16 edition adds articles Free Julian Assange! Drop All Charges! .... 28 by George Novack on slavery and the U.S./South Korean Provocations plantation system in Could Ignite New Korean War ............... 33 North America, as well as polemics on the U.S. War on North Korea Never Ended ..... 39 policy of communists on the Civil War. France: May in October? The Spectre of a New ’68 ....................... 51 US$1 To Drive Out Sarkozy & Co. Order from/make checks payable to: Mundial Publications, Box 3321, Fight for Power to the Workers ............ 56 Church Street Station, New York, New York 10008, U.S.A. -
The Development Path of the Serbian Language and Script Matica Srpska – Members’ Society of Montenegro Department of Serbian Language and Literature
Jelica Stojanović THE DEVELOPMENT PATH OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND SCRIPT MATICA SRPSKA – MEMBERS’ SOCIETY OF MONTENEGRO DEPARTMENT OF SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE Title of the original Serbian Edition: Jelica Stojanović, Put srpskog jezika i pisma, Belgrade, Srpska književna zadruga, 2017, The Blue Edition series For the publisher JELICA STOJANOVIĆ Editor DRAGO PEROVIĆ Translation NOVICA PETROVIĆ ©Матица српска – Друштво чланова у Црној Гори, Подгорица, 2020. Jelica Stojanović THE DEVELOPMENT PATH OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND SCRIPT Podgorica 2020 MILOš KOVAčEVIć THE DEVELOPMENT PATH OF THE SERBIAN LANGUAGE AND SCRIPT, MADE UP OF STRAY PATHS Only two years have passed from the two hundredth anni- versary of the beginning of Vuk Karadžić’s struggle for “intro- ducing the folk language in literature”, that is to say, from the introduction of the Serbian folk language in the Serbian literary language, or to put it in the more modern phrasing of today: the standard language. The beginning of that struggle is connected to the year 1814, when, in the royal city of Vienna, Vuk’s first grammar book came out: The Orthography of the Serbian Lan- guage Based on the Speech of the Common Folk, which dealt with resolving the three most important standard-related issues: a) the issue of the Serbian orthography, b) the issue of the morpho- logical structure of the Serbian language, and c) the issue of the name of the language and its national boundaries. Rare are the languages, if, indeed, there are any, which have had such a turbulent history of two hundred years. The histor- ical development of a language can be followed at two histor- ical levels: that of its internal and that of its external history. -
Socialism and Nationalism in the Third World in the Age of Third Worldism
METU Studies in Development, 44 (December), 2017, 281-300 Socialism and nationalism in the third world in the age of third worldism Erkan Doğan Kocaeli University, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Kocaeli e-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article investigates the relationship between socialism and nationalism with a special emphasis on its Third Worldist variant. The Third Worldist orthodoxy of the post- colonial age blurred the boundaries between nationalism and socialism, with Third Worldist nationalism being an expression of resentment directed against imperialism and the uneven development produced by capitalism. Socialism was understood within this Third Worldist moment in terms of a nation’s political and economic liberation from foreign imperialist powers and their internal collaborators. Socialism was seen as something which would make nations politically and economically independent and developed. Key words: Third Worldism, socialism, national liberation, developmentalism. 1. Introduction In his work, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy, Walker Connor (1984: 19-20) points to three different strains of thought within the Marxist legacy in terms of its relationship to the national question. These strains can be read in a chronological sequence as the historical and intellectual sources of the gravitation of socialism towards nationalism from the mid-19th century to the post-colonial era. The first strain is represented by the “classical Marxism” of Marx and Engels and their leading disciples, which emphasized the primacy and indispensability of class struggle, therefore seeing socialism as being irreconcilable with nationalism. The second strain, generalizing the principle of the recognition of the right of self-determination in the realm of action, seems to have been crystallized in the historical experience of the Russian Revolution, opening the door to the implementation of socialism first in Asia and then in other geographies of what would later become the Third World.