Secwepemcésk ̓ E: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming

Secwepemcésk̓ e: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming

by Theodore Gottfriedson

Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

in the Department of Linguistics Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval

Name: Theodore Gottfriedson Degree: Master of Arts Title: Secwepemcésk̓ e: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming Examining Committee: Chair: Nancy Hedberg Professor

Marianne Ignace Senior Supervisor Professor

Ronald Ignace Supervisor Adjunct Professor

Date Approved: April 17, 2019

ii Ethics Statement

iii Abstract

This research addresses the subject of Secwepemcésk̓ e, Secwépemc personal names and naming, in order to increase knowledge about our traditional names, and help to revitalize the use of Secwepemctsín names as an important domain in the use and knowledge of our language. It is a contribution to the overall revitalization of our endangered language. To recover Secwépemc traditional names that our ancestors from Skítsestn and Tk̓ emlúps were given during the 19th and early 20th centuries, I worked with archival records such as Baptisms 1867-1882 and Marriages 1873-1874 from the Kamloops Catholic Diocese; the 1881 Canada Census (Yale Division); the 1877-1878 Joint Reserve Commission Census; and early band lists from the 1920s. In focus group sessions and interviews, I discussed these with a group of Secwepemctsín speaking Elders, mainly from Skítsestn, who provided translations, correct pronunciations, the meaning and context of names, and cultural background information. The information from these sessions, a literature review of previous ethnographic writings and analyses of names by ethnographer James Teit, and research completed by Drs. Marianne and Ronald Ignace all combined to provide a comprehensive examination of Secwépemc names and practices of name-giving. In addition, these works, combined with the focus group sessions with Elders, revealed various categories of Secwepemc names, including ancestral names that derive from spirit-guardian quests (étsxem) but were then passed down to keep the memory of ancestors alive, as well as nick-names that refer to characteristics of a person, and names that directly name the guardian spirit of a person. To enable better understanding of the linguistic structure of Secwepemcésk̓ e, I provide a linguistic morpheme gloss of names across these categories, in the hope that this will enable new generations of Secwépemc to engage in naming practices true to the practices and protocols of our ancestors.

iv Keywords: Secwepemc, Indigenous Personal Names, anthroponymy

v Dedication Firstly, it is important to thank the Elders who have endured and held onto the things that make us Secwépemc, I am grateful for your strength and perseverance in the face of what were insurmountable odds. Without your indomitable spirit, we would have nothing left to save and be truly lost.

I would also like to thank the Elders at the beginning of my language learning journey who took the time to share our language, teach me our beautiful language, and inspire me to continue learning our language: Lizzie Thomas, Mildred Gottfriedson, Clara Charlie, Vivian Williams, Daniel and Loretta Seymour, kukwstsétselp.

A special thank you to the Elders who in later years continued to unselfishly pass on their knowledge: Daniel and Leona Calhoun, Christine Simon, Amy Slater, Garlene Dodson, Julie Antoine, Doris Gage, Bill Pete and ‘The’ Mona Jules who through her many years of hard work and dedication to our language, is the undisputed Dr. of Secwepemctsín, kukwstsétselp.

Thank you to my supervisor, Dr. Marianne Ignace, for all your guidance, support, patience, and your many years of dedication to the Secwépemc, ell re xqweltén-kt. Yerí7 re skukwstsétsemc!

I would also like to thank Tk̓ emlúps te Secwépemc (TteS), with special emphasis to the Education Department, for all their support. Through their actions TteS has demonstrated that their belief in the importance of revitalizing our language goes beyond words.

vi Thank you to my family: mom, dad, sisters, brothers, aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews, kukwstsétselp for all your support and especially for the loud gatherings and laughter; having a supportive extended family such as this, truly allows us to be who we are.

Thank you to my wife Sharon, ren sxuxwyéyem – “my one” who is a true partner and confidant; and my children: Ted, Alexis, Emma and Mackenzie, ren púp̓ smen – “my heart” kukwstsétselp for giving me the greatest joy of all, fatherhood.

vii Table of Contents

Approval ...... ii Ethics Statement ...... iii Abstract ...... iv Dedication ...... vi Table of Contents ...... viii List of Tables ...... ix List of Figures...... x The Sounds of Secwepemctsín Written in the Practical Alphabet ...... xi

Chapter 1. Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 2. Literature Review ...... 10

Chapter 3. Methodology ...... 14

Chapter 4. Data Analysis ...... 19

Chapter 5. Conclusion ...... 37

References ...... 38

viii List of Tables

Table 1. ésq̓ t suffix ...... 23 Table 2. éscen/élst suffix ...... 23 Table 3. qín/qen suffix ...... 24 Table 4. étkwe suffix ...... 25 Table 5. ín̓ ek suffix ...... 25 Table 6. íts̓ e7 suffix ...... 26 Table 7. el̓qs suffix ...... 27 Table 8. el̓cken, l̓cken suffix ...... 27 Table 9. (s)tím̓ t suffix ...... 28 Table 10. Warrior names ...... 32 Table 11. Adapted Christian names ...... 35

ix List of Figures

Figure 1. Skítsestn Elders Group (excluding: Dr. Ignace and Ted Gottfriedson) Front Row L-R: Leona Calhoun, Amy Slater, Daniel Calhoun, Christine Simon Back Row L-R: Dr. Marianne Ignace, Julie Antoine, Ted Gottfriedson, Doris Gage Missing: Garlene Dodson ...... 13 Figure 2. Brainstorming Session ...... 16 Figure 3. Baptisms (1867-1882) and marriages (1873-1874) from the Kamloops Catholic Diocese ...... 17 Figure 4. Elder Christine Simon’s explaination of the name Kekéwqen ...... 29 Figure 5. Elder Christine Simon’s explanation of the name Sentéws ...... 30 Figure 6. The Calhoun Family Tree ...... 36

x The Sounds of Secwepemctsín Written in the Practical Alphabet

Vowels Description Usage a similar to a in father ah in Eastern Secwepemctsín é similar to a in tan a in Eastern Secwepemctsín e similar to a in alone or unstressed e is deleted in Eastern Secwepemctsín in the (schwa) e in enough surroundings of syllabic l, m, and n and semi-vowels w and y i similar to ee in feet or retracted to ia before throat sounds (uvulars and pharyngeals) ea in beam o similar to o in rod or augh in naught u similar to oo in noon retracted to o before throat sounds (uvulars and pharyngeal)

Consonants Plain stop Glottalized stop Fricative Plain resonant Glottalized resonant Labial p p̓ m m̓ Dental-lateral t t̓ ll n, l n̓, l̓ Alveolar ts ts̓ s Palatal y y̓ Velar-plain k k̓ c r r̓ (rare) Velar-rounded kw kw̓ cw w w̓ Uvular-plain q q̓ x Uvular-rounded qw qw̓ xw Pharyngeal- g g̓ (rare) plain Pharyngeal- gw gw̓ rounded Laryngeal 7 h

Note: the diacritic ́ is used to indicate syllable stress, which can be born by any syllable containing the vowels é (as opposed to the always unstressed schwa e) i, a, or u. In destressed syllables, u is reduced to ew, and e, i, and a are reduced to the unstressed e. In addition, a period is used to separate two letters that are also used in combination to represent a phoneme (e.g., t.s versus ts and c.w versus cw). And parentheses are used to indicate a variation in the spelling and pronunciation of a word, which often reflects a dialect and speech community difference or in some cases an optional affix (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. xxii).

xi Chapter 1. Introduction

Indigenous peoples have the right to revitalize, use, develop and transmit to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures, and to designate and retain their own names for communities, places and persons (United Nations, 2007).

