Internationalism and Nationalism
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Wars, Revolutions and the First Real World Revolution
HAOL, Núm. 19 (Primavera, 2009), 7-27 ISSN 1696-2060 WARS, REVOLUTIONS AND THE FIRST REAL WORLD REVOLUTION Petri Minkkinen University of Helsinki, Finland. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 3 Marzo 2009 / Revisado: 1 Abril 2009 / Aceptado: 15 Abril 2009 / Publicación Online: 15 Junio 2009 Abstract: The purpose of this article is to Eurocentric actors as the main protagonists of engage in a conceptual discussion for a broader these global rules and thus global power- publication on “The Cycles of Imperialism, War relations, especially in an emerging situation in and Revolution”. It departs from a which also material factors support their presupposition that our common world is possibilities and capabilities to set these rules.1 experiencing a transition from a broad Another presupposition is that this global Eurocentric historical context into a non- transition is an interactive process of world level Eurocentric broad historical context. It proceeds processes and transformations and revolutionary by a historical discussion on the concepts related and power-political transitions at macro- to wars, reforms and revolutions and explains regional, national and local levels. A related why, in the context of the actual phase of global presupposition is that, as was the case of transition and the First Real World War, it is, Mexico’s revolution of 1910 which had national, despite earlier discussions on revolutions and macro-regional and global transformative world revolutions, meaningful to suggest that implications, the new long revolutionary process our common world is experiencing a First Real in Mexico has produced, is producing and will World Revolution. produce similar implications but which take Keywords: Broad Eurocentric historical context, place in a different world historical situation. -
Raya Dunayevskaya Papers
THE RAYA DUNAYEVSKAYA COLLECTION Marxist-Humanism: Its Origins and Development in America 1941 - 1969 2 1/2 linear feet Accession Number 363 L.C. Number ________ The papers of Raya Dunayevskaya were placed in the Archives of Labor History and Urban Affairs in J u l y of 1969 by Raya Dunayevskaya and were opened for research in May 1970. Raya Dunayevskaya has devoted her l i f e to the Marxist movement, and has devel- oped a revolutionary body of ideas: the theory of state-capitalism; and the continuity and dis-continuity of the Hegelian dialectic in Marx's global con- cept of philosophy and revolution. Born in Russia, she was Secretary to Leon Trotsky in exile in Mexico in 1937- 38, during the period of the Moscow Trials and the Dewey Commission of Inquiry into the charges made against Trotsky in those Trials. She broke politically with Trotsky in 1939, at the outset of World War II, in opposition to his defense of the Russian state, and began a comprehensive study of the i n i t i a l three Five-Year Plans, which led to her analysis that Russia is a state-capitalist society. She was co-founder of the political "State-Capitalist" Tendency within the Trotskyist movement in the 1940's, which was known as Johnson-Forest. Her translation into English of "Teaching of Economics in the Soviet Union" from Pod Znamenem Marxizma, together with her commentary, "A New Revision of Marxian Economics", appeared in the American Economic Review in 1944, and touched off an international debate among theoreticians. -
Marxism, Stalinism, and the Juche Speech of 1955: on the Theoretical De-Stalinization of North Korea
Marxism, Stalinism, and the Juche Speech of 1955: On the Theoretical De-Stalinization of North Korea Alzo David-West This essay responds to the argument of Brian Myers that late North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s Juche speech of 1955 is not nationalist (or Stalinist) in any meaningful sense of the term. The author examines the literary formalist method of interpretation that leads Myers to that conclusion, considers the pro- grammatic differences of orthodox Marxism and its development as “Marx- ism-Leninism” under Stalinism, and explains that the North Korean Juche speech is not only nationalist, but also grounded in the Stalinist political tradi- tion inaugurated in the Soviet Union in 1924. Keywords: Juche, Nationalism, North Korean Stalinism, Soviet Stalinism, Socialism in One Country Introduction Brian Myers, a specialist in North Korean literature and advocate of the view that North Korea is not a Stalinist state, has advanced the argument in his Acta Koreana essay, “The Watershed that Wasn’t” (2006), that late North Korean leader Kim Il Sung’s Juche speech of 1955, a landmark document of North Korean Stalinism authored two years after the Korean War, “is not nationalist in any meaningful sense of the term” (Myers 2006:89). That proposition has far- reaching historical and theoretical implications. North Korean studies scholars such as Charles K. Armstrong, Adrian Buzo, Seong-Chang Cheong, Andrei N. Lankov, Chong-Sik Lee, and Bala、zs Szalontai have explained that North Korea adhered to the tactically unreformed and unreconstructed model of nationalist The Review of Korean Studies Volume 10 Number 3 (September 2007) : 127-152 © 2007 by the Academy of Korean Studies. -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Dictatorship of the Proletariat’