My mother (Evelyn Gottfriedson nee Thomas) and father (Theodore Gottfriedson Sr.) were and continue to be fiercely proud of their Secwépemc roots, a quality they handed down to their children and grandchildren. My mother’s story is one of an incredible journey of perseverance in the face of overwhelming odds. Evelyn’s parents were: Squwéy (Edmund Thomas) of Tk̓ emlúps, and Núnxwenxw (Elizabeth Thomas nee: Lampreau) of Simpcw. Together Squwéy and Núnxwenxw had five sons and five daughters, my mother being the youngest child. Evelyn’s father was a man whose early life was rich with the language and culture of our people, a fully complete life. In his childhood, Squwéy’s parents shared with him what it meant to become a ‘human being’ within Secwépemc society, sadly, later on in his life, it was a path that became too difficult for him to stay on. He was a fluent speaker of the language, well versed in the culture of our people, performed the tasks to earn his name, his songs, his power – he completed his étsxem.

By going ‘up in the mountains,’ a young person had to live in solitude for days, potentially weeks and months, often on more than one stay. Through étsxem, which included fasting and prayer in solitude, individuals found their personal seméc (spirit guardian power). They were told, ‘Me7 etsxemíncwes re7 seméc’ (‘You should train for your guardian spirit power’). Seméc is thus conceived of as a spiritual quality and essence that does not exist accidentally or automatically but instead can be obtained and channelled by training and working hard for it. While away from the distractions of community and other people, young people on the étsxem went through rigorous fasting and physical training that allowed them to communicate with the spirits of animals. Songs would come to them, given by an animal or force of nature, like fire or water, that thus showed itself to the person questing and transferred its spirit power. These acquired

1 seméc, embodied as a certain animal or a force of nature, would come to people, often during their dreams or while they were in a trance state. These seméc would become part of them, giving them special powers derived from the characteristic of the animal spirit or force of nature they received (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 384).

By all accounts, Squwéy was set up to enjoy a successful life as a Secwépemc man. He continued his journey and married a young Secwépemc woman from a Tqéltkemc (Upriver People) community, the Simpcw. Núnxwenxw (Elizabeth Lampreau) was a beautiful young lady who had come from a family of survivors, not unlike every other Secwépemc family during this era. Her father Seymour Lampreau was the son of a French trapper and Secwépemc wife. Seymour was a man who had lost his own wife in an influenza epidemic and raised his surviving children as a single father in difficult times. Being a single parent, reluctantly he was left with no choice and sent his children to residential school. Before attending residential school, Núnxwenxw was given a name as a child, not the formal process as set out in Secwépemc Society, but a name given to her by her family regardless.

Children receive a name sometime after they are able to walk easily. A few children, however, are named while yet in the cradle. A child could be named from either its father’s or mother’s ancestors or people. The most honorable and satisfactory method of giving a name is that of calling the neighboring people together, giving a feast, and proclaiming before them the name by which the child is to be known (Teit, 1900, p. 290).

Núnxwenxw was the first generation in my mother’s family to attend residential school (her husband Squwéy did not). Unlike her husband she did not have the formal cultural training he received, as she was in residential school; she did not perform the tasks expected of a young female to complete her étsxem. The attacks on Núnxwenxw’s identity were swift, calculated, brutal and continued throughout the duration of her ‘education’. It was at the end of her time at residential school that her father’s mixed heritage played a pivotal role in deciding her future as a Secwépemc woman and eventually mother. As was the norm in residential schools, the priests and nuns assumed and exercised absolute control over every aspect of the lives of the children, insofar as to influence their lives after residential school. In the case of Núnxwenxw, to

2 choose a marriage they deemed appropriate for her betterment (assimilation). It was in this instance that Seymour asserted his own views on the subject, that his daughter was autonomous and free to choose her own husband. This was unacceptable to the nuns, and as they discussed the matter and their opinions of him in French; Seymour stood patiently by waiting, and upon the completion of their discussion he again asserted his view, and to their distress, in French. Seymour was like most of the First Nation’s people in our area, he was a polyglot, he spoke: all four Interior Salish Languages, English, French and a little Cree.

It was years later that my mother Evelyn was born. She never had the opportunity to meet her Grandmothers, Grandfathers, nor truly to get to know her father Squwéy. It was in the few years before my mother’s birth and the early stages of her childhood that her father entered into a downward spiral that would end his life. Squwéy was prepared for the expectations of a Secwépemc man, to hunt, to fish, to care for the territory of his people, to be a contributing member of his community, to provide for his family and make the basic decisions needed for the betterment of himself, his family and his community. What he was not prepared for was a colonial system that would challenge every aspect of the duties expected of a Secwépemc man.

The years took their toll, and before my mother was born it became legal for Indians to drink alcohol. My grandmother Núnxwenxw had said, “Your grandfather was a good man, until he drank.” It was shortly after my mother was born that Núnxwenxw ended her marriage with Squwéy. Like so many of our people who were left without hope, Squwéy filled the hole left in him with alcohol. Squwéy died when my mother was nine or ten years old, he was alone, intoxicated, and defeated on a railroad track far from home.

It was through this time that my mother grew up in residential school, the same as all of her older siblings. In the years since my grandmother Núnxwenxw was in the

3 school, the school did not evolve into an educational system with the goal to help our people become successful. Instead it continued to work towards the ambition of the Government of Canada, ‘to kill the Indian within the child’. As was the case with Núnxwenxw, albeit – with a reduced vigour, the priests and nuns would settle for a husband who wasn’t Indian. The efforts of the residential school had the opposite effect on my mother and thoroughly entrenched in her the desire to hold on to what she could about being Secwépemc. It was only an idea she determinedly held on to, the notion of being Secwépemc, as by this point in our family the language was now absent as were the cultural teachings; teachings that were only one generation away from my mom. At one family dinner my mother succinctly put her stance into the most memorable words. Myself and my wife, my sisters and their spouses, and all the grandchildren (no small number) were at a family dinner when the subject came up and my mother commented on the efforts and attempted influence of the nuns and priests, “When I left there (residential school), and they tried to make us ashamed of who we were, I didn’t want them to win, I chose the toughest, brownest little Indian I could find – and that was your dad.” It is from her determination that one more piece fell into place and affirmed my resolve; it would be my responsibility to honor her and all those who came before her, and those who will come after us to learn and pass on our language and ways of being.

The story of my father and his parents though similar in many aspects – especially in terms of attending residential school, differs greatly in the fact that his parents were better able to hold onto who they were, where they came from, each other and remain focussed on what needed to be done. My father’s father was August (Gus) Gottfriedson, an Okanagan man who transferred to the Tk̓ emlúps band before marrying my dad’s mother, Mildred Gottfriedson (Millie) C.M. (nee: Manuel) who was from Tk̓ emlúps. Gus’ transfer from the Okanagan Indian band he was born into, to Tk̓ emlúps speaks to the type of man he was, for it was no easy task. Gus proved to be honest, loyal, a leader, and hardworking - all traits that were essential to what the Secwépemc considered in making a good man.

4 After his successful transfer and marriage to Millie, they raised their twelve children and numerous foster children. Gus and Millie were constant pillars of the Tk̓ emlúps community as evidenced by the number of foster children they raised; committees and societies they organized, and established – at community, regional, provincial, and national levels; and for us today – their legacy laid the foundation for the Secwépemc on which we can continue to rebuild our society.

Despite being a very busy couple, Millie and Gus found the time to encourage and support their children in their children’s pursuit of sports, especially rodeo. Gus and the Secwépemc were avid horsemen and found great satisfaction in breaking, riding, raising, and being around horses. This love of horses transferred to the competitive world of rodeos where Gus and his sons enjoyed success. While Gus and his sons took care of the livestock, ranching duties, and any work to be done outside; Millie and her daughters were taking care of the home. Millie found the time to share the traditional songs, dances and spirituality with her children; as she spent the majority of her time with her daughters, they were the ones who benefited from the majority of her teachings. Sadly, neither Gus nor Mildred taught their children Secwepemctsín (nor Nsyilxcen – the Okanagan Language, a language belonging to the Interior Salish Language Family, Gus’ language). The story of my paternal side is a story of the strengths found between two people and their ability to not just see their family through a dark time in Canadian history, but to enjoy personal success and pass on knowledge of their culture to future generations.

It is from these two sides of my family that I draw inspiration. Leading to a desire to find answers and feeling the optimism to continue looking.

The history of my family is a shared history by the Secwépemc Nation and all other First Nations in Canada. It is from the remnants of the destructive, violent path of colonialism that we must pick up the pieces of our languages and cultures and put them

5 back together to rebuild our societies. This will not be an easy task, for the path we face is perforated with obstacles that have been set out for generations and are woven into a system that is not only foreign, not fully understood by the Secwépemc, but also designed to stop us. Once we get past these obstacles, we face others of a practical linguistic nature. Finding fluent speakers from an ever-decreasing pool to draw from is reaching near impossible odds. In my community we are down to two remaining fluent speakers, both of whom are elderly. After finding the necessary fluent speakers, the complex system of sounds found within Secwepemctsín are difficult to overcome and master; the structure of the language (a member of the Salish Language Family, and a language which is estimated to be approximately 6,000 years old) has been thoroughly studied by the linguist Aert Kuipers, and with in-depth research, has demonstrated how sophisticated the structure is; the nuances of meaning are very difficult to translate much less understand, which leads to the difficulty inherent in the translation of the language. Translating Secwepemctsín through an English lens drastically limits the meaning both culturally and linguistically.

Translation, in its broadest cultural sense – but also in narrower terms – is a complex process that requires nuanced understanding of the layered cultural meanings inherent in word, not least in names (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016).

As Grenoble reminds us,

Beyond the actual number of speakers across generations, language use across domains is important. In order for a language to be vital, it needs to be used by a community of speakers in a large number of domains. One of the key signs of language shift is the use of the language in dwindling domains; in order to revitalize it, the domains need to be increased (Grenoble, 2013, p. 797).

The subject of personal names in Secwepemctsín is quickly becoming a lost domain within the culture of the Secwépemc. Through past colonial practices of assigning the Secwépemc with Christian names a practice initiated in the 1860s, and which in the subsequent generation became the surname of this generation’s children. The Secwépemc have suffered the loss of an entire system of identity, history and social customs, save for the knowledge of some Elders who still carry or remember ancestral

6 names, and save for some individuals who have carried on practices of traditional naming of their children.

The topic of my research will be the principles of naming in Secwepemctsín, their meanings, customs, and significance. Included will be narratives associated with the traditional names, the origin, reasons for the names, who “owned” the names, and any noteworthy information. Personal names in Secwépemc culture performed more than the task of being the name of a person, they were a source of familial history, spiritual strength, personal milestones (coming of age). Over time, through an adaptive process to overcome the loss of naming, an informal process was created and embraced.

New names are being invented all the time, and these are often transmitted to children and grandchildren. Such names are nicknames, like ‘Struck-on- the-head,’ the name of a man who when a boy had been struck over the head by a warrior; ‘Shot-back,’ a man who had been shot in his back by an arrow; ‘Hairy-face,’ a man who had heavy whiskers (Teit, 1900, p. 291).

The use of nicknames played a significant role in Secwépemc society, a practice that has evolved through time and continues presently. Within my family for example, nicknames play a significant role in our interactions within our family group. A nickname is used to form close links and offer a means in which we share in the personal history of individuals. The nicknames used within our family can be based in Secwepemctsín, on a significant event that the individual is known for, or a noted characteristic of the bearer of the nickname. A significant aspect of this project will be to reclaim traditional names and understand the processes involved in creating traditional personal names. This domain in Secwepemctsín is under-researched and with the passing of each fluent speaker the opportunity to understand this aspect of the Secwépemc Culture and Language vanishes.

7 To overcome the obstacles and successfully revitalize our language and culture and rebuild a healthy society, our language and culture are vital elements; but in order to bring back our language and culture, we need to have a healthy society.

Researching Secwepemcésk̓ e is a domain in our language and culture that is vitally important in reclaiming our identity, in many distinct aspects: literally, spiritually, culturally and socially.

‘A rose by any other name would smell as sweet’

Or would it? The line above, as uttered by the female lead of William Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet, is often cited to convey the notion that names are merely perfunctory words that have no bearing on the quality or function of the objects they denote. This volume questions such assumptions by analysing how, more than just performing a simple labelling duty, names can represent deeper kinds of identity, act as objects of attachment and dependence, and reflect community mores and social customs, while functioning as powerful determinants of inclusion and exclusion. Importantly, the contributors to this publication examine why names are not only symbols of their referents but also manifestations of cultural, linguistic and social heritage in their own right (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1).

We need to know what we named ourselves, the processes involved in how we came to those names, the cultural significance, understand the nuances of the meaning of the names and the subtleties found within the meanings of the names, cultural rules and the rights and responsibilities associated with the names. This knowledge will help to heal our communities and bring unity back to our people; as understood and expressed by Teit,

This idea of the unity of the family is most strongly brought out in the hereditary names of the Indians. Each family had certain names, and no one but members of the family were permitted to use them. Thus the same names in different dialectic forms are found among the Shuswap, Okanagan, and Upper and Lower Thompsons. These names can always be traced to a common ancestor of the persons bearing them. They do not seem, however, to have been the property of families for a long time, new names being often invented. It is not known whether there are any other

8 customs based on the idea of the unity of all the descendants of a remote ancestor (Teit, 1900, p. 290).

As a side note, another important aspect of naming in Secwepemctsín that needs to be addressed is that of toponymy. The place names within our territory will explain our relationship to our territory, the way we approached the use of resources, the laws we applied, in general it will reveal the attitude we have towards the land. To understand our place names and reclaim them, will be another means in which we can reduce the impacts of colonialism and return to a healthy society; it will be our geographical map to health.

9 Chapter 2. Literature Review

Initial study, although not an official linguistic work, and research of Secwepemcésk̓ e was conducted by the Nineteenth Century ethnographer James Teit. His research on the Thompson Indians (Nlaka’pamux) of British Columbia (1900) and followed by The Shuswap (Secwépemc) (1909) proves to be an invaluable resource to the Secwépemc and Nlaka’pamux or Nlleképemc, as we call our neighbours, of today. His research covered many different aspects of these peoples ranging from: games and pastimes, to social organization, religion, medicine, to an extensive collection of myths. His research continues to provide valuable knowledge and insights into the Secwépemc and Nlaka’pamux of 1900’s and is relied upon for today’s researchers. Teit dedicated much time and effort in accurately recording the data needed for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition publications. It can be argued that Teit’s work in the field was integral to the success of the publication.