Revolution and the ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’ Vanessa Walilko DePaul University March 2004 V.I. Lenin has been accused of being “power-crazed” and “a fanatic believer in a Communist utopia” (Getzler: 464).1 To others, Lenin is considered to be the “greatest thinker to have been produced by the revolutionary working class movement since Marx” (Lukacs: 10). By still others, he is considered a “cynical authoritarian” or a “revolutionary idealist”2 (Rereading: 19). It has also been proposed that Lenin “had a compulsive need to dominate” and that he “was indeed a revolutionary fanatic” (ibid: xvii). Yet Lenin identified one reason for his writings: to clear up those aspects of Marx’s and Engels’ theories which had been “ignored and distorted3 by the opportunists” (State and Revolution: 384, Rereading: 5).4 Despite the fact that Marx and Lenin agreed on many points regarding revolution and the role the proletariat would play after they had secured power for themselves, many of Lenin’s ideas are at the same time quite distinct from the theories that Marx put down in The Communist Manifesto and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850. This paper will address their similarities and differences in views regarding the necessity of the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Marx understood that the material conditions of life, particularly the political economy determined human consciousness (Theory and Revolution: 34). Marx believed that history was driven by the class struggle.5 This class antagonism eventually evolved into an open fight which “either ended in a large revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes” (Manifesto: 1).6 The revolution,7 therefore, was the catalyst for radical social change. -
Marx, Historical Materialism and the Asiatic Wde Of
MARX, HISTORICAL MATERIALISM AND THE ASIATIC WDE OF PRODUCTION BY Joseph Bensdict Huang Tan B.A. (Honors) Simon Fraser University 1994 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE SCHOOL OF COMMUN ICATION @Joseph B. Tan 2000 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 2000 Al1 rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. uisitions and Acguiiiet raphii Senrices senrices bibiiihiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li'brary of Canada to BibIiothèque nationale du Canada de reproduceYloan, distriiute or sel1 reproduireyprêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microh, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous papa or electronic formats. la fome de micro fi ch el^ de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author tetains ownership of the L'auîeur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis*Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts iÏom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT Historical materialism (HM), the theory of history originally developed by Marx and Engels is most comrnonly interpreted as a unilinear model, which dictates that al1 societies must pass through definite and universally similar stages on the route to communism. This simplistic interpretation existed long before Stalin and has persisted long after the process of de-Stalinization and into the present. -
The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 3-1-2014 Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange Mariko Frame University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Frame, Mariko, "Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 207. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/207 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange __________ A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy __________ by Mariko Frame March 2014 Advisor: Dr. Haider Khan ©Copyright by Mariko Frame 2013 All Rights Reserved Author: Mariko L. Frame Title: Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange Advisor: Dr. Haider Khan Degree Date: March 2014 Abstract This dissertation examines the issue of foreign investment -
Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. -
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Communist Party of India (Marxist) Programme Introduction 1.1 The Communist Party inherited the progressive, anti-imperialist and revolutionary traditions of the Indian people. Since its formation in 1920, by a small group of determined anti-imperialist fighters inspired by the October Socialist Revolution in Russia, the Party had set before itself the goal of fighting for complete independence and basic social transformation. The Party pledged to work for the establishment of a socialist society in India, free from class exploitation and social oppression. 1.2 True to the cause of proletarian internationalism, the Party consistently supported the national liberation movements against the imperialist order and the struggles for democracy and socialism the world over, which were major features of the twentieth century. The Party adopted the principles of Marxism-Leninism as the guide to action for winning national independence, to attain the objective of socialism and to advance towards the ultimate goal of communism. The Communists were the first in the country to raise the demand for complete independence and put forward a resolution for this in the Ahmedabad session of the Indian National Congress in 1921. 1.3 The Communists, while demanding complete independence, also stressed the need for giving a radical content to the slogan of swaraj through a definite programme for social and economic change by including such vital questions as abolition of landlordism, end to feudal domination and elimination of caste oppression. 1.4 The Communists while participating in the freedom struggle, from the outset, devoted their energies to the task of organising workers in trade unions, peasants in the Kisan Sabha, students in their unions and other sections in their respective mass organisations. -