Teit’s field notes from 1898 housed a great deal of information on names and naming. In his notes he wrote about the importance of names and different classes of names. He referred to names which he described in the following,

First, those names which are hereditary or have been handed down in families for several generations. Second, those which have originated during the lifetime of the person bearing them, and recording some circumstance in connection with his birth, or some important event in his life, of descriptive of some peculiarity of his person. Third dream names, which are taken by a person because of some dream he has had. The first class are by far the most numerous, although it is evident that many of them have originated in the same way. As examples of the second class of names may be given. (1) Ncikcinkekin (Struck on head) so named because when a boy he was struck several times on the head with a tomahawk by a Shuswap warrior who formed one of a war party who attacked some of the Slaxaiux. (2) Nkaiups (Shot posterior) so named because he was shot in the posterior with an arrow by another man. (3) Wopus (Harry face) so named because endowed with quite a lot of whiskers which grew particularly thick along his cheeks, some of the hairs even growing out over his cheekbones. He did not pluck his whiskers, as was the custom. (4) Sakwae (Squash) which name was taken by a man of the Nkamtcinemux who at the time was known by the name of Hatemelst. When going through another man’s garden one day, he saw a very large squash growing, which he stopped and admired. He said to himself ‘I will name myself after this

10 plant’ so he called the people near bye to a feast and announced to them his new name by which he was henceforth called.” (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 1)

As noted by Teit the names found in the first class are similar to the traditional Secwépemc personal names and these names were passed down in families through several generations. The second class as demonstrated by his examples highlight the Secwépemc names that do not fall within the typical traditional structure and are based in life events or other circumstances that would be marked by a name, such as nicknames. The third class would fall within the category of étsxem names, dream names. As further evidenced in Teit’s examples of dream names

(1) Tsitsiatko (Similar Lakes or Waters) which name was taken by a woman who dreamed of seeing two lakes close together of exactly similar appearance. She considered this a good omen, and changed her name accordingly. (2) Skait (Reached the Top) a boy dreamed of a strange man who approaching him addressed him by this name. In consequence of dream the boy’s parents named him Skait. (3) Oipenwelin (Able to make a blaze) a woman took this name because of a dream she had. These dream names became the property of the people adopting them, and were handed down to their children, thus becoming hereditary names. (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 2)

Teit’s dedication to not only gathering the data, but also to the people from which he gathered the data provided the Secwépemc, Nlaka’pamux and other tribes in British Columbia with a much-needed friend and ally. His work endeared him to the people, through his hard work and dedication for those he worked with; he gained the trust of the people. The legacy he left for the Secwépemc will forever be fondly remembered by the Secwépemc.

The book “Yerí7 re Stsq̓ ey̓ s-kucw, Secwépemc People, Land, and Laws” by Marianne and Ron Ignace provides further insight into the Secwépemc. Their research into the Secwépemc covers a vast range of topics and span time back to antiquity. Initial habitation of the territory of the Secwépemc is discussed through a Secwépemc stsptekwll (legend/story/narrative) in which The Old One sends Sk’elép to set the world

11 right for the coming of the Secwépemc; a world that was becoming larger, emerging more and more from the waters. There are interesting similarities between the stsptekwll (oral traditions and histories) and the climactic changes that were occurring in Secwepemcúl̓ecw, similarities that go beyond mere coincidence and point to the obvious, that the stsptekwll, which are thousands of years old, are based in truth. Additionally, oral histories which have long been thought of as “less-than” written histories, must be afforded the same legitimacy as their written counterparts. (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, pp. 31-72) A topic relevant to this research is the chapter that discusses Secwépemc names. Names for males and females could be recognized by the lexical suffix endings, “-esq̓ t (day), -éscen (mineral rock), and -qín/-qen (head), whereas female names typically end in -étkwe (water), and -in̓ ek (bow, derived from the bow shape of a pregnant belly). Other suffixes like -íts̓ e7 (skin or blanket), -el̓qs (robe), and -em̓ t/im̓ t (skin or dress) can involve either male or female names” (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 354).

Names and Naming; People, Places, Perceptions and Power written by various contributors, edited by Guy Puzey and Laura Kostanski provided excellent background information and a general source of ideas. The book covered many aspects in names and naming, in “Part 2: Attitudes and Attachment” Katarzyna Aleksiejuk discusses a contemporary subject; internet personal naming practices and trends in which she demonstrates how personal naming works online and the similarities between online and offline personal naming. “In every culture, naming is an institutional or conventionalised practice. There are always more or less explicit regulations related to both the act of naming … the structure of the personal name …and in many societies names are required for official registration” (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1). She also discusses how usernames “demonstrate strategies of identity construction through usernames” (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 4). Chapter 3 titled - Introduced Personal names for Australian Aborigines; Adaptions to an Exotic Anthroponymy reminds us that colonial practices and effects were not just limited to the Americas, “In the earliest days of the colonisation of Australia – from 1788 onwards in Sydney – Aboriginal people were often known solely by their Aboriginal names. Fairly soon after colonisation, however, Aboriginal people of the Sydney area acquired introduced personal names, which were adopted to

12 accommodate the anthroponomic conventions of setters. Thus began a pattern whereby a person typically had a range of Aboriginal names as well as introduced names” (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1). Also that the process of revitalization is well underway in other parts of the world, and faces the same problems of lost knowledge as well, “More recently there has been a reversion to Aboriginal names and, in some instances, a complete rejection of all introduced names. Although some Aboriginal people have essentially discarded introduced names, the current situation does not replicate the naming practices that we presume were in place for centuries prior to 1788” (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1).

13 Chapter 3. Methodology

The information gathered for my research involved: focus group sessions, individual interviews, and research of archival records. The focus group sessions were conducted with a committed group of master speakers from the neighbouring community of Skítsestn (Skeetchestn Indian Band). The community is located about 60 kilometers west of Tk̓ emlúps. Although with a population lower than that of Tk̓ emlúps, through the efforts and determination of past Elders of that community, and in part, the isolation of the community, they were better able to hold onto Secwepemctsín and thus have a higher number of fluent speakers.

It is important to note that the term fluent speakers would be limited to those speakers who are Secwepemctsín - first language speakers, who are extraordinarily fluent and knowledgeable, who also have the ability to converse in the language as long as the occasion warrants. They also are willing to share their language and knowledge with others. Fluent speakers are the resource people for anyone interested in Secwepemctsín: from language learners to language champions even to other speakers who would themselves be recognized as proficient speakers.

Secwepemctsín is divided into two major dialects. The Eastern dialect spoken by five bands is spoken by the bands surrounding the town of Chase, extending east to the Rocky Mountains. The Western dialect, which is the focus of this research, is spoken by twelve bands, further divided into smaller sub-dialects one of which is the dialect spoken by both Tk̓ emlúps and Skítsestn – a dialect that is in critical danger with one remaining fluent speaker in Tk̓ emlúps and five fluent speakers in Skítsestn. 1

1 It should be noted that the one remaining speaker in Tk̓ emlúps, one who is married into the Simpcw community, and another who is married into the St̓ uxtéws community were originally from Skítsestn.

14 The involvement of the Skítsestn fluent speakers was crucial to the success of my research. With the residual effects of the residential school still reverberating throughout our communities, the ability to find a fluent speaker of Secwepemctsín is difficult. To compound the issue, it is difficult to find a speaker who is not only willing to speak the language, but to share it as well. Through the routine practise of shaming our people in residential schools, many of our people are unable to find the honour, importance and beauty in our language and culture and regain the dignity in ourselves. So, to find a group of able, willing and committed Elders is a treasure beyond calculation.

I was truly honored to conduct the bulk of my research with the Skítsestn Elders focus group, a group consisting of seven steadfast Elders. As a group we met on six occasions. The sessions were full day sessions scheduled from 9:00 in the morning to 3:00 in the afternoon with a break for lunch. These Elders embody the fundamental spirit of what an elder is to the Secwépemc and the importance they play in our society. Resolute, giving, kind and patient they provided me with guidance, fortitude and welcomed me into their illustrious company without hesitation or expectation. The Elders ranged in age from the youngest at age 77 to the oldest being 87 years of age a lady in superb health and full of energy. True to the vitality, surviving spirit and sense of humour which are the prevailing characteristics of the Secwépemc, our group enjoyed the hours filled with laughter, stories and sharing – times I will cherish forever.

Our group met in the Skítsestn Natural Resources Building located on the aptly named, Lemonade Flats (a hot dry arid field, one in which a lemonade is most welcome! This is my own personal take on the name of the area). One session was dedicated as an unstructured session; a dynamic amusing session of brainstorming of any and all types of names the Elders could recollect (see figure 2 below). Some names were traditional of ancestors of the distant past, some were of names of their parents’ generation and their grandparents’ generation. Others were names from their childhood, names of childhood friends and relatives. All manner of names had a story associated with it and the session provided a wealth of knowledge.

Figure 2. Brainstorming Session

Throughout the other sessions we worked through the archival records from: Baptisms 1867-1882 and Marriages 1873-1874 of the Catholic Church, Kamloops Diocese. In these archival records early missionaries documented the baptisms of the Secwépemc. In 1909, Teit commented, “at present day most Indians, beside their own tribal names, have baptismal or other names given to them by the whites. A large percentage of these are French” (Teit, 1909, p. 571). The priests followed a flexible outline in which they wrote the given Christian name on the day of the baptism, typically followed by the traditional Secwépemc name and in some cases the names of the parents of the newly baptised.

As drawn from Ignace and Ignace,

in keeping with the adaptive nature of the Secwépemc, new Christian names were changed into a “Secwépemc” way of pronunciation and thusly claimed by the Secwépemc. Since the Oblates were French, the new Christian names were French, some examples include: Victoire became Mektwál, Fidèle became Pitél, Edouard or Edward became Etwá, Marie or Amélie became Melí, and Eugenie became Wesní. Like the hereditary Secwépemc names describe above, these baptismal names were consequently, and into the present, passed down in alternating generations to keep the memory of the previous name bearer alive (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 354).

Wading through the archival documents proved to be a difficult task for four reasons:

16 1) the physical quality of the documents is inconsistent and difficult to read (the only remaining available copies are photocopies of photocopies filled with an abundance of ‘back-ground noise’) as demonstrated in figure 3 shown below.

Figure 3. Baptisms (1867-1882) and marriages (1873-1874) from the Kamloops Catholic Diocese

• 2) During this era, Secwepemctsín was an oral language, there was no accepted orthography of Secwepemctsín resulting in the priests’ ad hoc philosophy when confronted with writing sounds they were not familiar with. For example, one Secwépemc suffix used in the names of males “-ésq̓ t” was written as “-kred”, with the writing becoming increasingly smaller and difficult to distinguish into basically a scribble; equivalent to someone verbally answering a question and when not fully knowing the answer, lowers their speech and reduces their words to mumbling. A much easier suffix to identify was the female suffix “-étkwe” written as “-atkwa” in some cases, or “-atkoa” in others.

• 3) Most of the priests were by no means fluent speakers and as such, vital components/sounds of the names were beyond the scope of the priests hearing and therefore, missed or altered. An example is found in the name “Ritatkwa” with the missing sound “c” added to the beginning of the name and “t” sounds replaced with “l” to get the name “Crelrelátkwe”.

17 • 4) Combined with all of the above, and the loss of understanding of a ‘specialized higher form of Secwepemctsín’ as described by Elders from late in the eighteenth century who in their own right did not fully understand the higher form of the language and could only comment on what their Elders had shared with them, contemporary Elders found it difficult to comment on the possible nuances of some of the names and/or their meanings. As Teit comments, an added obstacle is found in pronunciation, “Most of the names are pronounced differently from the ordinary word that has the same meaning as the name. They are either contracted or amplified” (Teit, 1900, p. 292).

18 Chapter 4. Data Analysis

The data and data analysis of this project focuses on what I determined to be four different naming categories of traditional naming. Three of them are within what our Elders/fluent speakers would refer to as Secwepemcésk̓ e. The first category is traditional names which could also be considered formal names based on structures and rules governing these as established centuries ago, perhaps even more than a thousand years ago. These names were and are considered hereditary and were usually passed down from the grandparent to the grandchild generation, although sometimes, especially in cases of chiefly succession, from father to son. The second category includes étsxem names or spirit guardian questing names based on the process of earning a name through the vision/guardian quest, usually conducted in one’s youth. The third category includes nicknames, also called Secwepemcíl̓t, which were given by family or friends based on a wide variety of circumstances; they describe in Secwepemctsín the personal characteristics, behaviour or appearance of a person. In a small number of cases I found, these nicknames involved puns or word-play in Secwepemctsin. The final and forth category consists of Christian baptismal given names that were modified from the original French given names into a Secwépemc way of pronouncing them.

Traditional Secwépemc names are formal hereditary ancestral names that were handed down through countless generations. The origins of these names date back thousands of years as evidenced by James Teit’s observation; “…it appears clear, from the large number of names (from about 35 to 65 per cent in various bands) common to the Upper Thompson Indian and the Shuswap, that these people are of common descent. Either they were one people originally, or they have intermarried often. Even in bands that, so far as tradition goes, have never lived close together nor had any direct intercourse, - like the Lytton band of the Thompson tribe, and the Shuswap bands of High Bar and Big Bar, - nearly half the names are identical” (Teit, 1909, p. 570).

At the time of Teit’s research (1890s-early 1900s) very little was known of the time depth of Interior Salish language relationships, let alone of archaeological time

19 periods and historical time depth of Secwepemc and Nlaka’pamux interrelationships. Teit himself noticed references to the “Coyote People” as the common ancestors of the Secwepemc and Upper Nlaka’pamux, who lived in the country of the Thompson River east and north of Lytton, and the Nicola, Similkameen, Okanagon and southern Shuswap regions (1898:20). They were described as living at a long-ago time of “great winds, fires and floods” (Teit 1909 p.559; see Ignace and Ignace 2017 p.41). We know from historical linguistics research (Elmendorf 1965; Ignace and Ignace 2017 pp. 40-41) as it triangulates with archaeological data and oral histories, that upon the introduction of Salish from the coast to our homeland some 5,000 years ago, the languages “dispersed” as people moved into what became their/our homelands, beginning 4,500 to 3,500 years ago with Okanagan and St’at’imcets. Nlaka’pamuxcin and Secwepemctsin were the last languages to split about 2,000 years ago (Ignace and Ignace 2017 p. 40).

The close similarity in the linguistic structure of names, and of naming practices that Teit noticed thus plausibly speaks to their origin more than 2,000 years ago! Teit thus demonstrates the kinship of the two peoples, back to a time when the Secwepemc and our neighbors, the Nlaka’pamux were a single people. The commonality of names, the matching rules and structures of naming between the two people are more than coincidence and points to common ancestry which we can now, at least roughly place in time and space.