"The National Question" Reconsidered
From an Ecological Perspective: "The National Question" Reconsidered Jeremy Brecher NINETEEN-EIGHTY-SIX MARK ED THE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY of a general strike throughout the United States for the eight hour day, best remembered today for the trial and judicial murder of the Haymarket Martyrs. That event came to be commemorated in the world-wide holiday May Day celebrating the international solidarity of labor. One hundred years later, May Day was barely acknowledged in North America, while in Moscow's Red Square tanks paraded and jet fighters screamed overhead. Similar celebrations occurred in the Soviet-dominated countries of Eastern Europe and in the anti-Soviet and mutually hostile Communist countries of Asia. The festival of international solidarity has been transformed into a celebration of national power. Yet the insubstantiality of national boundaries was well demonstrated on last year's May Day , not by workers of all lands joining in The Internationale, but by a cloud of radioactive dust circling the globe, carrying the message "Chernobyl is everywhere." It is in this context that I want to reconsider what radicals once called " the national question. " The problems of nationality, nationalism, and the nation state have proved over the past century to be the greatest stumbling blocks to the aspirations for a better world expressed in socialist, anarchist, communist, and related radical movements. Class has not so far proved to be a unifying bond which overcomes the conflicts among different peoples. Nor has the liberation of one people from oppression by another ensured pro-social behavior op the part of the formerly oppressed once in power. -
Nationalism and the Proletarian Revolution Lenin and the Birth Of
Nationalism and the Proletarian Revolution page 15 m Lenin and the birth of Bolshevism (part two> page 9 DISCUSSION: Marxism-Leninism and Parliamentarism page 5 Review-History of the Albanian Party of labour Editorial NUMBER FIFTEEN AUTUMN 1970 Price 2s comment· At home PREDICTABLY, after its electoral defeat, the La to be limited to trying to establish the best con bour Party is now preparing to 'move to the left'. ditions in which collective bargaining can take place. The leadership is in some difficulty due to the That it can never go beyond this function is assured absence of a 'left' leader of any .stature who has in many ways, for instance the division between the some semblance of mass support among the work industrial .and political wings of the movement, as ing class but a start has been rriade with the election it is so often put. Labour Party and trade union to the Shadow Cabinet of Michael Foot. conference decisions can be safely ignored by MPs because the Parliamentary Labour Party is autono The CPGB and some trotskyist factions are well mous and decides its own policies. aware of the strong anti:.Tory sentiments that exist among militant workers and are trying to take ad A study of the policies of b~th Labour and Tory vantage of it for the purpose of diverting this basi administrations· clearly shows that they differ only cally class feeling into the blind alley of 'pushing on the question of the best way of maintaining the Labour to the left', and if successful, will bring Capitalist system. -
Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Class Struggle: a Critical Analysis of Mainstream and Marxist Theories of Nationalism and National Movements
NATIONALISM, ETHNIC CONFLICT, AND CLASS STRUGGLE: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF MAINSTREAM AND MARXIST THEORIES OF NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL MOVEMENTS Berch Berberoglu Department of Sociology University of Nevada, Reno Introduction The resurgence of nationalism and ethnonationalist con ict in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its associated Eastern European states in their transition from a form of socialism to a market- oriented direction led by bourgeois forces allied with world capitalism during the decade of the 1990s, has prompted a new round of discus- sion and debate on the origins and development of nationalism and the nation-state that has implications for contemporary nationalism and nationalist movements in the world today. This discussion and debate has been framed within the context of classical and contemporary social theory addressing the nature and role of the state and nation, as well as class and ethnicity, in an attempt to understand the relationship between these phenomena as part of an analysis of the development and transformation of society and social relations in the late twentieth century. This paper provides a critical analysis of classical and contemporary mainstream and Marxist theories of the nation, nationalism, and eth- nic con ict. After an examination of select classical bourgeois statements on the nature of the nation and nationalism, I provide a critique of contemporary bourgeois and neo-Marxist formulations and adopt a class analysis approach informed by historical materialism to explain the class nature and dynamics of nationalism and ethnonational con ict. Critical Sociology 26,3 206 berch berberoglu Mainstream Theories of the Nation and Nationalism Conventional social theories on the nature and sources of national- ism and ethnic con ict cover a time span encompassing classical to con- temporary statements that provide a conservative perspective to the analysis of ethnonational phenomena that have taken center stage in the late twentieth century.