As Teit noted, with minor variations that account for sound shifts in Nlaka’pamuxcin, the lexical suffixes used in personal names of both people also correspond. The lexical suffixes used in Secwépemc names of category one are as follows (the lexical suffixes are given in their stressed forms first, followed by the unstressed form - which is attached to lexical roots with strong stress. (Kuipers 1974: p 23) Forms that include resonants (l, m, n) or semi-vowels in the lexical root often move the glottalized resonant left to the root as is common with other roots) (Kuipers 1974):

1) for men specifically

a. - ésq̓t, -sq̓t day, sky

20 b. -élst, -álst, -lst , -cen rock, mountain. Also refers to leadership as “solid”

c. -qín, qen head/top. In names: leader (C. Simon pers. com)

2) for women specifically

a. -étkwe, -kwe water

b. -ín̓ek, -n̓ek bow/curved surface (shape of a pregnant belly)

3) Lexical suffixes shared by both male and female names:

a. -ítse̓ 7, -tse̓ 7 skin or blanket

b. elqs,� -lqs� robe or clothing

c. -elcken,� -lcken� body, small body, having a quality (Kuipers 1983:118)

d. –(s)tím̓ t, -(s)tem̓ t dressing, clothing, outer shell

The above suffixes are also referenced in Teit’s field notes which reinforce my findings and as well he provides further insights into the suffixes, their meanings, to the person, and exemplifies the connection to the land.

A large number of men’s names have the termination “qin” or “qain,” meaning the “most prominent,” the “highest” part or head of a person, a mountain, or almost any thing. It is probably the compound form of “qom qin,” (“head” of a person). It enters into the names of mountains, as “Spe limoa in,” (“flathead”), having reference to a flat prairie land on top or head of that mountain; and again it occurs “kimna in,” (“the top most part of a tree”) or “skimpa in” (“the headwaters” or “sources of a river”). (Teit, 1898- 1910, p. 3)

Teit continues to expand on the suffixes with the following.

A number of names, of women as well as of men, end in “itse,” the compound form of the words meaning “skin,” “blanket,” “robe,” and sometimes “shirt.”….Some hereditary names of the Upper Nlak a pamux are identical are identical with Shuswap names; and in a few cases at least the families in both tribes bearing these names are related, their names being traced to a common Shuswap ancestor of several generations back. Many of the Shuswap and Okanagon names, which are similar in origin and construction to Upper Nlak a pamux names, terminate in “e llst,” “kin,” and “e skit.” After due consideration, I concluded that “e lst,” “e llst,” or “a llst,” the termination of a large class of Upper Nlak a pamux names, is

21 probably the same as, but older than, the compound form of “stone,” viz., “aist.” The Shuswap for “aist” is “e lst;” and in some of their words the Nlak a pamux still retain the “l,” as several word-termination have “alk” instead of “aik,” etc.” (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 4)

22 Table 1. ésq̓ t suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Tmesésq̓t tməsɛsqʼt t-məs-ɛsqʼt four days Four is a sacred number within on top-four-day Secwépemc beliefs Sisyésq̓t sisyəsɛsqʼt sisyəsɛsqʼt play-day Hyacinth Jules. Former REDplay-day Chief of Skítsestn Tsecwmésq̓t t͡ʃəxwmɛsqʼt t͡ʃəxw-m-ɛsqʼt greet, wish He greets the day happy-INT-day well+day Tkw̓ellpésq̓t tkw’əɬpɛsqʼt tkw’əɬp-ɛsqʼt underneath + day Up Under the Sky under-day Ts̓elcésq̓t t͡səlxɛsqʼt t͡s-əlx-ɛsqʼt stand-up + day Standing by Day Basil Paul stand-body-day

Table 2. éscen/élst suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Q̓esnéscen q’əsnɛxən q’əs-nɛxən Old Rock old-mineral rock Qwímtscen qwimt͡ʃxən qwimt͡ʃxən 1)Nels Mitchell Qw(i)-refraction of 2)Tk̓emlúps chief buried in water+m=action Skítsestn Sqweqw̓iymélst sqwəqw’imɛlst sqwəqw’im-ɛlst Black Rock REDblack-rock Qyexpélst qyəχpɛlst qyəχ-p-ɛlst Crazy stone crazy-STAT-stone Welemélst wələmɛlst wələm-ɛlst Iron stone iron-stone

23 Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography T̓lel̓télst t’ləl’tɛlst t’ləl’-t-ɛlst “frozen” into stone T̓ult refers to medicine people’s frozen-STAT-rock ability to turn energy into matter, to “freeze objects into place” with their power (R. Ignace, pers. comm)

Table 3. qín/qen suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Kekéwqen kəkɛwqən kəkɛw-qən Far away head One who reads the stars far-head Tcwelqúm̓qen txwəlqum’qɛn txwəl-qum’-qɛn Turn Head turn-skull-head Nq̓úmqen nq’umqən nq’um-qən Skull skull-head Tkwékweltqen tkwɛkwəltqən tkwɛkwəlt-qən Green on top REDgreen-on.top Pépwe7sqen pɛpwəʔsqən pɛp-wəʔ-sqən Hit on back of head Possibly refers to the ability to see Louis Deneault REDbeat.hit- visions top.back-head Qmutqín qmutqin qmut-qin Hat on head hat-head Wesqín wəsqin wəs-qin High head elevated-head

24 Table 4. étkwe suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Kw̓etmétkwe kw’ətmɛtkwə kw’ətm-ɛtkwə Walk Water Walks in Water walk-water Qwiyqenétkwe qwiqənɛtkwə qwi-qən-ɛtkwə Blue on top Water Blue Headwater blue-on.top-water Crelrelátkwe xɹəlɹəlatkwə x-ɹəlɹəl-atkwə inside Strong Water REDstrong-water Cmegmétkwe xməʕmɛtkwə x-məʕm-ɛtkwə Warm Water inside- REDwarm- water Nekw̓étkwe nəkw’ɛtkwə nəkw’-ɛtkwə One Water one-water Wecemétkwe wəxəmɛtkwə wəxə-m-ɛtkwə Living water to.live-STAT-water

Table 5. ín̓ ek suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Tskwín̓ek t͡ʃkwin’ək t͡ʃ-kw-in’ək Bow STAT-get.hold.of- bow

Nekw̓ín̓ek nəkw’in’ək nəkw’-in’ək One Bow one-bow Xyemín̓ek χyəmin’ək χyəm-in’ək Big Bow big-bow

25 Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Ts̓elcín̓ek t͡səlxin’ək t͡s-əlx-in’ək Standing Bow stand-body-bow Tseqwín̓ek t͡ʃəqwin’ək t͡ʃəqw-in’ək Red Bow red-bow Wecemín̓ek wəxəmin’ək wəxə-m-in’ək Living Bow to.live-STAT-bow Weyín̓ek wəyin’ək wəy-in’ək Comes into sight come.visible-bow bow

Table 6. íts̓ e7 suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography K�wellpetmíts̓e7 kwəɬpətmit͡səʔ kwəɬ-pət-m-it͡səʔ Under shirt under- take.after.resemble- INT-blanket

Ts̓elpíts̓e7 t͡səlpit͡səʔ t͡səl-p-it͡səʔ Standing Blanket Stand-STAT-blanket Sq̓iyemíts̓e7 Sq’iyəmit͡səʔ s-q’iyəmn-it͡səʔ Blue Blanket NOM-blue-blanket Wícts̓e7 wixt͡səʔ wix-t͡səʔ Comes to Life life-blanket Blanket Xyemtíts̓e7 χyəmtit͡səʔ χyəmt-it͡səʔ Big Blanket big-blanket Segwállts̓e7 sʕwaɬt͡səʔ s-ʕwaɬ-t͡səʔ Shiny Blanket NOM-shiny-blanket

26 Table 7. el̓ qs suffix Name – Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Secwépemc Phonetic Alphabet Orthography Semecél̓qs səməxɛl’qs səməx-ɛl’qs Guardian Spirit Clothing guardian.spirit-clothing Xyemél̓qs χyəmɛl’qs χyəm-ɛl’qs Big Robe big-robe Pen̓tpél̓qs pən’tpɛl’qs pən’tp-ɛl’qs Found Robe find-robe Sqwiyqwiymél̓qs sqwiqwimɛl’qs S-qwiqwi-m-ɛl’qs Blue Robe NOM-REDblue-STAT- robe Semtél̓qs səmtɛl’qs səm-t-ɛl’qs Living Robe to.live-STAT-robe

Table 8. el̓ cken, l̓ cken suffix Name – Secwépemc Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name- Orthography Phonetic Alphabet bearers Tsecwél̓cken t͡ʃəxwɛl’xkən t͡ʃəxw-ɛl’xkən Greeting Quality to.greet-quality Kw̓etmém̓el̓cken kw’ətmɛm’əl’xkən kw’ətmɛm’-əl’xkən Walking body walk-REDbody Ests̓elmét̓l̓cken əst͡səlmɛt’l’xkən əs-t͡səl-mɛt’-l’xkən Standing mixed body sudden-stand-mix- body Xyemél̓cken χyəm ɛl’xkən χyəm-ɛl’xkən Big Body big-body Qlléllel̓cken qɬɛɬəl’xken qɬɛɬ-əl’xken Healed body get.better-body

27 Table 9. (s)tím̓ t suffix Name – Secwépemc Name – International Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers Orthography Phonetic Alphabet Skllíken̓stem̓t skɬikən’stəm’t s-kɬikən’-stəm’t Back fat man Character in “Coyote NOM-back.fat.- and his host” outer.shell Styú7qenstem̓t styuʔqənstəm’t styuʔ-qən-stəm’t Fish oil man Character in “Coyote fish.oil.-head-outer.shell and his host” Sqlew̓stím̓t sqləw’stim’t sqləw’-stim’t Beaver man Character in “Coyote beaver-outer.shell and his host” Ts̓lostím̓t t͡slostim’t t͡slos-tim’t Kingfisher man king.fisher-outer.shell

28 As the tables show, the patterns for names and naming in Secwépemc follow a predictable pattern. It cannot be stressed enough the difficulty inherent in bridging the gap between the literal translation of the names and the metaphorical meanings of the names. One example of this difficulty can be found in the name Tsecwmésq̓ t (͡tʃəxwmɛsqʼt); while literally meaning ‘Happy Day’, the added cultural context reworks the meaning of the name to ‘He greets the Day’. Within this meaning are undertones of a spiritual nature as explained by Skítsestn elder Christine Simon. The bearer of this name would have been a man who approached each day with the traditional fervor of ancestors long since gone, offering a prayer and tobacco to greet the day and maintaining the same approach to all matters he would encounter – no matter how unimportant the event may be. A man who would take nothing for granted, a truly thankful individual; the basis for the Secwépemc view and approach to the world. Another excellent example is the name, Kekéwqen (kəkɛwqən). While the literal translation is ‘Far away head’ upon further explanation by Christine Simon the meaning is explained as a man who could read the stars; his head could look far away and foretell the upcoming year/season based on the revelation of distant objects, the stars. Below is a snapshot of the process Elder Christine Simon’s explanation added cultural context (see figure 4).

Figure 4. Elder Christine Simon’s explaination of the name Kekéwqen

29 An additional characteristic of naming in Secwepemcésk̓ e is the shifting of stress. In some words that are distinctly treated as proper names, as opposed to using them in the conventional everyday use, as in the name of an animal or whatever concept the name maybe based upon, stress will shift left toward the first syllable. (MBI pers. comm) As in the name Stsmél̓qen (Ron Ignace), the personal name meaning “Arrowhead”. The conventional word for arrowhead is stsmel̓qín. The stress moves from the lexical suffix “qín” to the root “stsmél”. Another example can be found in the personal name Sexwéyl̓ecken meaning “Buck/Male Deer”. The stress is moved from its initial placement near the end of the word sxwelécken to the beginning/middle of the personal name. This process performs the function of distinguishing a proper, personal name from that of the conventionally used word.

As is the case in life, there are those who do not follow the rules. Through this research I have found some interesting exceptions to the rule. These traditional names, which are traditional beyond question, use lexical suffixes different from the list of standard lexical suffixes. An excellent example can be found in the name, Sentéws. The glossing of this traditional name is as follows: “Sen” is a superlative prefix meaning “best/outstanding/exceptional”. The “t” indicates a completed action. The suffix “éws” meaning “road/trail”. Merged together into the name as mentioned earlier, Sentéws, the literal meaning being “Best Road” but in consultation with Elder Christine Simon, the name’s true meaning is that of “Trail-blazer”, a person with leadership qualities, the name of a leader. (see figure 5 below) Another personal name from this list is Sk̓ elepwílc. The root of this name being sk̓ elép meaning “coyote” with the lexical suffix “wílc” meaning “become”. Creating the brilliant name, “Becoming Coyote”. A name of significance as names associated with coyote are names of high regard.

Figure 5. Elder Christine Simon’s explanation of the name Sentéws

30 Another interesting element found within Secwepemcésk̓ e is the changing of names that can occur in an individual’s life, particularly among chiefs. An example of this is found in the names of Hyacinth Jules, his baptismal name. He was known by his traditional name Sisyésq̓ t. Through burning grasslands to deter settlers from grazing their cattle in his homeland and in general to oppose the settlement of his homelands, he earned the honorific name “Sqw̓ exúlecw” (Smoke coming out of the ground) (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 4). This aspect of Secwepemcésk̓ e shows that naming in the Secwepemc culture performs more than the simple function of naming someone. The names can show accomplishments, growth, and can be a roadmap for the individual’s journey through life; marking important stages along the way.

Names with their basis in names for animals and may, or may not, be based on étsxem; additionally, they do not follow the grammatical structure of traditional, more formal names. These names may reflect the nature of the person who owns the name. Names such as: cméye (House Fly), a person who was so named for her tendency in persistently being an over active child. Or as in the case of one of the ancestors of a member in the Skítsestn elder’s group was named ‘Scencéllcw’ (Packrat) a man named for his fondness for collecting many things, both necessary and unnecessary.

Names based on animals may have also been chosen so that the bearer could emulate the desired qualities of the animal. These names were of increased consequence, in that they were the spirit guides obtained during an étsxem. These names came with an individual’s power song, and the ability to call upon the animal for guidance and strength. These names also provided direction as to how the bearer was to be a successful person, if adhered to, good things were sure to follow as Teit explains

Some warriors painted their bodies the color that their guardian’s body was believed to be, and most men painted their faces and bodies as directed by their guardians in dreams….some men were told by their guardians in dreams to eat only certain part of some animals, or to eat certain parts of an animal first, or to eat certain parts raw, or cooked in a particular manner, and by doing this they would always have luck in hunting (Teit, 1909, p. 609).

31 Found within this category are interesting names belonging to warriors. Examples of these names are found in stories of warriors in Teit’s book; the names reflect a segment of Secwepemc society that is regarded as a warrior society. A society in which some of the names do not always reflect traditional names. Names such as, Qéqxe (Little Dog); Taléxen (Stretched Out Wings); Cagrékst (Cut Off Hand); Qéxe (Dog). Other étsxem names are based upon the dreams of the person performing the étsxem. These names have a greater degree of difficulty in understanding their meaning; unless someone can personally recall the meaning of the name, its meaning may be lost for all time.

Table 10. Warrior names Name Meaning Additional Source Orthography information Tahu’tllkutxen Unknown Warrior (Teit, 1909, p. James Teit 543) personal Selpa’xen Unknown Famous Tk̓emlúps (Teit, 1909, p. James Teit Warrior 550) personal Niɬti Unknown Noted War Chief (Teit, 1909, p. James Teit High Bar 551) personal Sowâ'xecken Unknown Warrior Fraser (Teit, 1909, p. James Teit River 558) personal Ana'na Unknown Warrior (Teit, 1909, p. James Teit 559) personal

Nicknames are another category of naming. The process of these types of names vary and can be quite creative; having their origin in any manner of a person’s life. They can be a play on words in names with their origins in a mixture of Secwepemctsín and English like the name Sésem̓ cen. The name is derived from the English name Sam. Following the process of “Secwépemc-izing” a given Christian name, Sam is changed into Sem which is also happens to be the root for the term for “white person”. The process of diminutive reduplication2 is applied resulting in Sésem̓ to which the lexical suffix for feet “-cen” is then added which is used in nicknames or children’s names as an additional diminutive. Leaving a creative, humorous name meaning “Little White man Sam Feet”. This name exemplifies the humour, adaptability and creativity

2 This is a process of reduplicating (repeating) the sound immediately in front of the stressed vowel directly after it. This process is used to indicate a smaller version of the object. i.e.: “pésellkwe” (lake) repeat the “p” before the stressed “e” after it, resulting in, “pépsellkwe” (small lake).

32 found within the Secwépemc and applied to a name. Another name to exemplify this sense of humour is Sxéymtqen (sχɛymtqən) a very honourable name meaning “Big Head”, referring to leadership ability. Due to the similar sound, another name is derived Sxwéxweym̓ tqen; a name meaning in essence a “Ladies’ man”.

The final naming category is that of the process whereby given Christian names are modified to reflect the Secwepemctsín method of pronouncing the name. The overall process consists of Secwepemc speakers replacing French phonemes that do not exist in Secwepemctsin with sounds available in Secwepemctsín, as is the case in any languages in which sound systems do not correspond.3

Examples of the constructs can be found in the following:

1. In the name David;

a. The voiced alveolar stop (d), and the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ), do not

occur in Secwepemctsín.4

b. The voiced sounds are thus replaced with their corresponding Secwépemc

counterparts: the voiceless alveolar stop (t), and the voiced bi-labial stop (p)

(which is the nearest voiced bi-labial).

c. The result being daⱱid is pronounced as tapit written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Tapít.

2. In the name Fidèle;

a. The voiceless labio-dental fricative (f), and the voiced alveolar stop (d), do

not occur in Secwepemctsín.

3 Initially Secwépemc Christian names were given by French Oblates on the day of baptism of a Secwépemc person, thus the Christian names were of French origin and the modifications reflect French names. 4 Although it should be noted that some Secwepemctsín speakers may pronounce them with near- voicing.

33 b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial stop (p), and the voiceless alveolar stop

(t).

c. Resulting in fiːdɛl pronounced as piːtɛl written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Pítel.

3. In the name Philippe;

a. The voiceless labio-dental fricative (f) does not occur in Secwepemctsín.

b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial stop (p).

c. The result being filiːp is pronounced as pɐliːp written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Pelíp.

4. In the name Julienne;

a. The voiced post-alveolar fricative (ʒ).

b. Replaced with the voiceless post-alveolar fricative (ʃ) or the voiceless

alveolar fricative (s).

c. The result being ʒuːlyɛn is pronounced as ʃuːlyən or suːlyɛn written in the

Secwépemc orthography as Súlyen.

5. The name Victoire has two variations;5

a. In one variation the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ) and the voiced uvular

fricative/approximant (ʁ).

5 The sound r, pronounced in French as either a voiced uvular fricative/approximant (ʁ), a voiceless uvular fricative (X) or an uvular trill (R), is generally pronounced nowadays as (ɹ). The change from French voiceless uvular fricative (ʁ) to a postalveolar approximant (ɹ) may be a transfer from English but could also be a transfer of the Okanagan Language (Nsyilxcen). The postalveolar approximant (ɹ) exists in Secwepemctsín, an example being kerníyem (embroider) and perniyem (visit), although more often, Nsyilxcen (ɹ) is realized as (l) (the older form in Secwepemctsin: e.g. melánllp vs. merinlp (barred l).

34 b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial nasal (m)6 and with the open back

unrounded vowel (ɑ).

c. The result being viktaʁ is pronounced mɜktwɑː written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Maktwá.

d. The second variation has the voiced uvular fricative/approximant (ʁ).

e. Replaced with a combination of the open back unrounded vowel (ɑ) and the

voiced alveolar lateral approximant (l).

f. Thus, another pronunciation for viktaʁ being mɜktwɑːl written in the

Secwépemc orthography as Mektwál.

Table 11. Adapted Christian names Baptismal Name Secwépemc Orthography IPA Orthography Elizabeth Líspet lispət Thomas Tommá toma Daniel Tonyél tonyɛl Simon Símu simu Jean-Baptiste Sa-Petíst sa pətist Celstin Selestá sələsta Patrice Patsís pat͡ʃis Sylvie Sylpí səlpi Eugenie Wesení wəsəni Edouard Etwál ətwal

As with the traditional names, the process of handing down names through generations to keep the memory alive of ancestors was continued and extended to the modern era of Secwepemcésk̓ e. Thus, Christian given names were treated similarly to that of traditional names, as evidenced by the names “Daniel” and “John” in the Calhoun Family Tree (see figure 6 below).

6 Early Secwépemc speakers may not have heard the voicing of the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ), in David and thus replaced it with the voiced bi-labial stop (p). In contrast they may have heard the voicing quality of the initial voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ) in Victoire and replaced it with the voiced bi-labial nasal (m).

35 Daniel/Tl-hum Ester "Hotspa" Peter Bushy Julie b. 1816 Gétspqen K'wetmétkwe

Daniel/Tl-hum Philomene b. 1841 Kw'etmétkwe

Celena John T'cum Agnes Ests'elmét'lcken Calhoun

Willie John Sam Calhoun Metlén Catherine

Leona Calhoun Daniel (Harold) Calhoun

John Calhoun Darren Daniel

Figure 6. The Calhoun Family Tree

36 Chapter 5. Conclusion

This research has reaffirmed my belief in the importance of Secwepemcésk̓ e; as every element found within Secwepemc beliefs is expressed in personal names. Our names recognize our people for who they are, their individual characteristics are acknowledged, appreciated and accepted and reflected in their names. Our relationship to the land, how we viewed it, the importance it held for us, was reflected in personal names. The comprehensive understanding of animals, birds, fish and all things living in nature, as well as role/importance in nature. The characteristics a person exemplified and shared with an animal were considered when using the names of animal in Secwepemcésk̓ e. For example, while Squwéy was his étsxem name, he was also seen as a mischief bird and my grandfather was well-known to have a mischievous streak.

The resilience, resourcefulness and adaptability of the Secwepemc is revealed in taking names that are not our own and making them our own. This was accomplished through our process of changing the names to better suit Secwépemc pronunciation of the names and then applying to these new Secwépemc names the accepted custom of handing these names down through generations. Imaginative nicknames were inspired by creatively using Secwepemctsín, English or French either in combination or in isolation. The importance of names for the Secwépemc continues to manifest itself through the use of nicknames. This research has provided an unexpected beneficial outcome for me personally with the opportunity to work with Elders who gave unselfishly and offered unconditional encouragement. People who have wholeheartedly earned the title of Elder. I am left believing in the hope for our future as Secwepemc.

37 References

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